Proceedings which followed Culloden, their cause and
consequences--Influence of clan-feeling--Lord Lovat and
the Frasers--Parliamentary measures--Disarming Act--Act
against the Highland dress--Abolition of Hereditary
Jurisdictions--The Scottish Episcopalians--Effect of these
measures--The Old Jacobites--The Jacobite Songs--Whig
Songs--Sir Walter Scott--Jacobitism at the present day--Queen
Victoria--Innovations, and their probable consequences.
The harsh military proceedings which followed the battle of Culloden,
of which we have already endeavoured to give the reader an idea,
seem to have completely crushed the spirit out of the poor, and, in
many cases, innocent Highlanders. The Duke of Cumberland and his
subordinates exercised, as we have seen, no discrimination in the
selection of their victims, laying their bloody clutches on chiefs
and people, him who had been “out” and him who had not; it was
sufficient to bring slaughter, slavery, or ruin on a man and his
family, if he bore upon or about him any mark of Highland origin or
connection,--wore a kilt, or could not justify himself in English.
The end which it was intended to accomplish by these cruel and
saddening measures, was no doubt in the main highly desirable; it
was well to let it be distinctly known once for all, that the divine
hereditary right of ruling could be conferred only by the people, and
that these would bestow the post of king on him who could fill it
best, and who would by no caprices of his own obstruct the progress
of the nation. It was assuredly right and absolutely necessary that
the Highlanders should be made clearly to understand that they
lived in the middle of the 18th century, and were only a very small
part of a great nation which was leading the march of the world’s
progress, and that, instead of doing their best to pull their country
back a century, they should lend the aid of the many valuable and
noble qualities with which they were endowed, but which were running
comparatively waste, to enable Britain to keep her proud position in
the van of the nations, and help the world on in its glorious course
of progress, to try to stop which would certainly lead to their own
destruction. It was, we say, high time that such a splendid race of
men should be roused out of self-satisfied slumber and brought to
their senses, but surely there was some gentler method of effecting
this than by thrusting a sword into their hearts or blowing out
their bewildered brains; their tendency to rebellion was no disease
which required to be “stamped out,” but merely the result of much
unoccupied energy, which only required proper direction in order to
become a blessing instead of a curse to their fellow-countrymen. No
one, possessing ordinary human feeling, can regard the proceedings
which followed Culloden, and which were continued for many months,
with any feelings but those of pity, sadness, and horror, combined
with loathing at those who were so inhuman as to carry out the bloody
work of wholesale butchery and ruin. We of the present day regard the
Highlanders of ’45 as a chivalrous, impulsive, simple-minded race,
who really wished to do no one any harm, and perhaps we are to a
certain extent right. But, as at the time of the massacre of Glencoe,
their southern fellow-countrymen looked upon them as a pestiferous
race of semi-barbarians, enemies to progress, “thieves and lawless
limmers,” who, like vermin, should be annihilated, or at least for
ever incapacitated from doing harm to any but themselves. This seems
especially to have been the case with the Duke of Cumberland, who was
utterly incapable of regarding the Highlanders in any other light
than as a set of barbarous villains, to whom no mercy ought to be
shown. Writing, April 4, 1746, to the Duke of Newcastle, he says,
“All in this country are almost to a man Jacobites, and mild measures
will not do. You will find that the whole laws of this ancient
kingdom must be new modelled. Were I to enumerate the villains and
villanies this country abounds in, I should never have done.” And
again, July 17, “I am sorry to leave this country in the condition it
is in; for all the good that we have done is a little blood-letting,
which has only weakened the madness, but not at all cured it; and _I
tremble for fear that this vile spot may still be the ruin of this
island and of our family_.” From a man of Cumberland’s character,
cherishing such feelings as the above towards an enemy in his power,
what other course of conduct was to be expected than that which he
followed, more especially when it is remembered that these feelings
must have been considerably aggravated by the defeats which the
royal army had already sustained. On this last account the royal
soldiers themselves must have cherished more than usually bitter
feelings towards their opponents; for what can be more chagrining to
regularly disciplined troops than to be routed by a wretchedly armed
rabble of half naked, untrained men, in which light the royal army
must have regarded the Highlanders. These special causes, added to
the insatiable thirst for blood which seems to take possession of a
victorious army, sufficiently account for the inhuman, heartless,
and uncalled for treatment of the Highlanders after the battle of
Culloden. Good as the end was, the means was utterly unjustifiable
and abhorrent.
The end, however, was accomplished. The spirit of the Highlanders was
totally broken; they were left completely prostrate, broken hearted,
and bleeding, with no power left of further disturbing the peace of
the kingdom, and with little inclination, at least among the great
majority of the clansmen, to lend their aid towards another rising.
Indeed, it is well known that, so far as the mass of the clansmen, as
distinguished from the chiefs and tacksmen, were concerned, they were
entirely the tools of their superiors, and were ready, according as
their chiefs ordered, either to espouse the cause of Prince Charles,
or to be loyal to the existing government. There is not a better
instance of the indifference of the common Highlanders as to whom
they fought for, than the conduct of the clan Fraser in the rebellion
of 1715. At the time this rebellion broke out, Lovat was in France,
the headship of the clan being assumed by Mackenzie of Fraserdale,
who favoured the cause of the Stuarts, and who had joined the Earl
of Mar at Perth with 400 of the Frasers, many other members of the
clan remaining neutral till the pleasure of Simon, their real chief,
should be known. Lovat returned from France, espoused the side of
King George, in which he was immediately followed by the neutral
Frasers, while those who were in the camp of Marr left it to a man,
and joined themselves to him whom they regarded as their rightful
chief. Such was the strength of the clannish principle, and such
the indifference of the majority of the Highlanders as to which
side they espoused, so long as they pleased their chief, to please
whom, they had been taught from their infancy, was the first and
great commandment, to offend him being little better than banishment
or death. To say the least, then, how utterly indiscriminating and
shameful was the cruel conduct of “Butcher” Cumberland and his
assistants.
The cruel and unconstitutional method of punishing the Highland
rebels, and crushing the sting out of them, adopted by Cumberland,
was at length put a stop to about the month of August, the Civil
Courts successfully asserting their supremacy over military licence
and coercion. Parliament set itself to devise and adopt such measures
as it thought would be calculated to assimilate the Highlands with
the rest of the kingdom, and deprive the Highlanders of the power to
combine successfully in future against the established government. To
effect these ends, Parliament, in 1746 and 1747, passed various Acts,
by which it was ordained that the Highlanders should be disarmed,
their peculiar dress laid aside, and the heritable jurisdictions and
wardholding abolished.
Marshal Wade, in 1725, seems really to have succeeded in confiscating
a very considerable number of good, useful arms, although the pawky
Highlanders managed to throw a glamour over even his watchful eyes,
and secrete many weapons for use when occasion should offer. Still,
that arms were scarce in the Highlands after this, is shown by
the rude and unmilitary character of the weapons possessed by the
majority of the rebel army previous to the battle of Prestonpans;
there, many of the Highlanders were able to exchange their irregular
and ugly, but somewhat formidable weapons for government firelocks
and bayonets. Still Culloden, and the merciless oppression which
followed, more than annulled all that the Highlanders had gained in
this and other respects by their previous success; so that those
who had the enforcing of the disarming Act would have comparatively
little work to do, and were not likely to meet with much opposition
in performing it. Severe penalties were threatened upon any who dared
to keep possession of weapons after the Act came in force; for the
first offence the delinquent was liable to a heavy fine, to be sent
to serve as a soldier in America, or, if unfit for service, to be
imprisoned for six months. Seven years’ transportation followed the
second offence.
There can, we think, be no doubt as to the wisdom and prudence of
this Act if judiciously and thoroughly carried out, although the
penalties certainly do seem too severe. It seems to have accomplished
its purpose: “the last law,” says Dr. Johnson,[1368] “by which the
Highlanders are deprived of their arms, has operated with efficacy
beyond expectation ... the arms were collected with such rigour,
that every house was despoiled of its defence.” Not only was
this disarming of the Highlanders effectual in preventing future
rebellion, but also helped considerably to soften and render less
dangerous their daily intercourse with each other. Formerly it was
quite a common occurrence for the least difference of opinion between
two Highlanders--whose bristling pride is always on the rise--to
be followed by high words and an ultimate appeal to weapons, in
which the original combatants were often joined by their respective
friends, the result being a small battle ending in one or more deaths
and many wounds. The Disarming Act tended to make such occurrences
extremely rare.
There is certainly great room for doubting the wisdom which prompted
the enactment that followed the above, enforcing the discontinuance
of the peculiar dress of the Highlanders. By this Act, “Any person
within Scotland, whether man or boy (excepting officers and soldiers
in his majesty’s service), who should wear the plaid, philibeg,
trews, shoulder belts, or any part of the Highland garb, or
should use for great coats, tartans, or parti-coloured plaid, or
stuffs, should, without the alternative of a fine, be imprisoned
for the first conviction for six months, without bail, and on the
second conviction be transported for seven years.”[1369] Of all
the medicines administered by the government physicians to the
Highlanders at this time, this was certainly the most difficult for
them to swallow, and the one least calculated to serve the purpose
for which it was intended. As to the other enactments made by
government to keep down rebellion, the Highlanders could not but feel
that those in power were only doing what common prudence dictated.
But this interference in a matter so personal and apparently so
harmless as that of dress, this prohibition of a costume so national,
ancient (at least in fashion), and characteristic as that of the
Highlanders, seemed to them an act of mere wanton and insulting
oppression, intended to degrade them, and without purpose, to outrage
their most cherished and harmless prejudices. They seem to have felt
it as keenly as any officer would feel the breaking of his sword or
the tearing off of his epaulets, or as the native troops, previous
to the Indian mutiny, felt the imposition of greased cartridges. It
humbled and irritated them far more than did any of the other acts,
or even than the outrages and barbarities which followed Culloden;
instead of eradicating their national spirit, and assimilating them
in all respects with the Lowland population, it rather intensified
that spirit, and their determination to preserve themselves a
separate and peculiar people, besides throwing in their way an
additional and unnecessary temptation to break the laws. A multitude
of prohibitory statutes is always irritating to a people, and serves
only to multiply offences and demoralize a nation; it is generally
a sign of weakness and great lack of wisdom in a government. This
enactment as to the Highland dress was as unwise as religious
intolerance, which is invariably a nurse of discord, a promoter of
sectarianism. This Act surrounded the Highland dress with a sort of
sacred halo, raised it into a badge of nationality, and was probably
the means of perpetuating and rendering popular the use of a habit,
which, had it been left alone, might long ere now have died a natural
death, and been found only in our museums, side by side with the
Lochaber axe, the two-handed sword, and the nail-studded shield.
The sagacious President Forbes--to whom, had the government perceived
clearly the country’s true interest, they would have entirely
intrusted the legislation for the Highlands--had but a poor opinion
of the dress bill, as will appear from the following letter of his
to the Lord Lyon, dated July 8, 1746:--“The garb is certainly very
loose, and fits men inured to it to go through great fatigues, to
make very quick marches, to bear out against the inclemency of the
weather, to wade through rivers, and shelter in huts, woods, and
rocks upon occasion; which men dressed in the low country garb
could not possibly endure. But then it is to be considered, that,
as the Highlands are circumstanced at present, it is, at least it
seems to me to be, an utter impossibility, without the advantage
of this dress, for the inhabitants to tend their cattle, and to go
through the other parts of their business, without which they could
not subsist; not to speak of paying rents to their landlords. Now,
because too many of the Highlanders have offended, to punish all the
rest who have not, and who, I will venture to say, are the greatest
number, in so severe a manner, seems to be unreasonable; especially
as, in my poor apprehension, it is unnecessary, on the supposal the
disarming project be properly secured; and I must confess, that the
salvo which you speak of, of not suffering the regulation to extend
to the well-affected Clans, is not to my taste; because, though
it would save them from hardships, yet the making so remarkable a
distinction would be, as I take it, to list all those on whom the
bill should operate for the Pretender, which ought to be avoided if
possible.”[1370] General Stewart perhaps speaks too strongly when
he remarks, that had the whole Highland race been decimated, more
violent grief, indignation, and shame, could not have been excited
among them, than by being deprived of this long inherited costume.
However, it should be remembered that all this was the legislation of
upwards of 120 years ago, that the difficulties which the government
had to face were serious and trying, that those who had the making
of these laws were totally ignorant of the real character of the
Highlanders, and of the real motives which urged them to rebellion,
and that even at the present day legislative blunders do occasionally
occur.
The means by which the Highlanders endeavoured to elude this law
without incurring a penalty, were ingenious and amusing. Stewart
tells us that, “instead of the prohibited tartan kilt, some wore
pieces of a blue, green, or red thin cloth, or coarse camblet,
wrapped round the waist, and hanging down to the knees like the
fealdag.[1371] The tight breeches were particularly obnoxious. Some,
who were fearful of offending, or wished to render obedience to the
law, which had not specified on what part of the body the breeches
were to be worn, satisfied themselves with having in their possession
this article of legal and loyal dress, which, either as the signal
of their submission, or more probably to suit their own convenience
when on journeys, they often suspended over their shoulders upon
their sticks; others, who were either more wary, or less submissive,
sewed up the centre of the kilt with a few stitches between the
thighs, which gave it something of the form of the trousers worn
by Dutch skippers.” The Act at first appears to have been carried
out with rigid strictness, these ingenious attempts at evading it
being punished somewhat severely; but, if we may judge from a trial
which took place in 1757, the administrators of the law had by that
time come to regard such breaches with a lenient eye. Although no
doubt the law in course of time became practically obsolete, it was
not till 1782 that it was erased from the statute book. Since then
“tartans and kilts an’ a’, an’ a’,” have gradually increased in
popularity, until now they have become “the rage” with all classes of
society, from John o’Groats to Land’s End; tartan plaids, of patterns
which do great credit to the ingenuity of the manufacturers, are seen
everywhere adorning the graceful forms of ladies, and the not so long
since proscribed kilt being found not unfrequently displaying itself
in the most fashionable London Assemblies. _Tempora mutantur._
By far the most important measure adopted by government for the
improvement of the Highlands was the abolition of the Hereditary
Jurisdictions, which lay at the root of many of the evils that
afflicted that country, and to which, in a great degree, the
rebellion owed the measure of success that attended it. Before these
jurisdictions were abolished, a Highland chief was as absolute a
potentate over the members of his clan as any eastern pasha or
African chief is over his abject subjects. The power of “pit and
gallows,” as it was called, which belonged to each of these petty
sovereignties--for such they were practically--gave the chief
absolute command of the lives and liberty of his followers. The
only thing he lawfully could not do was to banish; but even this
prohibition he managed to evade by giving his victims the alternative
of “emigration”--as it was mildly called--or death. This is not
the place to enter into a minute account of the origin and working
of this curious system, so utterly inconsistent with the spirit of
a constitutional government like that of Britain; but any one can
perceive that such a power as this in the hands of a discontented
chief, especially when complemented by the high notions which a
Highlander had of the obedience due to the head of the clan, must
have been dangerous in the highest degree to the peace and progress
of the country. There is no doubt that this coercive power was
frequently brought into play in the late rebellion; indeed, the only
plea urged by a great majority of the common Highlanders, when tried
at Carlisle and elsewhere, was that they were forced into rebellion
against their wills. Of course a prudent chief would be careful not
to carry his power beyond due bounds, at least so far as the members
of his own clan were concerned, for there was a point in the scale
of oppression which even the strong spirit of clanship could not
stand. No doubt the power thus entrusted to the chiefs may at one
time have served a good purpose. When the country was in a turbulent
and unsettled state, when communication between the different parts
of the country was tedious, expensive, and hazardous, when it was
difficult for the strong arm of the law to reach to a remote, rugged,
and inaccessible district like the Highlands, where life and the
rights of property were as little regarded as they are at the present
day in Ireland,--perhaps this putting of the power of a judge in
the hands of the chief men of the various districts, was the only
practicable substitute for the direct administration of justice by
those to whom this duty properly belonged. In reality, the justice
meted out was of the roughest kind, and continually liable to be
modified by the interests of the administrator, or any of his many
friends. “That such a system should have been tolerated into the
middle of the 18th century, after Somers, Hardwicke, and Forbes had
occupied the bench, may seem incredible, but it is true.”[1372]
It was assuredly high time that such an anomalous state of matters
should be done away with.[1373]
An Act for the abolition of the Hereditary Jurisdictions was passed
in March 1747, and came in force a year after. Of course some other
plan for the administration of the laws had to be devised. “At the
head of the arrangements for carrying justice throughout the land,
the system begun in England in the reign of Henry II., for sending
the royal courts at fixed intervals through the provinces, was
adopted. Nominally there had been circuits or justice-ayres, but they
were not systematically held, either at stated intervals of time,
or so as to bring up before them the revisal of the administration
of justice in all the districts. This, indeed, was impossible while
the hereditary jurisdictions remained, but now regular circuits were
to take place biennially, and the country was so partitioned into
districts, that the higher offences were systematically brought up
from the most remote provinces for adjudication. The exceptional
hereditary jurisdictions, such as the regalities, were abolished, and
the smaller authority exercised in baronial courts was restricted
to trifling matters. The sheriff courts, locally commensurate in
their authority with the boundaries of the counties, were taken as
the foundation of a system of local tribunals, presided over by
responsible judges. These, which were hereditary, were to be yielded
to the crown; and ever since the passing of the act, the sheriff
of each county has been appointed like the other judges, for life,
removeable only for misconduct.”[1374]
Of course, as these jurisdictions, besides conferring influence and
power, were sources of emolument[1375] to the holders of them, and as
they had been sanctioned in the treaty of Union, it was considered
only fair that some compensation should be allowed by the country to
those who profited by them; in fact, they had to be bought up. The
holders of the jurisdictions appear to have been asked to send in the
amount of their claims to the Court of Session, which was authorised
to fix the price to be paid. Of course, those who were convicted or
attainted for having taken part in the late rebellion, had no claim,
as their estates were forfeited to the Crown, and they themselves
deprived of all their privileges. Those who were about to part with
their ancient powers were determined to make the most of them now
that they were no longer to be a perpetual source of emolument and
influence. The aggregate sum asked by the proprietors from government
as the price of their jurisdictions was more than three times greater
than that which the Court of Session deemed a fair price. There may
be some truth in what Mr. Fraser-Mackintosh says in his _Antiquarian
Notes_[1376]:--“Of course, the amounts ultimately paid bore not the
slightest proportion to the claims, but they did bear some proportion
to the politics of the holders, just as these happened to be friendly
to government or the reverse.” Argyll, for the Justice-Generalship
of Argyll, asked £15,000, for the Sheriffdom £5000, and for various
small regalities other £5000, making £25,000 in all; from this
the Court of Session deducted only £4000, allowing him for his
various offices and jurisdictions what would then be considered the
munificent sum of £21,000. Besides receiving this sum, the duke was
appointed, in exchange for his office of Hereditary Justiciar of
Scotland, Lord Justice-General, head of the Justiciary Court. The
Duke of Montrose, for his various regalities, and the Sheriffdom
of Dumbarton, demanded £15,000, but did not get above one third
of that sum; nor did the Dukes of Buccleuch and Athole, who each
modestly valued his various offices at £17,000. The Duke of Gordon’s
claim amounted to £22,300, the Earl of Sutherland’s to £10,800,
Breadalbane’s to £7000, Moray’s to £14,000, Findlater’s to £5,500.
The smallest sum claimed for a Highland jurisdiction was by Evan
Baillie, of Abriachan, for the Bailliary of Lovat, which he modestly
valued at £166; Munro, Sheriff-Clerk of Inverness, claiming the same
sum for that office combined with the Clerkship of the regality of
Lovat. The total amount claimed for the whole of the jurisdictions
was upwards of £490,000, which the Court of Session cut down to a
little over £150,000.[1377] The sum was well spent in doing away with
so many sources of petty tyranny and injustice, in the abolition of
a system inconsistent with the spirit of the British constitution
in the middle of the 18th century, calculated materially to hinder
progress and to aid rebellion.
The abolition of these jurisdictions in the Highlands, and along
with them the power and paternal authority of the Highland chiefs,
effected a complete change in the social life of that part of the
country, led at first to considerable discontent and confusion, and
was the indirect means of bringing much suffering and hardship on
the subordinate dignitaries and commonalty of the clans. Some such
consequences were to be expected from the breaking up of a system
which had held sway for many generations, and the substitution of
a state of matters to which the people were altogether unused, and
which ran counter to all their prejudices and traditions; still,
as in the case of every reformation, individual suffering was to
be looked for, and in the course of time, as will be seen, matters
gradually righted themselves, and the Highlands became as progressive
and prosperous as any other part of the country.
Another much needed measure adopted by government was the abolition
of a remnant of feudality, the kind of tenure known as “wardholding.”
“By this relic of ancient feudality, military service had remained
down to that juncture the condition under which lands were held
by one subject from another. Efforts were of course made to bring
land into commerce, by substituting pecuniary arrangements for such
services, but the ‘wardholding’ was so essentially the proper feudal
usage, that the lawyers held it to be always understood, if some
other arrangements were not very specifically settled. It had become
the means of very oppressive exactions or ‘casualties,’ arising out
of those conditions--such as minority--where the military service
could not be performed. But by the act of 1746, arrangements were
devised for converting all the superior’s privileges into reasonable
pecuniary claims.”[1378]
Another means taken by government to extinguish the seeds of
rebellion and prevent its future occurrence, was the enactment of
more stringent laws in reference to the Scottish Episcopalians, among
whom Jacobite sympathies were almost as strong and as universal as
among their Roman Catholic brethren. Their partiality to the house
of Stuart was no doubt in a great measure owing to their strong
belief as a class in divine right of government, both in Church and
State, and to a conviction that seems to have prevailed among them
that the restoration of the Stuarts meant the restoration of the
supremacy, or at least establishment of episcopacy in Scotland. The
Stuarts had not more devoted adherents than the Episcopalians in
the kingdom, nor any who, amidst many petty, irritating, and even
severe enactments, continued longer to adhere to their first love.
Indeed, there is good reason for believing that at the present day,
among many Scottish Episcopalians, especially in the Highlands, there
are still many Jacobites in sentiment and sympathy, although, as a
principle of action, Jacobitism is undoubtedly dead and gone, never
to be resuscitated.
As this party, though not numerous, was not less formidable from
its rank and wealth than from the _esprit de corps_ with which it
was animated, the attention of the legislature was directed towards
it, and a strong measure was resorted to, which nothing could
justify but necessity. This was an act by which it was ordained
that any episcopal clergyman officiating after the 1st of September
1746, without having previously taken the oaths of allegiance,
abjuration, and assurance, or without praying once during the
performance of worship for the king, his heirs, and successors, and
for all the royal family, should for the first offence suffer six
months imprisonment, for the second be transported to the American
plantations for life, and, in case of returning from banishment, be
subjected to perpetual imprisonment. By another enactment it was
declared that no peer of Scotland should be capable of being elected
one of the representative peers, or of voting at such election,
and that no person should be capable of being elected a member of
parliament for any shire or burgh, who should within the compass of
any future year be twice present at divine service in an illegal
episcopal meeting-house in Scotland. Several other severe Acts were
passed against Episcopalians, and these were not allowed to remain
a dead letter, but were acted upon in several instances.[1379] The
devoted Episcopalians bore their privations with becoming fortitude,
by yielding to a necessity which they could not control, but they
submitted only because they were unable to resist.
Still there is no doubt that even at the present day there are not
a few hereditary adherents of the Scottish episcopal church, whose
sympathies are all Jacobite, and who have never taken kindly even to
the present dynasty.
After the death, in January 1788, of Prince Charles Edward, whose
brother the cardinal could leave no lawful descendant, the Scottish
bishops felt they could conscientiously recognise the Hanoverian
government, and therefore issued an intimation to the clergy and
laity of their church, announcing that they had “unanimously agreed
to comply with and submit to the present government of this kingdom,
as vested in the person of his Majesty King George the Third.” They
also resolved “to testify this compliance by uniformly praying
for him by name in their public worship, in hopes of removing all
suspicion of disaffection, and of obtaining relief from those penal
laws under which this church has so long suffered.”[1380]
The forfeited estates were annexed to the Crown, and placed in the
hands of the court of exchequer, who appointed commissioners to apply
their produce to the improvement of the Highlands. In course of
time, as will be seen in the history of the clans, government wisely
restored to most of the unfortunate families the estates foolishly
thrown away by their representatives in 1745.
The effect of all the measures above referred to was, of course,
immediately to annul all possibility of further active resistance,
although, no doubt, they tended to intensify and perpetuate
Jacobitism as a sentiment, and change into a sort of living reverence
or worship the feeling of loyalty towards Prince Charles which had
animated most of the Highland chiefs and incited them to rebellion.
The idea of endeavouring to repeat the experiment of ’45 seems not
to have been entirely abandoned by some of the more obstinate
Jacobites even up to the time of Charles’s death, although after the
accession of George III.,--in whose reign the stringent measures
adopted after 1745 were gradually relaxed, and efforts made for the
improvement of the Highlanders,--the embodiment of many Highland
regiments, the gradual dissolution practically of the old relation
between the chief and his clan consequent on the abolition of the
heritable jurisdictions, and the general progress of the country,
Jacobitism became, as we have said above, a matter of mere sentiment,
a feeling of tenderness almost akin to love, often finding expression
in song in the melting language of the tender passion. Prince
Charles was known to most of the Jacobites both in the Highlands and
elsewhere only from the brief episode of 1745-6, in which he played
the chief part, and in which he appeared to them as the handsome,
brave, chivalrous, youthful, fair-haired, warm-hearted heir, come to
recover that inheritance from which he was most unjustly excluded by
a cruel usurper. His latter degraded life most of them knew nothing
of, and even if they had been told of it, they most probably would
have regarded the tale as a vile calumny; their love for “Bonnie
Prince Charlie” was blind as the love of an impetuous youth for his
first mistress, and they would allow no flaw to mar the beauty of
that image which they tenderly cherished in their heart of hearts.
This sentimental Jacobitism, as we have said already, prevailed
extensively among all classes of society for very many years after
all idea of actively asserting it had died out of the land.[1381]
These Jacobites, who were generally of a somewhat social turn, in
their private meetings, gave expression to their feelings in various
ways, known only to themselves; indeed, there appears to have been
a sort of freemasonry tacitly established among them, having signs,
and words, and customs unknown to the great outside Whig world. One
of their favourite methods, for example, of toasting Prince Charles
at their feasts, was to drink to the health of “the king,” at the
same time passing the glass in their hands over the water-bottle, to
signify that they meant not King George, but him “over the water.”
What more than anything else, perhaps, tended to nourish and keep
this feeling alive was the great body of song which was born of
Jacobitism, and which dates from the time of Charles I. down almost
to the present day. These songs are of all kinds, tender, humorous,
pathetic, sarcastic, indignant, heroic, and many of them cannot be
matched as expressions of the particular feelings to which they
are meant to give utterance. The strength and character of the
Jacobitic feeling can be well ascertained by a study of these songs,
of which we believe there are some hundreds, many of them of high
merit, and some, as we have said, not to be matched by the songs of
any country. Indeed, altogether, this outburst of song is one of
the most remarkable phenomena connected with Scottish Jacobitism,
for most of them are Scotch both in language and authorship, and
most of the tunes borrowed or adapted from the Gaelic, which has
furnished to Scotland some of its richest song music. These songs
not only show the intensity of the loyalty of the Jacobites towards
the Stuart family, and their hatred of the reigning dynasty and of
all Whigs, but also show that all along they had felt themselves to
be the weaker party, unable to show their loyalty by their deeds,
and compelled to let their energy escape in taunt and sarcasm. The
Whigs have, indeed, a few, very few songs, which are artificial
and cold, altogether devoid of the fire, the point, the perfect
_abandon_, the touching tenderness, the thorough naturalness, which
characterise those of their opponents. No one ever thinks of singing
those Whig songs now-a-days; few know aught of them save industrious
collectors.[1382] The Jacobite songs, on the other hand, both those
which were written when Jacobitism was at its height, and those which
are merely the outcome of modern sentiment, are, wherever Scotch
songs are sought after and appreciated, scarcely less popular than
the matchless love-songs in which the language must ever live. Who,
when he hears some of these Jacobite gems sung, Protestant and Whig
though he be to the core, is not for the nonce a Jacobite, ready
to draw his sword if he had one, to “Wha wadna fight for Charlie;”
feel delighted at the defeat of the Whig gudeman in “Hame cam’ our
gudeman at e’en;” or shed a tear to the mournful verse of “Wae’s
me for Prince Charlie?” With such a powerful instrument in their
hands as this body of song, not only evidencing the intensity of the
sentiment, but so well calculated to touch the feelings, excite the
tenderness, and rouse the indignation of all who were capable of
being influenced by music, it seems surprising that Jacobitism, as
a principle of action, was not more prevalent even than it was, and
did not, inspired by these songs, accomplish greater things. But the
very fact that there were so many songs, may account for this lack of
important deeds. The muses, Burns has said, are all Jacobites, and it
would seem at any rate that all the best song writers of the country
had enlisted on the unfortunate side; and it will be found, on the
other hand, in scanning the account of the last rebellion, that those
who joined in it were little given to forethought or to weighing the
consequences of their actions, little able to regulate or lead any
great enterprise, but influenced chiefly by imagination and impulse.
There were, indeed, one or two superior to all the others in calibre,
foresight, and aptitude to command, but these had little chance of
being attended to when their power was not absolute among so many
harebrained, thoughtless adventurers. In 1745, had there been at the
head of the rebels one thoroughly able, experienced, iron-willed,
thoughtful general, who had absolute command of the whole expedition,
matters might have turned out very differently, especially when in
these songs he had instruments far more powerful to incite than any
threats or promises of reward. It is far from us to say that the
bravery of the Jacobites evaporated in a song: their whole history
would give such a statement the lie; but we think had there been
less singing and song-making and more attention to stratagem and dry
military business and diplomacy generally, they would have been more
likely ultimately to have placed their idol on the throne. However,
as General Stewart well remarks, “when it is considered how many
feel and how few reason,” the power of this popular poetry to stir
up sympathy in behalf of the cause for which it was written will be
easily understood.[1383]
The great majority of these songs are in the Scottish language, a
few of them being translations from the Gaelic, but most of them
original; the authors of very few of them are known, a feature which
they have in common with many of the oldest and richest of our Scotch
songs. Any one who may wish to form an idea of their merit and
multitude will find the best of them collected in Hogg’s two volumes
of _Jacobite Relics_.
Some of the finest of these songs are perhaps better known than any
others in the language; many of them, however, are known only by
name, and many of them known at all but to a very few. Among those
generally known and now commonly adapted to non-Jacobite sentiments,
we may mention “My ain country,” the song of the home-sick exile,
“Here’s a health to them that’s awa’,” “Over the seas and far
awa’,” “Will he no come back again,” “Charlie is my darling,”--of
which there are an ancient and a modern set, the latter by James
Hogg,--“Farewell to Glen Shalloch” (from the Gaelic), “Hey Johnnie
Cope,” perhaps one of the most popular humorous songs in the
language, “The wee wee German lairdie,” full of genuine Scotch humour
and irritating sarcasm, “This is no my ain house,” “O’er the water to
Charlie,” “Welcome royal Charlie,” and “The bonnie house o’ Airly,”
as old as the days of Montrose and Argyll. One of the most touchingly
pathetic and most popular of these old songs is the well-known “Will
he no come back again,” and equally popular is that, perhaps, most
heroic and stirring of them all, “Wha wadna fecht for Charlie.”
Not a few of the Jacobite songs, as we have said, are from the
Gaelic, and, as might be expected, they display little of the humour,
pawkiness, and rollicking sarcasm which characterise many of the
Scotch songs; they mostly evince a spirit of sadness and pensiveness,
some show a heroic determination to do or die in the cause of
Charlie, while others are couched in the language of adoration and
love. One of the most characteristic and most poetical of these
Gaelic songs is _Maclean’s Welcome_, which we take the liberty of
quoting here:--
“Come o’er the stream, Charlie, dear Charlie, brave Charlie,
Come o’er the stream, Charlie, and dine with Maclean;
And though you be weary, we’ll make your heart cheery,
And welcome our Charlie and his loyal train.
We’ll bring down the track deer, we’ll bring down the black steer,
The lamb from the breckan, and doe from the glen;
The salt sea we’ll harry, and bring to our Charlie,
The cream from the bothy, and curd from the pen.
Come e’er the stream, Charlie, &c.
And you shall drink freely the dews of Glen-Sheerly,
That stream in the star-light when kings do not ken;
And deep be your meed of the wine that is red,
To drink to your sire, and his friend the Maclean.
Come o’er the stream, Charlie, &c.
Our heath-bells shall trace you the maids to embrace you,
And deck your blue bonnet with flowers of the brae;
And the loveliest Mari in all Glen-M’Quarry
Shall lie in your bosom till break of the day.
Come o’er the stream, Charlie, &c.
If aught will invite you, or more will delight you,
’Tis ready, a troop of our bold Highlandmen
Shall range on the heather with bonnet and feather,
Strong arms and broad claymores three hundred and ten.”
One of the best known and most admired of this class of Jacobite
songs is “The Lament of Flora Macdonald,” beginning, “Far over yon
hills of the heather so green,” of which we here quote the last
verse:--
“The target is torn from the arms of the just,
The helmet is cleft on the brow of the brave,
The claymore for ever in darkness must rust,
But red is the sword of the stranger and slave;
The hoof of the horse, and the foot of the proud
Have trod o’er the plumes on the bonnet of blue.
Why slept the red bolt in the breast of the cloud,
When tyranny revell’d in blood of the true?
Fareweel, my young hero, the gallant and good!
The crown of thy fathers is torn from thy brow.”
Some of those whose titles are well enough known are “The White
Cockade,” of which we give a verse or two:--
“My love was born in Aberdeen,
The bonniest lad that e’er was seen;
But now he makes our hearts fu’ sad,
He’s ta’en the field wi’ his white cockade.
O he’s a ranting roving blade!
O he’s a brisk and a bonny lad!
Betide what may, my heart is glad
To see my lad wi’ his white cockade.
I’ll sell my rock, I’ll sell my reel,
My rippling-kame, and spinning-wheel,
To buy my lad a tartan plaid,
A braid sword, durk, and white cockade.
O he’s a ranting roving blade,” &c.[1384]
Another great favourite with the old Jacobites over their cups was,
“The King shall enjoy his own again.”
Did space permit we could quote many more, remarkable for pathos,
humour, wit, sarcasm, and heroic sentiment, but we must content
ourselves with the following. What can be more touching than
“Carlisle Yetts”:--
“White was the rose in his gay bonnet,
As he faulded me in his broached plaidie;
His hand, whilk clasped the truth o’ luve,
O it was aye in battle readie!
His lang lang hair, in yellow hanks,
Wav’d o’er his cheeks sae sweet and ruddie;
But now they wave o’er Carlisle yetts,
In dripping ringlets clotting bloodie.
My father’s blood’s in that flower tap,
My brother’s in that harebell’s blossom;
This white rose was steeped in my luve’s blood,
And I’ll aye wear it in my bosom.
* * * * *
When I came first by merrie Carlisle,
Was ne’er a town sae sweetly seeming;
The white rose flaunted owre the wall,
The thristled banners far were streaming.
When I came next by merrie Carlisle,
O sad sad seem’d the town, and eerie!
The auld auld men came out and wept:
‘O maiden, come ye to seek your dearie?’
* * * * *
There’s ae drop o’ blood atween my breasts,
And twa in my links o’ hair sae yellow;
The tane I’ll ne’er wash, and the tither ne’er
kame,
But I’ll sit and pray aneath the willow.
Wae, wae, upon that cruel heart,
Wae, wae, upon that hand sae bloodie,
Which feasts on our richest Scottish blood,
And makes sae mony a dolefu’ widow!”
Hogg, however, is of opinion that this may be indebted for much of
its beauty to the genius of Allan Cunningham.
Of “Cumberland and Murray’s descent into Hell,” which appears to
be but little known, Hogg justly says, that “of all the songs that
ever were written since the world began this is the first; it is
both so horrible and so irresistibly ludicrous.” It is a pity that
the author of a poem so full of fire, and hate, and lurid wit is
totally unknown; the heartiness of the hate displayed in it, as well
as the wealth of unearthly fancy, ought to have recommended it to the
approval of Dr. Johnson, had he known of it. Of course Cumberland is
the hero of Culloden; Murray is Secretary Murray, who turned king’s
evidence against his comrades in the trials after the rebellion, and
thus earned for himself the bitterest hate of all Jacobites.
“Ken ye whare Cleekie Murray’s gane?
He’s gane to dwall in his lang hame.
The beddle clapt him on the doup,
‘O hard I’ve earned my gray groat.
Lie thou there, and sleep thou soun’;
God winna wauken sic a loon.’
* * * * *
He’s in a’ Satan’s frything-pans,
Scouth’ring the blude frae aff his han’s:
He’s washing them in brunstane lowe;
His kintra’s blude it winna thow:
The hettest soap-suds o’ perdition
Canna out thae stains be washing.
Ae devil roar’d, till hearse and roopit,
‘He’s pyking the gowd frae Satan’s pu’pit!’
Anither roar’d, wi’ eldritch yell,
‘He’s howking the keystane out o’ hell,
To damn us mair wi’ God’s day-light!’
And he doukit i’ the caudrons out o’ sight.
He stole auld Satan’s brunstane leister,
Till his waukit loofs were in a blister;
He stole his Whig spunks, tipt wi’ brunstane,
And stole his scalping-whittle’s whunstane;
And out o’ its red-hot kist he stole
The very charter-rights o’ hell.
Satan, tent weel the pilfering villain;
He’ll scrimp your revenue by stealing,
Th’ infernal boots in which you stand in,
With which your worship tramps the damn’d in,
He’ll wile them aff your cloven cloots,
And wade through hell fire in your boots.
Auld Satan cleekit him by the spaul,
And stappit him i’ the dub o’ hell.
The foulest fiend there doughtna bide him,
The damn’d they wadna fry beside him,
Till the bluidy duke came trysting hither,
And the ae fat butcher tried the tither.
Ae deevil sat splitting brumstane matches;
Ane roasting the Whigs like bakers’ batches;
Ane wi’ fat a Whig was basting,
Spent wi’ frequent prayer and fasting.
A’ ceas’d when thae twin butchers roar’d,
And hell’s grim hangman stopt and glowr’d.
‘Fy, gar bake a pie in haste,
Knead it of infernal paste,’
Quo’ Satan; and in his mitten’d hand
He hynt up bluidy Cumberland,
And whittled him down like bow-kail castock,
And in his hettest furnace roasted.
Now hell’s black tableclaith was spread,
Th’ infernal grace was reverend said;
Yap stood the hungry fiends a’ owre it,
Their grim jaws gaping to devour it,
When Satan cried out, fit to scunner,
‘Owre rank a judgment’s sic a dinner!’”
Not a few of these old Jacobite songs, with little or no alteration
in the words, are sung at the present day as pure love-songs, few
ever dreaming that they were meant for anything else when first
composed: nothing more than this shows the intensity and tenderness
of the feeling entertained by the Scotch Jacobites to their hero and
idol, Bonnie Prince Charlie. The well-known and apparently perfectly
harmless song, “Weel may the keel row,” belongs to this class; and
who would ever smell treason in the touching strain “For the sake o’
somebody.”
One of the sweetest and tenderest of all the Jacobite songs is
undoubtedly “Wae’s me for Prince Charlie,” beginning “A wee’ bird
cam’ to our ha’ door,” and well known to all who have the least
knowledge of Scottish song. Yet this song was written only about
thirty or forty years ago by Mr. William Glen, a Glasgow merchant;
and it is well known that many of the finest of Aytoun’s _Lays_ are
animated by this spirit of Jacobitism, showing how much calculated
to touch the feelings and rouse the imagination of any one of an
impulsive, poetic temperament, is the story of “Bonnie Prince
Charlie,” as it is popularly told in song and story.
Perhaps it may be only fair, as a set off to the above, to give one
or two of the best Whig songs:--
HAUD AWA FRAE ME, DONALD.
“Haud awa, bide awa,
Haud awa frae me, Donald,
Your principles I do abhor;
No Jacobites for me, Donald.
Passive obedience I do hate,
And tyranny I flee, Donald;
Nor can I think to be a slave,
When now I can be free, Donald.
Even Highland Maggie, though she’s bred
Up under tyranny, Donald,
No sooner you her rights invade,
Than she’ll a rebel be, Donald.
For all that you can say or do,
I’ll never change my mind, Donald;
Your king takes so much of your heart,
To me you’ll ne’er be kind, Donald.”
A LITANY.
“From the lawless dominion of mitre and crown,
Whose tyrannies now are absolute grown,
So that men become slaves to the altar and throne,
And can call neither bodies nor souls their own,
_Libera nos, Domine_.
From a reverend bawling theological professor,
From a Protestant zealous for a Popish successor,
Who for a great benefice still leaves a lesser,
And ne’er will die martyr, nor make good confessor,
_Libera nos, Domine_.
From deans and from chapters who live at their eases,
Whose lechery lies in renewing church-leases,
Who live in cathedrals like maggots in cheeses,
And lie like abbey-lubbers stew’d in their own greases,
_Libera nos, Domine_.
From an altar-piece-monger who rails at Dissenters
And damns Nonconformists in the pulpit he enters,
Yet all the week long his own soul he ventures,
By being so drunk that he cutteth indentures,
_Libera nos, Domine_.
From fools, knaves, and villains, prerogative Tories,
From church, that for the Babylon whore is,
From a pretended prince, like pear rotten at core is,
From a court that has millions, yet as old Job poor is,
_Libera nos, Domine_.”
That the Jacobite songs tended largely to nourish and perpetuate
Jacobite sympathies long after all idea of endeavouring to restore
the Stuart dynasty had been abandoned, all must admit who know
anything of Scotch social life during the latter part of the 18th
and beginning of the 19th centuries. In the early part of the
latter century, an additional and most powerful instrument in the
cause of sentimental Jacobitism came into play, in the shape of the
poems, and especially the novels of Sir Walter Scott, on whose bold
imagination and strong sympathy with chivalry and the days of old,
the story of the young prince and the misfortunes of the Stuarts and
their adherents generally, appear to have taken a strong hold. The
very first of the Waverley Novels presented the history of the ’45
in its most fascinating aspect, and painted its hero in the most
attractive colours, as the handsome, chivalrous, high-minded, but
unfortunate prince. In one or two of Scott’s other novels the same
episode is made use of, and with such bewitching power as only the
Wizard of the North could exercise. The influence of these matchless
fictions continues unabated, and as it is from them that most people
derive their knowledge of the last rebellion, and of the Stuarts
and their cause, it is no wonder that even at the present day there
exists a wide-spread, tender sympathy for the unfortunate race, a
sort of sentimental Charlie-worship, adoring as its object the ideal
presented by Scott, filled in with some of the most attractive and
touching features from the sweetest and most popular of the songs.
With perhaps no exception, this admiration of Prince Charlie and
the other heroes of ’45 is of the same nature as the unthinking
admiration of the “good old days” generally, of King Arthur and
his knights, of the days of chivalry, of Robin Hood and his merry
men, and of the bold Rob Roy; he would be looked upon as a harmless
imbecile, who should ever talk of doing aught to restore any of the
institutions of these old times, which are as likely to find active
partisans as is the restoration of the Stuart dynasty.
[Illustration: BALMORAL.
THE HIGHLAND RESIDENCE OF HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA.]
However, that Jacobitism still runs in a few old families as
something more than a sentiment, as something like an ideal
politico-religious creed, cherished as the remnant of the Cameronians
cherish the ancient covenant, we have good reason to believe. These
families are, practically, perfectly loyal to the present government
and the present sovereign, and would as soon dream of taking to
cattle-lifting as to rebellion; but still they seem to regard the
Stuart dynasty as their first love, the love of their impulsive
youth, with whom a closer relation was impossible. The creed of
these modern Jacobites we may be permitted to state, in the words
of one who has ample opportunities of mixing with them and knowing
their sentiments. “As a principle of action,” he writes, quoting
the words of a noble lord, “it is dead and gone, but in sentiment
and sympathy there are still lots of us.” He himself proceeds:--“I
quite agree with him. We claim, with the late Professor Aytoun, to
be _White-Rose Scots_, Tories in some things but not in others--some
of us Tories--some I daresay Radicals--none of us _Whigs_; all of
us animated by an abhorrence of Macaulay’s History as an audacious
libel on our forefathers and their principles.” In another letter
he says:--“The question you ask, as to whether we would now stand
up for any of the descendants of Prince Charles, is one I have no
difficulty in answering. We should not. I cannot say we have any
great love for the present royal family; they cross our feelings and
prejudices in many ways, by marriages in Lent, and alliances with
Campbells!! But were the time of trial to come (and a contest between
monarchy and republicanism may come in this country sooner than many
expect), Queen Victoria would find none more loyal--I could almost
venture to say, none _so loyal_--as those whose sympathies go with
the former enemies of her race. To us she represents ‘the powers that
be, as ordained of God,’ and we must bear a good deal at their hands.
Queen Victoria herself certainly does appreciate the Highlands and
Highlanders. Our loyalty is a matter of principle, not of preference,
and might be found to wax the warmer, as that of others--when
subjected to a strain by the royal family running counter to
their ideas and prejudices--waxed cold.” Indeed Jacobitism, as an
active principle, is as much a thing of the past as clan-feuds,
cattle-lifting, and active religious intolerance.
Her present Majesty has done more to win the hearts and command the
loyalty of the Highlanders than ever did any of her predecessors, by
taking up her residence yearly in their midst, and in many other ways
showing her trust in and love for them, and her unbounded admiration
for all that is Highland. As is well known, before her widowhood,
her favourite plaid was one of Stuart tartan of a special pattern.
If any section of her Majesty’s subjects is at all inclined to use
occasionally expressions savouring of disloyalty, it is that of which
one or two Cockney newspapers are the mouthpieces, the grievance
being that the Queen spends so much of her time in the Highlands. The
loyalty and love of the Highlanders, and of all Scotchmen, have been
for ever intensified by the recent marriage of one of the Queen’s
daughters to the son and heir of one of the oldest and greatest
Highland chiefs.[1385]
So far as the record of external strife or inward feud constitutes
history, that of the Highlands may be said to end with the battle of
Culloden in 1746. By many, however, the period from that date onwards
will be considered as of far more interest and importance than all
the previous centuries put together; for in the years succeeding the
last rebellion are witnessed the struggle of lawlessness with law, of
semi-barbarism with civilization, the gradual but rapid breaking-up
of the old patriarcho-feudal way of ruling men and regulating
property, on which the whole social life of the Highlands was based,
and the assimilation of that district in all respects to the rest of
the kingdom of which it forms a part.
That innovations such as were of necessity forced upon the Highlands
should be adopted without a struggle, without resistance, without
hardship to many, was not to be expected. No thoughtful person could
expect that there could be accomplished without many difficulties and
mistakes the abolition of a system which had maintained its sway for
many centuries, and the introduction of a new one so little adapted
to the character stamped on the Highlander under the former, and
in every respect so contrary to the ideas and prejudices which had
been transmitted from father to son for many generations. Any sudden
change of an old-established system, by which the every-day life of
thousands of people is regulated, would in any case almost inevitably
lead at first to disorder and a certain amount of hardship. It was
to be looked for that, in the case of the Highlands, which in many
respects were centuries behind the rest of the country, there would
be much trouble and confusion before they could be brought up to
the stand-point of their Lowland fellow-countrymen. Such was the
case. It took very many years--indeed, the process is still going
on--before the various elements got settled into their places
according to the new adjustment of matters. There were, of course,
many interests to be attended to, and necessarily many collisions
and misunderstandings between the various classes; often no doubt
unnecessary hardness, selfishness, and want of consideration for
inferiors on one side, as frequently met on the other by unreasonable
demands, and a stubborn and uninformed determination to resist the
current of change, and not to accommodate themselves to inevitable
innovations. The old clan-system, with the idea which it nourished
of the close relation between the various grades of the clan, of the
duty of the chief to support his people, and of the people to do
the will of the chief, must be abolished, and the Highlander must
be taught, each man to depend entirely upon himself and his own
exertions, and to expect nothing from any man but what he could pay
for in labour or money. Of course it would be hard for a Celt to put
himself on the same footing in this respect with the low-minded,
greedy, over-reaching Saxon; but it had to be done, and, like many
other things which seemed hard to face, has been done, and the
process is still going on, and probably will go on, till there be not
only an assimilation in habits and ways of living and thinking, but
till the two races be so fused or blended together by intermarriage
and otherwise, that there shall be neither Celt nor Saxon, but a
mixed race superior to either, combining the best qualities of each,
the fire, the imagination, the dash, the reverence, the heart of the
Celt, with the perseverance, clear-headedness, patience, fairness,
capacity for business, head of the Saxon. Ere long, no doubt, the
two will become one flesh, and their separation and strife a tale of
bygone days.
FOOTNOTES:
[1368] Johnson’s _Journey_, ed. 1792, p. 126.
[1369] _Stewart’s Sketches_, b. l. p. 116.
[1370] _Culloden Papers_, p. 289.
[1371] The difference between the fealdag and the philibeg is, that
the former is not plaited.
[1372] Burton’s _Scotland after Revolution_, v. ii. p. 405.
[1373] To give the reader a notion of the evils which flowed
from these irregular jurisdictions, we quote the following from
the old Statistical Account of the Parish of Abernethy, in
Inverness-shire:--“A few instances will be enough to mention, in
case the reader should imagine that these things were lately done in
Tippoo Sultan’s dominions. One of them lived in this parish, named
Robert Grant, commonly called Bailie More. It is said he used to hang
people for disobliging him. He seldom called juries. He hanged two
brothers on a tree within a thousand yards of this town, and buried
both in one grave, on the road side. The grave and stones above
it are still visible. Another, named James Grant, commonly called
Bailie Roy, who lived long in this parish, hanged a man of the name
of Stuart, and after hanging him, set a jury on him, and found him
guilty. The particulars are too long to be inserted here. The bailie
had many reasons for being in such a hurry. The man was, unluckily
for him, wealthy, and abounded in cattle, horses, sheep, and goats,
all of which were instantly driven to the bailie’s home; Stuart’s
children set a-begging, and his wife became deranged in her mind, and
was afterward drowned in a river. It is not very long since. This
same Bailie Roy, on another occasion, hanged two notorious thieves,
parboiled their heads, and set them up on spikes afterward. At
another time he drowned two men in sacks, at the bridge of Billimon,
within a few hundred yards of this manse, and endeavoured to compel a
man from Glenmore, in the barony of Kincardine, to assist him and the
executioners he had with him in the business, which the man refusing
to do, the bailie said to him, ‘If you was within my regality, I
would teach you better manners than to disobey my commands.’ This
bailie bought a good estate. There was another of them, called
Bailie Bain, in this country, who became so odious that the country
people drowned him in Spey, near the church of Inverallan, about two
miles from hence. They took off his boots and gloves, left them on
the bank, and drove his horse through a rugged place full of large
stones. The tract in the sand, boots, &c., discovered what had become
of him; and when a search was made for him down the river, a man met
the party near the church of Cromdale, who asked them what they were
searching for, they answered, for the bailie’s body, upon which he
said, ‘Turn back, turn back, perhaps he is gone up against the river,
for he was always acting against nature.’”
[1374] Burton’s _Scotland after Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 535.
[1375] “As their power was great, and generally abused, so many
of them enriched themselves. They had many ways of making money
for themselves, such as 1. The Bailie’s Darak, as it was called,
or a day’s labour in the year from every tenant on the estate.
2. Confiscations, as they generally seized on all the goods and
effects of such as suffered capitally. 3. All fines for killing
game, black-fish, or cutting green wood, were laid on by themselves,
and went into their own pockets. These fines amounted to what they
pleased almost. 4. Another very lucrative perquisite they had was
what was called the Herial Horse, which was, the best horse, cow, ox,
or other article, which any tenant on the estate possessed at the
time of his death. This was taken from the widow and children for the
bailie at the time they had most need of assistance. This amounted
to a great deal on a large estate.”--_Old Statistical Account of
Scotland_, vol. xiii. pp. 151-152.
[1376] P. 243.
[1377] See Fraser-Mackintosh’s _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 242.
[1378] Burton’s _Scotland after Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 537.
[1379] Among others, the Rev. John Skinner, well known as the author
of the song of “Tullochgorum,” was a sufferer: he was imprisoned for
six months.
[1380] Dunbar’s _Social Life in Former Days_, 1st series, p. 390.
[1381] When the Princess of Wales, mother of George III., mentioned,
with some appearance of censure, the conduct of Lady Margaret
M’Donald, who harboured and concealed Prince Charles, when in the
extremity of peril, he threw himself on her protection; “And would
not you, madam,” answered Prince Frederick, “have done the same, in
the same circumstances? I am sure--I hope in God you would.” Captain
Stuart of Invernahoyle’s singular remark was not, it seems, quite
without foundation. A gentleman, in a large company, gibed him for
holding the king’s commission, while, at the same time, he was a
professed Jacobite. “So I well may,” answered he, “in imitation of
my master: the king himself is a Jacobite.” The gentleman shook his
head, and remarked, that the thing was impossible. “By G--,” said
Stuart, “but I tell you he is, and every son that he has. There is
not one of them who (if he had lived in my brave father’s days) would
not to a certainty have been hanged.”--Hogg’s _Jacobite Relics_.
[1382] “We find that the whole of national song during that period
inclined towards the ancient dynasty, and the whole force of the
ludicrous, the popular, and the pathetic, volunteered in the Jacobite
service. It is beyond question that the merit of these Jacobite
songs eclipsed, and still eclipses, every attempt at poetry on the
other side, which has produced little beyond a few scraps of verses
in ridicule of the bare knees, the kilts, and bad English of the
Highlanders.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 100.
[1383] “These songs are a species of composition entirely by
themselves. They have no affinity with our ancient ballads of heroism
and romance, and one part of them far less with the mellow strains of
our pastoral and lyric muses. Their general character is that of a
rude energetic humour, that bids defiance to all opposition in arms,
sentiments, or rules of song-writing. They are the unmasked effusions
of a bold and primitive race, who hated and despised the overturning
innovations that prevailed in church and state, and held the abettors
of these as dogs, or something worse--drudges in the lowest and
foulest paths of perdition--beings too base to be spoken of with
any degree of patience or forbearance. Such is their prevailing
feature; but there are amongst them specimens of sly and beautiful
allegory. These last seem to have been sung openly and avowedly in
mixed parties, as some of them are more generally known, while the
others had been confined to the select social meetings of confirmed
Jacobites, or hoarded up in the cabinets of old Catholic families,
where to this day they have been preserved as their most precious
lore.”--Hogg’s _Jacobite Relics_.
[1384] The gentleman referred to in a former note appends the
following:--
“There is also an Irish version of the ‘White Cockade.’ It has been
translated from the Irish by J. J. Callanan. The following is the
last verse:--
‘No more the cuckoo hails the spring,
The woods no more with the stanch-hounds ring;
The song from the glen, so sweet before,
Is hushed since Charlie left our shore.
The prince is gone, but he soon will come,
With trumpet sound, and with beat of drum:
Then up with shout, and out with blade--
We’ll stand or fall with the white cockade.’
Lover, commenting on this song in his _Lyrics of Ireland_, tells
the following anecdote in connection with Ireland, and its devotion
to the White Rose:--“The celebrated Lord Chesterfield, who governed
Ireland with rare ability and liberality in 1744, when told by an
alarmist that ‘the Papists were dangerous,’ replied that he had never
seen but one dangerous Papist, and that was Miss ----, a particularly
lovely woman. This lady, sharing in the gratitude and admiration of
the Roman Catholics, wished to show the Earl how thoroughly she could
overcome political prejudices, and on a public occasion at Dublin
Castle wore a breast knot of Orange ribbon. The earl, pleased at the
incident, requested Lord Doneraile, celebrated for his wit, to say
something handsome to her on the occasion. The request occasioned the
following _impromptu_:--
‘Say, little Tory, why this jest
Of wearing Orange on thy breast,
Since the same breast, uncover’d, shows
The whiteness of the rebel rose.’”
[1385] In connection with the above subject, our Jacobite
correspondent has communicated to us the following anecdote. He
does not vouch for its truth, but he states that he had it on very
good authority. On one occasion, when her Majesty’s guests had been
enjoying themselves, in scattered groups, in the pleasure-grounds
around Balmoral, the conversation chanced to turn, amongst one of
those groups, on Jacobite songs and Jacobite music. One of the
ladies, known for her knowledge of Jacobite melodies, and for her
skill in the execution of them, was asked to favour her companions
with a specimen. The party having retired to a distance from the
rest of the company, the lady sung her song. The echoes of the music
reached, it is said, the quick ears of the Queen, who went at once to
the spot whence it proceeded. And no one, it is added, enjoyed the
melody more. One of the company having ventured to express surprise
that the Queen could so enter into the spirit of a song which seemed
to reflect so much on the present dynasty, her Majesty is said to
have stated, as the representative of the family of Bonnie Prince
Charlie, no one could be a greater Jacobite than herself; and that
she considered all the songs in praise of “the Auld Stuarts” as songs
in praise of her own ancestors.
END OF VOL. I.
INDEX.
Abercromby, Sir Ralph, his portrait, ii. 372;
Major-General, at Ticonderoga, 338;
his expedition against the West Indies, 362;
Egypt, 366;
his fatal wound, 372.
“Abercrombie Robinson,” The, its voyage with the 91st, ii. 732.
Aberdeen, Montrose’s march upon it, i. 169;
Covenanters expelled from, 172;
Farquharson’s “Hieland Men” at, 174;
Covenanters at, 187;
battle and sack of, 188;
deputation from, to Montrose, 202;
Covenanting officers killed at, 246.
Aberdeen, Old, view of, i. 246.
Aberdeenshire Highland Regiment, or Old 81st, ii. 565.
Aberdour, in Aberdeenshire, i. 39.
Aboukir taken by the British ii. 367.
Aboyne, the viscount’s force, i. 161;
appointed lieutenant of Highlands, 173;
landing in Aberdeen, 173;
proclamation to Covenanters, 173;
his escape from Carlisle, 208;
Montrose deserted by him, 229;
interview with Montrose, 234;
escape, 254.
Achnacarry, the seat of Cameron of Lochiel, engraving of it, i. 709.
A fin (“to the end”), the motto of the Ogilvy, ii. 319.
Agricola in Britain, i. 3;
his invasion of Scotland, 6;
his voyage and death, 9.
Agriculture in the Highlands, ii. 9.
Ahmednuggur, this fortress attacked and taken, ii. 575;
taken (1803), 627;
the Hon. Mrs Stewart Mackenzie’s memorial slab to the 78th in the
Pettah wall, 628.
Ahwaz, captured (Apr. 1, 1857), ii. 665, 666.
Aire, The, the fight here in 1814, ii. 729.
Alba or Scotland, i. 34.
Alba de Tormes, the allies’ retreat from, ii. 584;
the battle of, 760.
Alban or Scotland, i. 26;
note, 34.
Albania or Scotland (note), i. 34, 50.
Albany, Count of, this title is assumed by Prince Charles, i. 758.
Albany, Duke of, i. 69;
Regent, 71;
his victory at Harlaw, ii. 140.
Albany’s Highlanders, _see_ 72nd.
Albinn or Britain, i. 17.
Alexander III., his coronation at Scone, i. 61;
his portrait, 62.
Alexander of the Isles, Inverness destroyed by, i. 73;
he surrenders to James I., 73.
Allahabad, the 78th proceed thither, ii. 667;
Havelock’s march against the insurgents, 667;
the 79th here (1867), 716.
Alma, the battle of the, 42nd, ii. 410;
the 79th, 711;
the 93rd, 785;
--the River, the position of the Russians, 711;
--Medals, their distribution, 417.
Almarez, Lord Hill carries, ii. 381;
the 92nd here (1812), 760.
Alpine, Siol, several clans, ii. 242.
Alum Bagh, The, the sick and wounded guarded here, ii. 676.
Am Freiceadan Dubh (“the Black Watch”), the Gaelic name of the 42nd,
ii. 324.
Amoaful, the battle here, ii. 804.
Anderson, General Paul, the 78th receive new colours and accoutrements
from his estate, ii. 659.
Anglo-Norman jurisdiction, i. 59.
Anglo-Saxon colonisation of Scotland, i. 56.
“Another for Hector,” origin of the saying, i. 324.
Anrias or Ross, Clan, its history, crest, arms, and motto, ii. 235.
Anson, Hon. Mrs George, she presents new colours to the 74th
Highlanders, ii. 608.
Antonine, Wall of, map and profile of, i. 10;
stone from, 11.
Antwerp, allied commanders’ object against (1811), ii. 651.
Arapiles, Los, near Salamanca, ii. 583;
Pakenham’s obstinate fight here, 383.
Ard Choille (“the wooded hill”), motto and slogan of the Macgregors,
ii. 243.
Ardoch Moor, i. 7;
battle of, 8;
view of Roman Camp at, 15.
Ardvraick Castle, Montrose imprisoned here, i. 268;
view of, 269.
Argaum, battle of (1803), ii. 633.
Argyll, i. 34;
settlement of Scots from Ireland here, 33;
the proper orthography (note), ii. 177.
Argyll, Campbell, the clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 175.
Argyll, Archibald, the 5th Earl, ii. 179.
Argyll, 2nd Duke of, portrait, i. 472.
Argyll, the 7th Earl of, his portrait, i. 338;
defeated at Glenlivet, 109;
the 8th Earl and 1st Marquis, his portrait, 178;
defeated at Tippermuir, 184;
at Aberdeen, 188;
at Fyvie, 192;
his conduct towards Montrose, 271;
declines to serve in the Scots army in England, 289;
declaration of the 9th Earl against Government.
_See_ Campbell, Clan.
Argyll, 1st Marquis of, arrested, i. 332.
Argyll Highlanders, or Old 74th Highland Regiment, their history,
ii. 519.
Argyllshire Highlanders, the 91st Princess Louise’s Regiment, _see_
Ninety-first.
Argyll’s Stone (note), i. 339.
Arinez, the action here in 1813, ii. 596.
Arkaig, Loch, view of, i. 709.
Armour, ancient Caledonians’, i. 5.
Army sub-districts of Highland Regiments, _see_ Brigade Centre.
Arriverète, the battle here (1814), ii. 762.
Arroyo de Molinos, the battle here, ii. 496.
Ashantee Campaign (1874), map, ii. 803.
Ashantee War, volunteers from the 79th share in its dangers, ii. 721.
Assaye, battle and plan of, ii. 574, 631.
Athole, 2nd Duke of, with President Forbes at Blair Castle, i. 323;
the 4th Duke raises a regiment in 1778, ii. 522;
note from the 7th Duke on the death of Dundee, i. 376;
his accepting the care of the monument to the fallen of the 42nd,
ii. 435.
Athole Highlanders at Culloden, i. 663.
Athole Highlanders, _see_ 77th Regt., Old.
Athole, Marquis of, created duke, i. 410.
Athole, Stewarts of, their descent, ii. 300.
Attainted estates, i. 478.
Audaces juvo (“I favour the brave”), scroll motto of the Buchanans,
ii. 281.
Audentes Fortuna juvat (“fortune aids the daring”), Mackinnon’s motto,
&c., ii. 256.
Augustus, Fort, view of, i. 485.
Auldearn, battle of, i. 210.
Aut pax aut bellum (“either peace or war”), motto of Gunn, &c.,
ii. 278.
Badajoz, its siege and capture, ii. 581.
Bagh, “garden,” of frequent occurrence in Indian names, ii. 530.
Bagpipe, history of, in Highlands, ii. 109.
Bagpipe-playing in the Highlands, i. 312.
Baird, Major-General, his portrait, ii. 482;
commands against Hyder Ali, 481;
at the assault on Seringapatam, 570;
commands at the Cape of Good Hope, 778.
Balaklava, battle of, ii. 418, 713, 785.
Balloch, Donald, Lord of Isla, i. 76;
sends his own head to Edinburgh, ii. 141.
Balmerino, his letter to the Chevalier de St George, i. 726;
his execution, 727.
Balmoral, Highland residence of Her Majesty, steel engraving of,
i. 775.
Balnagowan, Ross of, and Pitcalnie, their claims to the chiefship,
ii. 237.
Bangalore, the storming in 1791, ii. 527.
Bannockburn, battle of, i. 63.
Bannockburn House--Prince Charles passes a night here, i. 616.
Bards’ influence on the Highlanders, i. 315.
Bareilly, its final reduction, ii. 686.
Bayonne--the battle in 1813, ii. 729;
last action of the Peninsular war, ii, 763.
Bede, the Venerable, i. 20, 22;
dialect, 21.
Belhaven, “the fiery Lord,” i. 411.
Ben, beann, ban, bean, bain, bane,--literally “white, beautiful;”
applied to amountain, it refers to the snow-cap, ii. 216.
Bengal army--the mutiny, ii. 666.
Beresford, Major-General, at Buenos-Ayres, ii. 488;
at the siege of Badajoz, 496;
his brigade in 1808, 727.
Bergen-op-Zoom, attack on, ii. 451.
Berridale, Lord, prosecution of, i. 126;
imprisoned, 137-8;
and his creditors, 145;
his wounds at Charlestown, ii. 521.
Bithoor, its evacuation before Hope-Grant, ii. 420;
the march against, 674.
“Birkenhead,” wreck of the, ii. 604.
Bi se mac an t’slaurie (“Be thou son of the crook”), the scroll motto
of the Maclaurins, ii. 279.
Bishops, Scottish, Anti-Popery mandates to their clergy (1745),
i. 582;
recognise the Hanoverian Government, 769.
“Black Camp,” before Inverary, i. 434.
Blackmail in the Highlands, i. 321;
levying of it, 483;
cessation of its payment, 488;
its amount, ii. 2.
“Black Watch,” the, _see_ Forty-Second Royal Highlanders, ii. 324.
Blair-Athole, Prince Charles here, i. 635.
Blair Castle abandoned by the Duke of Athole, and seized by the
Marquis of Tullibardine, i. 534;
the family residence of the Dukes of Athole, with engravings of as
it stood in 1745-6 before being dismantled, 643;
and as restored in 1872, ii. 312.
Blantyre, Lord, deputed to London, Queen Elizabeth refuses to see him,
i. 409;
his experience of Highlanders, ii. 380.
Blauw-Berg, the battle in 1806, ii. 778.
“Bloody Preacher,” the, David Dickson, i. 238;
John Nave or Neaves, ii. 252.
Bog of Gight, Earl of Murray here, i. 156;
the castle taken by Leslie, 251;
the site of Gordon Castle, ii. 318.
Bondage, Manerial, predial service in Harris, ii. 35.
Bones, Highland superstitions about, i. 309.
“Bonnet gained,” the, its history, ii. 417.
“Bonnie Dundee,” song of (note), i. 350.
“Bonnie House o’ Airly,” the, destroyed by the Earl of Argyll, i. 178.
Book of Deer, the, (note), i. 22, 38.
Borlum, Old, Brigadier Mackintosh, Laird of, i. 437;
ordered by Mar to the Borders, 445.
Boyd, Lord, incident at Culloden, i. 667.
Boyne, King James’s defeat at the, i. 393.
Brahan Castle, the Highlanders lay down their arms here, i. 486.
Brandywine Creek--the battle, ii. 353.
Breadalbane Campbells, their motto, history, arms, &c., ii. 186;
first earl, 187.
Breadalbane, his portrait, i. 394;
his policy for the winning side, 395;
imprisoned for high treason, i. 402.
Bridge of Dee (note), i. 85;
battle of the, 175;
skirmish at, 202.
Brigade Centres, or “Army Sub-districts” of the Highland
regiments--the 42nd and 79th is Perth;
the 71st and 78th is Fort George;
the 72nd and 91st is Stirling;
the 74th is Hamilton;
and the 92nd and 93rd is Aberdeen.
Brooklyn, battle of (1776), ii. 349, 467.
Bruce, Robert, i. 63.
Buchanan, Clan, its history, arms and mottoes, ii. 281.
Buchanan, George, on Highland dress and armour, i. 327.
Burgos, the siege in 1812, ii. 383, 703.
Burton, Major, his melancholy fate, ii. 551.
Burt’s Letters on Highland dress, i. 330;
their value, ii. 20.
Busaco--the battle, A.D. 1810, ii. 578.
Busheer, its surrender, ii. 660.
Bydand (“permanent”), motto of the Gordons, ii. 316.
Byng, Lt.-General Sir John, presents new colours to the 92nd,
Dec. 13, 1830, ii. 767.
Caber Feidh, or “Gathering of the 72nd Highlanders,” the music
arranged for the bagpipes, ii. 532.
Cadogan, Colonel, mortally wounded at La Puebla--engraving of his
monument in Glasgow Cathedral, ii. 498.
Caffraria, map of the eastern part, ii. 564.
“Caisteal Foulis na theine”--Castle Foulis in flames--slogan of the
Munroes, ii. 434.
Caithness and Sutherland, Earls of, feud between, i. 100;
reprisals, 110;
differences, 128;
agreement, 136.
Caledonians, Ancient, their habits, i. 1, 4;
weapons, armour, government, physique, 5;
engravings of two sculptured stones representing them, 4.
Callernish Circle in Lewis--view of, i. 37.
Callum More, Colin Mòr or Mohr, ii. 178.
Cambridge, H.R.H. the Duke of, in the Crimea, ii. 784;
he presents new colours to the 93rd, 788.
Cameron (or Chameron), Clan, its history, arms, crest, mottoes, and
branches, ii. 217;
clan muster in 1745, i. 522;
defeat of Clan Chattan by, 106.
Cameron, Alan (of Erracht), raises the 79th Regiment, ii. 697;
his candid and stern refusal to allow the king to draft the 79th
Regiment (note), 698;
his letter on abolishing the kilt, 699.
Cameron, Sir Duncan A., K.C.B., his portrait on steel as colonel of
the “Black Watch,” ii. 325;
at the Alma, 413;
succeeds Sir Colin Campbell in command of the Highland Brigade
(1855), 547, 713;
succeeds Sir Colin in command of a division, 548;
his war services, 437.
Cameron, Col. John, 92nd, his portrait, ii. 763;
--his part and death at Quatre Bras, June 16, 1815--some details
of his life and bravery, 764;
his coat of arms, 762;
Sir Walter Scott’s lines upon, 765.
Cameron, Donald (Lochiel), “The Gentle Chief,” _see_ Lochiel.
Cameron, Dr Arch., portrait, i. 718;
execution at Tyburn--reluctance of George II. to sign his death
warrant, 756.
Cameron Highlanders, “the 79th Queen’s Own,” _see_ 79th Regiment.
Cameron, John Dhu, Sergeant Mòr, i. 325.
Cameron, Sir Ewen, of Lochiel (or “Ewan Dhu”), his character and
achievements, i. 296, 297, ii. 220-222;
with his second son at Killiecrankie, i. 371;
his foster brother at Killiecrankie (note), 377;
Byron’s mention of him, ii. 706.
Cameronian Volunteers, the first designation of the 79th, ii. 697.
“Cameronians,” origin of the name, the test, i. 335;
become partisans of the Stuarts, their warlike movements, i. 414.
Camerons, their conduct before the battle of Prestonpans, i. 555, 562.
Campbell--its etymology, ii. 175.
Campbell, Clan, Argyll Branch, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 175;
its prominent men, 177-185.
Campbell, Clan, Breadalbane Branch, arms, crest, and motto--its
prominent men, ii. 186-189.
Campbell, Clan, Offshoots, ii. 189-190.
Campbell, Castle, burned by the Macleans, i. 221.
Campbell, Colin (of Carwhin), he succeeds to the Breadalbane peerage,
ii. 188.
Campbell, General Duncan, of Lochnell, first colonel of the 91st--his
portrait on steel, ii. 756;
his punch-bowl, 754.
Campbell, Major-General John Francis Glencairn--his portrait, ii. 746;
his bravery, 738;
his becoming colonel, 91st, 746.
Campbell, Major-General Sir Archibald, K.C.B., first colonel of the
74th Highlanders, ii. 571;
his portrait, 572.
Campbell of Lochnell at Glenlivet, i. 108.
Campbell, Sir Archibald Ava, Bart., the representative of the
Robertsons, ii. 172.
Campbell, Sir Colin (Lord Clyde), his portrait on steel plate, ii. 409;
his career (note), ii. 413;
his generalship, 416, 417, 682, 684, 713, 784, 785, 790.
Campbell’s Highlanders, or Old 88th Regiment, history of, ii. 475.
Campbells, Macdougall, of Craignish, ii. 167.
Campobello, Sir Nigel de, the head of the Clan Campbell (in 1320 A.D.),
ii. 176.
Camps, Roman, i. 14, 15.
Canada, plan for its conquest (1759), ii. 460.
Cannon, Colonel, joined by Farquharsons, Frasers, Gordons, Macphersons,
i. 380;
defeated at Dunkeld, 384.
Canute in Scotland, i. 53.
Cape of Good Hope, the Dutch yield it up, ii. 624.
Carlisle, occupied by Duke of Hamilton, i. 256;
surrenders to Prince Charles, 589;
engraving of the city (1745), 604;
surrenders to Cumberland, 610.
Carpenter, General, he intercepts the Jacobite army, i. 146, 449;
commander of the forces in North Britain, 480.
Caschroim, the crooked Scotch spade (woodcut), ii. 9.
Cassilis, Earl of, i. 88;
his flight from Linlithgow, 258;
at Queensferry, 258.
Cat, the Great, a name of the Sutherland chief, ii. 273.
Cathcart, Colonel, is despatched against the rebels by the Duke of
Argyll; he surprises the Jacobites, i. 457;
his skilful attack at Sheriffmuir, 463.
Catholic religion, restoration of, i. 329.
Cattanachs, the, ii. 217.
Cattle-lifting in the Highlands, i. 321; ii. 1.
Cattle raids in the Highlands (1724), i. 483.
Cawnpore, more correctly Cawnpoor.
Cawnpoor, siege and second massacre of, ii. 667;
view of Suttee Chowra Ghât, the scene of second massacre, 668;
the third massacre, 669;
view of mausoleum over the well, 670;
and its monumental inscription, 669;
plan to illustrate the action near Cawnpoor, 16th July 1857, 669.
Caw, Lewis, assumed name of Prince Charles (in Skye), i. 700.
Cean Ciknith, “Head of the Lineage,” ii. 117.
Ceanmore, Malcolm, i. 54.
Cearnachs or Caterans, i. 321.
Celtic and feudal names, i. 72, 299.
Celtic MSS., their archives, ii. 67.
Ceylon, Stuart’s expedition, ii. 531.
Chariot, ancient British war chariot, i. 6.
Charles I. and the Covenanters, i. 175;
and the Marquis of Huntly and people of Scotland, 251;
prisoner at Newport, 259;
his reverses in England--taken prisoner. 247;
writes to Montrose, 248.
Charles II., his arrival in Scotland, i. 331.
Charles Edward, Prince, his portrait engraved on steel, from a
miniature given to Lochiel, frontispiece to vol. i.;
his portrait in old age, taken at Florence in 1776, i. 758;
portraits of the Prince and his wife Louisa, ii. 753;
his parentage, i. 499;
leaves Rome for the invasion of England, 507;
his spirit in 1745, 510;
aspires to the throne, 511;
his companions in the invasion of Great Britain, 512;
in a naval battle, 513;
his dress and manners on landing in 1745, 515;
resolve to raise his standard, 520;
proclamation to apprehend, 528;
encamps at Loch Lochy--his proclamation to apprehend George II.,
532;
his Highland army (1745)--adopts the Highland dress--his resolve
to meet Sir John Cope, 533;
enters Perth, 535;
shows his last coin, 536;
his entry into Edinburgh, 547;
description of him, 549;
his prudence at Prestonpans, 555;
his address to his army at Prestonpans, 559;
his humanity after the battle--at Pinkie House, 565;
his clemency in Edinburgh, 570;
marches to England, 576;
deportment at Holyrood--orders a review of his army on Leith
Links--final departure from Holyrood, 584;
enters Carlisle, 569;
progress in England, 594;
proposes to march into Wales, 599;
dejection after the decision to retreat from Derby, 600;
reviews his army on Glasgow Green, 615;
flight of his troops, 634;
loss of his war treasure, 645;
pecuniary difficulties, 647;
energy and strategetic ability, 648;
account of battle of Culloden, 650 to 663;
conduct after Culloden, 665;
flight and proceedings after Culloden, 671 to 673;
reasons for returning to France--meeting the chiefs in
Glenboisdale--and departure from the mainland, 675;
his narrow escape to Harris--his assumed name and disguise, 683;
his skill as a cook--his linens, 684;
ability as a sportsman, 686;
adventures in making his escape, 689-691;
his social manners, 693;
resumes his male attire--his old shoes sold for £21, 694;
buys 4 oz. of “pigtail,” 696;
parts with Flora Macdonald, 697;
his wound at Culloden--his estimate of the Highland corps--his
return to Skye, 699;
recognised in his disguise, 701;
a Highland servant washes his feet, 702;
is entertained in a cave by Mackinnon--parts with his faithful
guide, and gives him his old pipe, 703;
leaves Skye in Mackinnon’s boat, 704;
narrow escapes, 710-712;
wanderings in Glengarry, 714;
French officers meet him, and his narrow escape, 716;
rashness, impatience, and escape, 718-720;
career in Great Britain, 721;
arrives at Paris, 740;
goes to Madrid, 744;
returns to Paris--his non-success with Louis XIV.--wishes to marry
the Czarina, 745;
ceases to drink his brother’s health--pecuniary
difficulties--obstinacy against Louis’ pension, 746, 747;
strikes a medal as Prince of Wales, 748;
arrest and expulsion from France--his prison, 751, 752;
his assumed name on the Continent, 753;
visits Paris and London incognito--wanderings on the Continent, 754;
visits London in 1752 and 1760, 755;
his mistress, Walkinshaw, 756;
assumption of the Stuart doctrine of divine right, 757;
marriage to a princess in 1772--fixes his abode at Florence in
1766--gets his daughter to live with him--removes to
Rome--becomes a paralytic and dies, 759;
his real character, 760;
known and loved by the Highlanders, 770.
Chattan, dissension in clan, i. 85;
in Knoydart and Moydart, 88;
defeated by clan Cameron, 106;
joins the Macdonalds, ii. 143;
its history, 197;
its component clans, 201;
its force in 1704, 1715, and 1745, 217.
Chevalier de St George, the title assumed by the son of James II,
i. 414;
his claim to succeed Queen Anne, 421;
reward for his apprehension, 422;
proclaimed at Aberdeen, Castle Gordon, Brechin, Montrose, and
Dundee, 436;
the Master of Sinclair’s description of, 468;
utter failure of his cause, 475;
contract of marriage, 481;
letters to Clementina, 500;
proclaimed as James VIII., 523;
his death, 758.
Chiefs, Highland, their status and authority, i. 322;
their power and influence previous to 1745, ii. 3;
their idea of land rights, 34;
sometimes deposed, 130.
Chieftains, their position and status, ii. 6.
Chisholm, clan, its history, arms, crest, and mottoes, ii. 307;
view of Erchless Castle, the family seat, 308.
Chumie or Tyumie--this river (Kaffraria) crossed by the troops in
1846 (an illustration), ii. 737.
Ciudad Rodrigo, its siege in 1811, ii. 579.
Clan, Gaelic and Erse, Clann or Cland Manx = Cloan (note), literally
“children,” or “offspring,” “tribe,” ii. 117.
Clan, legal status of, decision given by Lord Ardmillan in 1860,
ii. 213.
Clan and clanship, Highland import, ii. 116;
Clan influence, latest instance, 777.
Clanranald, its arms, history, and mottoes, ii. 153.
Clanranald of Lochaber, ii. 142, 147;
its suppression by Argyll, 182.
Clan regiments, mode of commanding--list of them for invading England,
i. 585.
Clans, origin of the Highland clans, ii. 117;
division of people into, i. 316;
matrimonial arrangements--power of chiefs--warlike spirit--military
ranks, 317;
places of rendezvous--The Fiery Cross--war cry or slogan--effects
of omens in--number of fighting men, 318;
succession of chiefs--fidelity of followers to chiefs--administration
of laws--feuds, 319;
union and opposition among--degrees of insult among--feeling of
revenge, 320;
fidelity to their chiefs, 325;
a list of Breadalbane’s proposed forces of the Highland chieftains
(note), 404;
their valour in 1745, 533;
their disputes anent rank and precedence, 659;
their costume by Sobieski and Charles Edward Stuart, 761;
the forfeited estates of clansmen, 769;
Border clans early broken up--chief works respecting them, ii. 116.
Clarior hinc honos (“hence brighter honour”), arms motto of Buchanan,
ii. 281.
Claverhouse, Graham of, _see_ Dundee.
Clephane, Lieut.-Col., his anecdotes of the 79th, ii. 722.
Cluny, Macpherson of, chief of Clan Macpherson--is called in the
Highlands Mac Mhurich Chlanidh, ii. 212;
The Cluny meets the Prince in Lochiel’s hut, i. 746;
nine years of cave life, 719;
commands the Clan Pherson at Dalkeith, 584.
Cluny Castle, relics of the rebellion of 1745 in, ii. 212.
Clyde, Lord. _See_ Campbell, Sir Colin.
Cnoc elachan (“willow hill”), the slogan of Colquhoun, ii. 284.
“Cock of the North,” the Marquis of Huntly, i. 170;
the Duke of Gordon, ii. 318, 775.
Cògaidh nà Sith (“war or peace”), Kenneth Mackay plays it at Waterloo,
ii. 707.
Colonsay island, and Lord Colonsay, ii. 165.
Colquhoun Clan, its history, arms, crest, and mottoes, ii. 284.
Colquhouns and Macgregors at feud, i. 113.
Columba, St, birth, i. 37;
preaching to the Picts, 21;
landing at Aberdour, 22;
conversion of Picts, 33;
death, 39.
Comyn, Cumin, Cummin, Cumming, ii. 318.
Comyn, John, Earl of Buchan, i. 61.
Coomassie, the capital of Ashantee, ii. 803;
its capture and cremation, 805.
Cope, Sir John, commander-in-chief in Scotland, i. 527;
his progress in the Highlands, 530;
his autograph, 531;
Prince Charles resolves to encounter him--his flight, 533;
Prince Charles drinks his health, 534;
his march to Aberdeen, 537;
at Prestonpans, 559.
Cornwallis, Lord, his victory at Jeffrey’s Ford, ii. 353;
his command in America in 1780, 471;
commander-in-chief in 1791, 485;
his arrival in India, 527.
Corunna, Moore’s retreat thither, and his death, ii. 377;
battle of, in 1809, 490.
“Courage,” motto of the Cummings, ii. 318.
Covenant, Charles II. signs it, i. 279.
Covenanters, ii. 177-217, 219-232, 233-246, 257-280, 335.
Craggan an Fhithich (“the raven’s rock”), scroll motto of Macdonnell,
ii. 156.
Craigellachie (“rock of alarm”), the slogan of the Grants, ii. 256.
Craigievar Castle, engraving of, ii. 294.
Crawford, John, Earl of, the first colonel of the “Black Watch,” his
portrait on steel, ii. 325.
Creachs, or predatory excursions, i. 321.
Creag Dhu, or Cragi Dhu (“black rock”), the slogan of the Macphersons,
ii. 212.
Crimea, Map of, ii, 777;
invasion in 1854, 409;
evacuation in 1856, 548.
_See_ Highland Regiments.
Cro (“fine,” “ransom,” or “forfeit”), Celtic = Eric in the Brehon Law,
i. 46.
Cromwell, Oliver, Scotch army surrender to him, i. 256;
his siege of Berwick, 259;
crosses the Tweed, 279;
his fortress at Leith, 442;
his narrow escape at Ribble Bridge, 451.
Culloden, Forbeses of, ii. 295;
battle of, i. 657, 664, 667, 669;
plan of the field of battle, 661.
Culloden House, engraving of it, i. 657;
Prince Charles occupies, 651.
Cumberland, Duke of, his portrait engraved on steel, i. 631;
his movements, 602;
presented with the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, 631, 636, 639;
his measures and rapacity, 648;
at Culloden, 661-666;
his futile efforts to capture Prince Charles, 676;
his movements in suppressing the rebellion, 678.
“Cumberland and Murray’s Descent into Hell,” a song, i. 773.
Cumming, sept or family of, its history, arms, and motto, ii. 318;
adopt the name of Farquharson, 319.
Cymric origin of the Picts, i. 22, 28, 30.
Cymric roots of the Pictish tongue, i. 28.
Dalcross Castle, an engraving of it, one of the seats of the
Mackintosh, ii. 209.
Dalkeith, insurgents’ camp (1745), i. 564.
Dalkeith House, surrender of, i. 167.
Dalriads, or Irish Scots, i. 33.
Dalrymple, Master of Stair, his treachery to Glencoe, i. 396;
bears the blame of the massacre of Glencoe, 402.
Dalrymple, Sir David, his inquiry about the medal presented to the
Advocates by the Duchess of Gordon, i. 419.
Danish Fleet in the Clyde, i. 50.
Daoine Shith, or men of peace, i. 304.
Daoine Matha, or good men, i. 307.
Data fata secutus (“following the allotted fates”), scroll motto of
Mackenzies, ii. 238.
David I., his influence, i. 57.
David II., i. 64;
recalled from France, ii. 138.
Davidsons’ and Macphersons’ feud, i. 66.
Davidsons, the, their fate at the battle of Invernahavon, ii. 203.
Davoch-lands in the Highlands, ii. 16.
Dawson, Jemmy, origin of “Shenstone’s Ballad” of, i. 723.
Dear or Deer, its site and antiquity, i. 39
Dee, Bridge of, battle of the, i. 85, 175.
Deemster or judge, the Brehon, ii. 129.
Deer, Book of, its character, ii. 68, 70.
Deer-forests, their recent formation, ii. 63.
Defoe on the Highland dress, i. 328.
Depopulation (Highland), its progress, ii. 54.
Derby, arrival here of Prince Charles on foot--the crisis of his
enterprise, i. 598.
Derwentwater, Earl of, his espousal of the Chevalier’s cause, i. 436;
his Jacobite zeal, 452;
sent to General Willis as a hostage, 455;
beheaded, 477.
Dettingen, battle (June 1743), i. 509.
Dh’aindheoin co theireadh è (“in spite of, who would gainsay”), motto
of Clanranald, ii. 153.
Dick, Colonel (afterwards Sir) R. H., 42nd, his portrait, ii. 396;
his death and tablet to his memory in St Giles’ Cathedral,
Edinburgh, 408.
Dingwalls of Ross-shire, i. 62.
Dirk, the Highland, i. 301.
Disarming Act (in 1716), i. 495 and 489.
Donald, Clan, its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 136.
Donald Dubh escapes from prison, ii. 144.
Donald Gorme (of Sleat), claims the lordship of the Isles, ii. 145.
Donald, Lord of the Isles, i. 69.
Donnachie, Clan, their name, ii. 170.
Donnibristle Castle, Huntly attacks, i. 105
Donolly--cadets of this family, ii. 161.
Dornoch, the Duke of Perth advances on, and Lord Loudon abandons
(1746), i. 641.
Dornoch Castle, view of, i. 117;
town besieged, i. 91, 92.
Douglas, Chevalier, an assumed name of Prince Charles, i. 509.
Douglas, Lady, she presents new colours to the 79th, ii. 709.
Douglas, Major-General Sir John, K.C.B., his portrait as colonel of
the 79th, ii. 711.
Douglas, Sir Neil, K.C.B., K.C.H., colonel of the 72nd, his portrait
on steel, ii. 479;
colonel of the 78th, 694.
Drammach, peculiar preparation, i. 685.
“Dread God,” motto of Munro of Foulis, ii. 231.
Dress, Highland, its advantages, i. 300, 302, 699;
remarks on, 326;
Highland armour, 327;
Highland women’s dress, 302.
Druid, derivation of the word (note), i. 36.
Druidheachd, Gaelic term, i. 307.
Drummond, origin of the name and clan, ii. 312;
history, arms, and motto, 313.
Drummond, Captain James, falls at Prestonpans, his dying address,
i. 562.
Drummond, the first Lord, ii. 314;
his confinement in Castle Drummond, i. 421;
his attempt to seize Edinburgh Castle, 431;
he embarks with the Pretender, 475;
attainted, 478.
Drummond’s Edinburgh Volunteers, i. 544.
Drummossie Moor, Culloden battlefield, i. 651;
plan of this moor, 661.
Duart Castle, view of, i. 98;
Argyll unable to take it, 393.
Duffie, history of this clan, ii. 261.
Duffus, Laird of, i. 91, 150, 152.
Duinewassels, ii. 129.
Dulcius ex asperis (“sweeter out of adversity”), the motto of the
Ferguson or Fergussons, ii. 320.
Dumbarton Castle taken, i. 167.
Dunadd, capital of Dalriadda, i. 34.
Dunaverty Castle, siege of, i. 252;
seized by James IV., ii. 143.
Dunbar, battle of (1650), i. 283.
Dunbeath Castle taken, i. 265.
Dunblane, engravings of, about 1715, i. 460;
burnt by the Danes, i. 49.
Dunchattan, Macintosh of, murdered, i. 85.
Duncrei (Crieff), i. 40.
Dundee, Viscount, John Graham of Claverhouse, his portrait--steel
plate of armour worn by him at Killiecrankie, i. 376;
antecedents, 350;
education at Seneffe--Prince of Orange saved by--appointed captain
in Scotland by Charles II., raised to the peerage, 351;
outlawed, 352;
resumé of his character (note), 353;
joined by Macdonald of Keppoch and clan, 355;
before Dundee, 356;
joined by various clans in Lochaber, 357;
men desert from, 358;
joined by Athole men and enters Athole, 366;
movements at Killiecrankie, 369;
at Urrard House, 369;
battle of Killiecrankie, 372;
death--note from present Duke of Athole on death of Dundee, 376;
alleged letter from to the king (note)--character, 377;
buried at Blair-Athole, 378.
Dunfermline, seat of government, i. 57.
Dunkeld, view of, as in the 17th century, i. 384;
church built by Kenneth, i. 49.
Dunolly Castle, i. 34.
Dunottar Castle, Earl Marshal shut up in, i. 204;
view of in the 17th century, 205.
Dunrobin Castle, Old, view of, besieged, i. 83;
an ancient seat of Sutherland chiefs, ii. 273;
view of, from a photograph by Collier & Park, 277.
Dunstaffnage Campbells, ii. 190;
the castle taken by the Bruce, 161;
castle, i. 34.
Dunyveg Castle, view of, taken by Angus Oig, i. 129;
by Campbell of Calder, 131;
by Sir James Macdonald, 131.
Edgar Ætheling, seal of, i. 55.
Edgar, Secretary, on Charles incog., i. 754.
Edinburgh captured from the English, i. 51;
approach of Prince Charles, 542;
freedom of the city presented to the Duke of Cumberland, 631.
Edinburgh Castle, view of, as in 1715, i. 432;
surprised by General Leslie, 167;
Montrose imprisoned in, 268;
siege by Cromwell, 285;
surrender of, 287, 362;
attempt to seize it by Jacobites, 431.
Edinburgh city guard, i. 352.
Edinburgh, Duke of, visits India, ii. 775.
Edward, son of Malcolm III., i. 55.
Edward the Confessor, i. 55, 57.
Edward the Constable, i. 59.
Eglinton, Earl of, advances on Edinburgh, i. 257;
offers to assist the Stewarts, 481.
Egypt, battle of, March 21st, 1800, ii. 369.
Eigg, all its inhabitants suffocated, ii. 195.
Eighty-first, Old, ii. 565.
Eighty-fourth, Old, ii. 565.
Eighty-seventh Regiment, Old, ii. 475.
Eighty-eighth Regiment, Old, ii. 475.
Eighty-ninth Highland Regiment, history and reduction of, ii. 478.
Elephant, the, His Majesty’s order that the troops engaged at Assaye
should bear it on their colours--the regiments thus honoured,
ii. 632.
El Hamet, the battle here (1807), ii. 648.
Enfield Rifles, their first issue to the 74th, ii. 609;
to the 78th (1857), 664.
English soldiery, their ferocity after Culloden, i. 665;
their brutality at Culloden, 667;
their barbarities in Scotland, 680.
Episcopacy, attempt to introduce, into Scotland, i. 165.
Episcopalians, stringent laws and stern penal enactments against them,
i. 769.
Erchless Castle, the seat of the Chisholm (with an engraving), ii. 308.
Erig, or compensation tribunals, i. 321.
Errol, Earl of, attainted, i. 107;
restored, 110.
Erskine, Rev. Ebenezer, commanded two companies of Seceders at defence
of Stirling, i. 616.
Erskine, John, Earl of Mar, _see_ Mar.
Espoir, Comte d’--one incognito of Prince Charles, i. 753.
Euzofzai, an erroneous orthography of Yûzûfzai, ii. 511;
engraving of a monument to the 71st Regiment, 517.
Fairies of Shetland (note), i. 306.
Fairy legends in the Highlands, i. 304.
Falkirk, the field of battle in 1746, i. 624.
Famine, the Highland, in 1750, ii. 24.
Fantees, a tribe on the Gold Coast, ii. 803.
Farmwork in the Highlands (1760), ii. 11.
Farquhar, progenitor of the Shaws, ii. 213.
Farquharson, Clan, their history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 215.
Farquharson (of Invercauld), opposed General Wills at Ribble Bridge,
i. 451.
Farquharson of Inverey in Cromar, i. 293.
Farquharsons join Colonel Cannon, i. 380.
Fassifern, Sir Ewen Cameron of, the first Baronet (father of Colonel
John Cameron, 92nd Regiment), ii. 222.
Fencible Corps, chronological list, ii. 807.
Ferguson or Fergusson, a Highland sept, their badge, ii, 320.
Ferguson, Lt.-Gen. Sir R. C., his portrait on steel plate of the
colonels of the 78th and 79th, ii. 617;
colonel of the 79th, 708;
his death in 1841, 709.
Feros ferio (“I strike the cruel”), Chisholm’s scroll motto, ii. 307.
Feudal and Celtic manners, i. 72.
Feudalism differs from clanship, ii. 119.
Feudality, its remnant abolished, i. 768.
Feuds among clans, their causes, i. 319.
Fide et fortudine (“by fidelity and fortitude”), motto of the
Farquharsons, ii. 215.
Fide parta fide aucta (“acquired by fidelity, increased by fidelity”),
the crest motto of the Mackenzies, ii. 238.
Field of Shirts, battle of, i. 87.