CHAPTER XXXVI.

A.D. 1746.

BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.

Duke of Cumberland marches north--Crosses the Spey--Proceedings

of Charles--Duke of Cumberland arrives at Nairn--Prince

Charles leaves Inverness and forms his army on Drummossie

Moor--Night-march to Nairn--Its failure--Highland army returns to

Culloden--Advance of the Duke of Cumberland--Preparations for

battle--Battle of Culloden--Proceedings of Cumberland--Tumult

in royal army--Barbarities committed by the troops--Skirmish

at Golspie--Charles arrives at Glenboisdale--The Chiefs retire

to Ruthven--Lord George Murray resigns his command--Letter

from Charles--He lands in Benbecula--Proceedings of the

Duke--Association of Chiefs--Devastations committed by the

royal troops--Apprehension of Lord Lovat and others--Macdonald

of Barisdale and Glengarry--Escape of the Duke of Perth and

others--Suppression of the rebellion.

Having spent upwards of five weeks at Aberdeen, the Duke of

Cumberland began to prepare for his march to the north. As it was

his intention to proceed by the coast road, he had ordered a number

of victualling ships to rendezvous at Aberdeen; and early in April,

these vessels, escorted by several ships of war provided with

artillery, ammunition, and other warlike stores, had arrived at their

destination, for the purpose of following the army along the coast

and affording the necessary supplies. About this time the weather had

become favourable, and though still cold, the snow had disappeared,

and a dry wind which had prevailed for some days had rendered the

river Spey, the passage of which was considered the most formidable

obstacle to his march, fordable.[1166]

Accordingly, on the 8th of April the duke left Aberdeen with the

last division of his army, consisting of six battalions of foot and

a regiment of dragoons. The whole regular force under his command

amounted to about 7,200 men, comprehending fifteen regiments of foot,

two of dragoons, and Kingston’s horse. Besides these, there were the

Argyleshire men and other militia, whose united numbers may be stated

at 2,000. At the time of the duke’s departure, six battalions, with

Kingston’s horse and Cobham’s dragoons, under Major-general Bland,

were stationed at Strathbogie, and three battalions at Old Meldrum,

under Brigadier Mordaunt. The duke quartered the first night at

Old Meldrum and the next at Banff, where two spies were seized and

hanged. One of them was caught while in the act of notching upon a

stick the number of the duke’s forces.[1167] On the 11th the duke

marched to Cullen, and at Portsoy he was joined by the remainder of

his army, which had been stationed at Old Meldrum and Strathbogie.

The army being too numerous to obtain quarters in the town, the foot

encamped for the night on some ploughed fields in the neighbourhood,

and the horse were quartered in Cullen and the adjacent villages.

The Earl of Findlater, who, with his countess, had accompanied the

army on its march from Aberdeen, on arriving at his seat at Cullen,

made a present of two hundred guineas to the troops.

Next day, being Saturday, the 12th of April, the duke put his army

again in motion, and, after a short march, halted on the moor of

Arrondel, about five or six miles from the river Spey. He then formed

his army into three divisions, each about half a mile distant from

the other, and in this order they advanced towards the Spey. The

left division, which was the largest, crossed the river by a ford

near Gormach, the centre by another close by Gordon castle, and the

division on the right by a ford near the church of Belly. In their

passage, the men were up to their waists in the water, but, with the

exception of the loss of one dragoon and four women, who were carried

away by the stream, no accident occurred.

The Duke of Perth, who happened at this time to be with the Highland

forces appointed to defend the passage of the Spey, not thinking

it advisable to dispute the position against such an overwhelming

force as that to which he was opposed, retired towards Elgin on the

approach of the Duke of Cumberland. The conduct of the Duke of Perth,

and of his brother, Lord John Drummond, has been censured for not

disputing the passage of the Spey, but without reason. The whole of

the Highland forces along the Spey did not exceed 2,500 men, being

little more than a fourth of those under the Duke of Cumberland.

Notwithstanding this great disparity, the Highlanders, aided by

the swollen state of the river, might have effectually opposed the

passage of the royal army had it been attempted during the month of

March, but a recent drought had greatly reduced the quantity of water

in the river, and had rendered it fordable in several places to such

an extent, that at two of them a whole battalion might have marched

abreast. As some of the fords run in a zig-zag direction, some damage

might have been done to the royal army in crossing; but as the Duke

of Cumberland had a good train of artillery, he could have easily

covered his passage at these places.

The departure of the Duke of Cumberland from Aberdeen was not known

at Inverness till the 12th, on the morning of which day intelligence

was brought to Charles that he was in full march to the north with

his whole army. Shortly after his arrival at Inverness, Charles had

formed the design, while the Duke of Cumberland lay at Aberdeen, of

giving him the slip, by marching to Perth by the Highland road, so

as to induce the duke to return south, and thus leave the northern

coast clear for the landing of supplies from France. With this

view, he had directed the siege of Fort William to be pushed, and,

calculating upon a speedy reduction of that fortress, had sent orders

to the Macdonalds, the Camerons, and the Stewarts, who were engaged

in the siege, immediately on the capture of the fort to march into

Argyleshire, and, after chastising the whigs in that district,

and giving an opportunity to their friends there to join them, to

proceed to Perth.[1168] Charles, however, for the present, laid

aside the intention of marching south, and knowing that the Duke of

Cumberland would advance from Aberdeen early in April, he gave orders

for concentrating his forces at Inverness, and, as soon as he was

informed of the duke’s march, he renewed these orders, by sending

expresses every where to bring up his men. Those who had been at the

siege of Fort William were already on their march, but Lord Cromarty

was at a considerable distance with a large body of men, and could

scarcely be expected to arrive in time if the duke was resolved on an

immediate action.[1169]

Besides the men who were absent on the expeditions in Lochaber and

Sutherland, there were many others who had returned to their homes,

either discontented with the situation in which they found themselves

after they came to Inverness, or to see their families or friends.

Up to the period of their arrival there, they had received their

pay punctually, but at Inverness the face of affairs was completely

changed in this respect, and instead of money the troops were reduced

to a weekly allowance of oatmeal. The men murmured at first at the

stoppage of their pay, but their clamours were quieted by their

officers, who gave them assurances that a supply of money would soon

be received from France. This expectation would have been realised,

but for the misfortune which befell the _Prince Charles_, and in

consequence of that event, the soldiers began to murmur afresh, and

some of them seeing no pressing occasion for their attendance, and

choosing rather to enjoy a frugal repast with their friends at home

than serve without pay, left the army. These absentees, however, had

no intention of abandoning the service, and were resolved to rejoin

their colours as soon as they saw a probability of coming to action.

Accordingly, many of those who had returned to their homes set out

of their own accord to rejoin the army, on hearing of the Duke of

Cumberland’s advance, though few of them arrived in time for the

battle.[1170]

Reduced in numbers as the prince’s army was from the causes alluded

to, they still burned with impatience to meet the enemy; and when

intelligence of the Duke of Cumberland’s march from Aberdeen reached

Inverness, it was hailed with joy by the portion there assembled.

From the fatigues and labours they had experienced during the

campaign, and the numerous inconveniences to which they had been

subjected from the want of pay, there was nothing the Highlanders

dreaded more than another march to the south; but the near prospect

they now had of meeting the English army upon their own soil, and of

putting an end to the war by one bold and decisive blow, absorbed

for a while all recollection of their past sufferings. By drawing

the Duke of Cumberland north to Inverness, it was generally supposed

that the prince could meet him on more equal terms than at Aberdeen,

as he would have a better and more numerous army at Inverness, than

he could have carried south. This unquestionably would have been

the case had Charles avoided a battle till he had assembled all his

troops, but his confidence on the present occasion got the better of

his prudence.

After crossing the Spey, the Duke of Cumberland halted his army on

the western bank, and encamped opposite to Fochabers, but the horse

afterwards repassed the river and took up their quarters in the

town. Here, as at Cullen, every precaution was taken to prevent

surprise. Early next morning he raised his camp, and passing through

Elgin, encamped on the moor of Alves, nearly midway between Elgin

and Forres. The Duke of Perth, who had passed the previous night at

Forres, retired to Nairn upon his approach. The Duke of Cumberland

renewed his march on the 14th and came to Nairn, where the Duke of

Perth remained till he was within a mile of the town, and began his

retreat in sight of the English army. In this retreat, Clanranald’s

regiment, with the French piquets and Fitz-James’s horse, formed the

rear. To harass the rear, and retard the march of the main body till

some of his foot should come up, the Duke of Cumberland sent forward

his cavalry. Several shots were exchanged between the duke’s cavalry

and the French horse, and in expectation of an engagement with the

duke’s advanced guard, consisting of 200 cavalry and the Argyleshire

men, the Macdonalds of Clanranald, and the Stewarts of Appin, were

ordered back to support the French. These regiments accordingly

returned and took ground, and Fitz-James’s horse formed on their

right and left. The duke’s advanced guard thereupon halted, and

formed in order of battle, but as the main body of the English army

was in full march the rear recommenced their retreat. The advanced

guard continued to pursue the Highlanders several miles beyond Nairn,

but finding the chase useless, returned to the main body which was

preparing to encamp on a plain to the west of Nairn.[1171]

Neither at the time when Charles received intelligence of the Duke of

Cumberland’s march to Aberdeen, nor till the following day (Sunday),

when news was brought to him that the English army had actually

crossed the Spey, does Charles appear to have had any intention of

speedily risking a battle. He probably expected that with the aid

of the reinforcements he had sent to support the Duke of Perth, his

grace would have been able, for some time at least, to maintain a

position on the western bank of the river, and that time would be

thus afforded him to collect the scattered portions of his army,

before being compelled, by the advance of the Duke of Cumberland,

to come to a general engagement. But whatever his intentions were

anterior to the receipt of the intelligence of the English army

having crossed the Spey, that circumstance alone made him determine

to attack the Duke of Cumberland without waiting for the return of

his absent detachments.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 14th, Charles ordered the drums to

beat, and the pipes to play, as the signal for summoning his men to

arms. After those who were in the town had assembled in the streets,

the prince mounted his horse, and putting himself at their head, led

them out to Culloden, about four miles from Inverness.[1172] Leaving

part of his men in the parks around Culloden house, Charles went

onward with his first troop of guards and the Mackintosh regiment,

and advanced within six miles of Nairn to support the Duke of Perth,

but finding him out of danger, he returned to Culloden, where he was

joined by the whole of the duke’s forces in the evening. Lochiel

also arrived at the same time with his regiment. That night the

Highlanders bivouacked among the furze of Culloden wood, and Charles

and his principal officers lodged in Culloden house.

Having selected Drummossie moor for a field of battle, Prince Charles

marched his army thither early on the morning of the 15th, and drew

his men up in order of battle across the moor, which is about half a

mile broad. His front looked towards Nairn, and he had the river of

that name on his right, and the inclosures of Culloden on his left.

This moor, which is a heathy flat of considerable extent about five

miles from Inverness and about a mile and a half to the south-east of

Culloden house, forms the top of a hill which, rising at Culloden,

dies gradually away in the direction of Nairn. The ascent to the moor

is steep on both sides, particularly from the shore. In pitching

upon this ground, Charles acted on the supposition that the Duke of

Cumberland would march along the moor, which was better fitted for

the free passage of his army than the common road between Nairn and

Inverness, which was narrow and inconvenient.

In expectation that the Duke of Cumberland would advance, Charles

sent forward on the road to Nairn some parties of horse to

reconnoitre, but they could observe no appearance of any movement

among the royal troops. The ground on which the army was now formed

had been chosen without consulting Lord George Murray, who, on

arriving on the spot, objected to it, on the footing that though

interspersed with moss and some hollows, the ground was generally

too level, and consequently not well suited for the operation of

Highlanders. He therefore proposed to look out for more eligible

ground, and at his suggestion Brigadier Stapleton and Colonel Ker

were sent about ten o’clock to survey some hilly ground on the south

side of the water of Nairn, which appeared to him to be steep and

uneven, and of course more advantageous for Highlanders. After an

absence of two or three hours, these officers returned and reported

that the ground they had been appointed to examine was rugged and

boggy, that no cavalry could act upon it, that the ascent on the

side next the river was steep, and that there were only two or

three places, about three or four miles above, where cavalry could

pass; the banks of the river below being inaccessible. On receiving

this information, Lord George Murray proposed, in the event of

Cumberland’s forces not appearing that day, that the army should

cross the water of Nairn, and draw up in line of battle next day,

upon the ground which had been surveyed; and that, should the Duke

of Cumberland not venture to cross after them and engage them upon

the ground in question, they might watch a favourable opportunity of

attacking him with advantage. In the event of no such opportunity

offering, his lordship said he would recommend that the army

should, with the view of drawing the duke after them, retire to the

neighbouring mountains, where they might attack him at some pass or

strong ground. This proposal met with the general approbation of

the commanding officers; but Charles who, two days before (when a

suggestion was made to him to retire to a strong position till all

his army should assemble), had declared his resolution to attack

the Duke of Cumberland even with a thousand men only, declined to

accede to it. His grounds were that such a retrograde movement

might discourage the men, by impressing them with a belief that

there existed a desire on the part of their commanders to shun the

English army; that Inverness, which was now in their rear, would

be exposed, and that the Duke of Cumberland might march upon that

town, and possess himself of the greater part of their baggage and

ammunition.[1173]

Concluding from the inactivity of the Duke of Cumberland that he had

no intention of marching that day, Charles held a council of war in

the afternoon, to deliberate upon the course it might be considered

most advisable to pursue in consequence of the duke’s stay at Nairn.

According to Charles’s own statement, he had formed the bold and

desperate design of surprising the English army in their camp during

the night; but, desirous of knowing the views of his officers before

divulging his plan, he allowed all the members of the council to

speak before him. After hearing the sentiments of the chiefs, and

the other commanders who were present, Lord George Murray proposed

to attack the Duke of Cumberland during the night, provided it was

the general opinion that the attack could be made before one or two

o’clock in the morning. Charles, overjoyed at the suggestion of his

lieutenant-general, immediately embraced him, said that he approved

of it, that in fact he had contemplated the measure himself, but that

he did not intend to have disclosed it till all the members of the

council had delivered their sentiments.

Had the army been in a condition to sustain the fatigue of a

night-march of ten or twelve miles, the plan of a night attack was

unquestionably the best that could have been devised under existing

circumstances. If surprised in the dark, even supposing the duke

to have been on his guard, a night attack appeared to afford the

only chance of getting the better of his superiority in numbers and

discipline, and of rendering his cavalry and cannon, in which his

chief strength lay, utterly useless. But the Highland army, from

some unaccountable oversight on the part of the persons who had the

charge of the commissariat department, was in a state bordering upon

starvation, and consequently not able to perform such a fatiguing

march. Although there was a quantity of meal in Inverness and the

neighbourhood sufficient for a fortnight’s consumption, no care had

been taken to supply the men with an allowance on leaving Inverness,

and the consequence was, that during this and the preceding day very

few of them had tasted a particle of food. To appease their hunger

a single biscuit was distributed to each man, but this pittance

only increased the desire for more; and hunger getting the better

of patience, some of the men began to leave the ranks in quest of

provisions. In spite, however, of the deprivation under which they

laboured, the army was never in higher spirits, or more desirous

to meet the enemy; and it was not until all hopes of an immediate

engagement were abandoned that the men thought of looking out for the

means of subsistence.[1174]

The expediency of a night attack was admitted by all the members of

the council, but there were a few who thought that it should not

be ventured upon until the arrival of the rest of the army, which

might be expected in two or three days at farthest. Keppoch with his

Highlanders had just come up and joined the army; but the Mackenzies

under Lord Cromarty, a body of the Frasers whom the Master of Lovat

had collected to complete his second battalion, the Macphersons under

Cluny, their chief, the Macgregors under Glengyle, a party headed by

Mackinnon, and a body of Glengarry’s men under Barisdale, were still

at a distance, though supposed to be all on their march to Inverness.

The minority objected that, should they fail in the attempt, and be

repulsed, it would be difficult to rally the Highlanders,--that even

supposing no spy should give the Duke of Cumberland notice of their

approach, he might, if alarmed by any of his patrols, have time to

put his army in order in his camp, place his cannon, charged with

cartouch-shot, as he pleased, and get all his horse in readiness to

pursue the Highlanders if beat off. Besides these objections, they

urged the difficulty of making a retreat if many of their men were

wounded, from the aversion of the Highlanders to leave their wounded

behind them. They, moreover, observed that they had no intelligence

of the situation of the duke’s camp; and that even could a safe

retreat be made, the fatigue of marching forwards and backwards

twenty miles would be too much for men to endure, who would probably

have to fight next day.[1175]

All these arguments were however thrown away upon Charles, who,

supported by the Duke of Perth, Lord George Murray, Lord John

Drummond, Lochiel, and others, showed the utmost impatience for an

immediate attack. Those who supported this view were not insensible

to the danger which might ensue should the attack miscarry; but,

strange to say, they were urged to it from the very cause to which

the failure was chiefly owing, the want of provisions. Apprehensive

that if the army was kept on the moor all night, many of the men

would go away to a considerable distance in search of food, and that

it would be very difficult to assemble them speedily in the event of

a sudden alarm, they considered an immediate attack, particularly as

Charles had resolved to fight without waiting for reinforcements, as

a less desperate course than remaining where they were.[1176]

To prevent the Duke of Cumberland from obtaining any knowledge of the

advance of the Highlanders from the spies who might be within view

of his army, Charles fixed upon eight o’clock for his departure, by

which time his motions would be concealed from observation by the

obscurity of the evening. Meanwhile the commanding officers repaired

to their respective regiments to put their men in readiness; but

between six and seven o’clock an incident occurred which almost put

an end to the enterprise. This was the departure of a large number

of the men, who, ignorant of the intended march, went off towards

Inverness and adjacent places to procure provisions and quarters for

the night. Officers from the different regiments were immediately

despatched on horseback to bring them back, but no persuasion could

induce the men to return, who gave as their reason for refusing that

they were starving. They told the officers that they might shoot them

if they pleased, but that they would not go back till they got some

provisions.[1177] By this defection Charles lost about 2,000 men,

being about a third of his army.

This occurrence completely changed the aspect of affairs, and every

member of the council who had formerly advocated a night attack

now warmly opposed it. Charles, bent upon his purpose, resolutely

insisted upon the measure, and said that when the march was begun the

men who had gone off would return and follow the rest. The confidence

which he had in the bravery of his army blinded him to every danger,

and he was prompted in his determination to persist in the attempt

from an idea that Cumberland’s army having been that day engaged

in celebrating the birth-day of their commander, would after their

debauch fall an easy prey to the Highlanders.

Finding the prince fully resolved to make the attempt at all hazards,

the commanding officers took their stations, waiting the order

to march. The watchword was, “King James the VIII.,” and special

instructions were issued to the army, that in making the attack the

troops should not make use of their fire-arms, but confine themselves

to their swords, dirks, and bayonets; and that on entering the Duke

of Cumberland’s camp they should cut the tent strings and pull down

the poles, and that wherever they observed a swelling or bulge in

the fallen covering, they should strike and push vigorously with

their swords and dirks.[1178] Before marching, directions were given

to several small parties to possess all the roads, in order to

prevent any intelligence of their march being carried to the Duke of

Cumberland.

In giving his orders to march, Charles embraced Lord George Murray,

who immediately went off at the head of the line, about eight

o’clock, preceded by two officers, and about thirty men of the

Mackintosh regiment, who from their knowledge of the country were

to act as guides. Though the whole army marched in one line, there

was an interval in the middle as if it consisted of two columns. The

Athole men led the van, and next to them were the Camerons, who were

followed by the other clans. The low country regiments, the French

piquets, and the horse, formed the rear. Lord John Drummond was in

the centre, or at the head of the second column; and the Duke of

Perth and Charles, who had Fitz-James’s and other horse with him,

were towards the rear. Besides the party of Mackintoshes, who served

as guides in front, there were others of that clan stationed in the

centre and rear, and generally along the line, to prevent any of the

men from losing their way in the dark.[1179] The plan of attack, as

laid down by Lord George Murray, was as follows:--The army was to

have marched in a body till they passed the house of Kilraick or

Kilravock, which is about ten miles from Culloden, on the direct road

to Nairn. The army was then to have been divided, and while Lord

George Murray crossed the river Nairn with the van, making about

one-third of the whole, and marched down by the south side of the

river, the remainder was to have continued its march along the north

side till both divisions came near the duke’s camp. The van was then

to have re-crossed the river, and attacked the royal army from the

south, while the other part was to have attacked it at the same time

from the west.[1180] With the exception of Charles, who promised upon

his honour not to divulge it to any person, and Anderson, who acted

as guide at the battle of Preston, no person was made privy to the

plan, as its success depended upon its secrecy.

In the outset of the march the van proceeded with considerable

expedition, but it had gone scarcely half a mile when Lord George

Murray received an express ordering him to halt till joined by the

rear column, which was a considerable way behind. As a halt in the

van always occasions a much longer one in the rear when the march is

resumed, Lord George did not halt but slackened his pace to enable

the rear to join. This, however, was to no purpose, as the rear still

kept behind, and although, in consequence of numerous expresses

enjoining him to wait, Lord George marched slower and slower, the

rear fell still farther behind, and before he had marched six miles

he had received at least fifty expresses ordering him either to halt

or to slacken his pace. The chief cause of the stoppage was the

badness of the roads.

About one o’clock in the morning, when the van was opposite to the

house of Kilravock, Lord John Drummond came up and stated to Lord

George Murray that unless he halted or marched much slower the

rear would not be able to join. The Duke of Perth having shortly

thereafter also come up to the front and given a similar assurance,

his lordship halted near a small farm-house called Yellow Knowe,

belonging to Rose of Kilravock, nearly four miles from Nairn, and

about a mile from the place where it was intended the van should

cross the river. In the wood of Kilravock the march of the rear was

greatly retarded by a long narrow defile occasioned partly by a stone

wall; and so fatigued and faint had the men become, by the badness

of the road, and want of food, that many of them, unable to proceed,

lay down in the wood. This circumstance was announced to Lord George

Murray by several officers who came up from the rear shortly after

the van had halted. Nearly all the principal officers, including

the Duke of Perth, Lord George Murray, Lord John Drummond, Lochiel,

and General O’Sullivan, were now in the van, and having ascertained

by their watches, which they looked at in a little house close by,

that it was two o’clock in the morning, they at once perceived the

impossibility of surprising the English army. The van was still

upwards of three, and the rear about four miles from Nairn, and as

they had only been able to advance hitherto at a rate little more

than a mile in the hour, it was not to be expected that the army in

its exhausted state would be able to accomplish the remainder of the

distance, within the time prescribed, even at a more accelerated

pace. By a quick march the army could not have advanced two miles

before day-break; so that the Duke of Cumberland would have had

sufficient time to put his army in fighting order before an attack

could have been made. These were sufficient reasons of themselves

for abandoning the enterprise, but when it is considered that the

army had been greatly diminished during the march, and that scarcely

one-half of the men that were drawn up the day before on Drummossie

moor remained, the propriety of a retreat becomes undoubted.[1181]

Lord George Murray,--who had never contemplated any thing but a

surprise, and whose calculation of reaching Nairn by two o’clock

in the morning would have been realised had the whole line marched

with the same celerity as the first four or five regiments,--would

have been perfectly justified in the unexpected situation in which

he was placed, in at once ordering a retreat;[1182] but desirous

of ascertaining the sentiments of the officers about him, he

requested them to state their views of the course they thought it

most advisable to adopt. There were several gentlemen present, who,

having joined the Athole brigade as volunteers, had marched all

night in the front: and as the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond,

and the other officers, seemed at a loss what to resolve upon, Lord

George Murray requested the volunteers to give their free opinion,

as they were all equally interested in the consequences. Without

hesitation all these gentlemen, eager to come to an engagement, were

for marching, but most of the officers, particularly Lochiel and his

brother, Dr. Cameron, were of a different opinion, in which they were

backed by Lord George Murray, who observed that if they could have

made the attack within the time prescribed they would certainly have

succeeded, especially if they could have surprised the enemy; but to

attack in daylight an army that was nearly double their number, and

which would be prepared to receive them, would be considered an act

of madness.[1184]

Among the volunteers the most conspicuous was Mr. Hepburn of Keith.

While arguing for an attack with Lord George Murray, the beating of

a drum was heard in the Duke of Cumberland’s camp. “Don’t you hear,”

said Lord George; “the enemy are alarmed; we can’t surprise them.”

“I never expected,” said Hepburn, “to find the red coats asleep;

but they will be drunk after solemnising the Duke of Cumberland’s

birth-day. It is much better to march on and attack them than to

retreat, for they will most certainly follow, and oblige us to fight

when we shall be in a much worse condition to fight them than we

are now.” While this altercation was going on, Mr. John Hay, then

acting as interim-secretary to the prince instead of Secretary

Murray, who was unwell, came up and informed Lord George that the

line had joined. Gathering from the conversation he overheard that a

retreat was resolved upon, he began to argue against it, but being

unsuccessful he immediately rode back to Charles, who was in the rear

of the first column, and told him that unless he came to the front

and ordered Lord George to go on nothing would be done. Charles, who

was on horseback, rode forward immediately towards the front, to

ascertain the cause of the halt, and on his way met the van in full

retreat. He was no doubt surprised at this step, and in a temporary

fit of irritation, is said to have remarked that Lord George Murray

had betrayed him;[1185] but Lord George immediately convinced him “of

the unavoidable necessity of retreating.”[1186]

The army marched back in two columns, by a different but more direct

route than that by which it had advanced. In returning they had a

view of the fires in the Duke of Cumberland’s camp. The greater part

of the army arrived at Culloden, whither it had been agreed upon to

proceed, about five o’clock in the morning, and the remainder did not

remain long behind. The quick return of the army suggests an idea

that had it marched in double columns towards Nairn by the shortest

route, it might have reached its destination at least an hour sooner

than the time contemplated by Lord George Murray, but there was great

danger, that, by adopting such a course, the Duke of Cumberland would

have obtained notice of the advance of the Highlanders.

On arriving at Culloden, the prince gave orders to bring provisions

to the field; but the calls of hunger could not brook delay, and

many of the common men as well as officers slipped off to Inverness

and the neighbourhood in quest of refreshment. Others, from absolute

exhaustion, lay down on the ground, and sought a momentary respite

in the arms of sleep. Charles himself, with his principal officers,

went to Culloden house, where, sullen, dejected, and silent, they for

a time stared at one another with amazement, instead of deliberating

upon the course they ought to pursue at this critical juncture.

A search was made for food, but with the exception of a little

bread and a small quantity of whisky, which was procured for the

prince with great difficulty, no refreshment of any kind could be

obtained.[1187]

[Illustration: Old Culloden House. From Original Sketch in possession

of Duncan Forbes, Esq., of Culloden.]

After a short repose the men were aroused from their slumbers by

their officers, who informed them that the Duke of Cumberland’s army

was approaching. There were others whom hunger had kept awake,

and who having seized and killed some cattle and sheep which they

found at Culloden, were preparing a repast, but few of them had

time to make any thing ready before the alarm was given.[1188] The

intelligence of Cumberland’s advance was first brought to Culloden

house about eight o’clock by one Cameron, a lieutenant in Lochiel’s

regiment, who, having fallen asleep at the place where the halt was

made, had been left behind. As Fitz-James’s horse and others had gone

to Inverness to refresh, and as those who remained were, from the

hard duty they had performed for several days and nights, unfit for

patrolling, Charles had no means of ascertaining whether the troops

that were approaching were merely an advanced party, or the whole

of the English army. That nothing might be left to conjecture at

such an important crisis, some officers were instantly despatched to

Inverness, to bring back the men whom hunger had driven thither, and

the Highlanders at Culloden were got ready as quickly as possible,

and marched through the parks of Culloden in battalions, as they

happened to be lying, to Drummossie moor, on a part of which, about

half a mile to the west of the place where they had been drawn up

the day before, the army halted. Lord George Murray now renewed his

proposal to pass the water of Nairn, and take up a position on the

ground which had been surveyed the previous morning, as being much

better fitted for Highlanders than the level on which they stood.

An additional reason for passing the Nairn was, that Macpherson of

Cluny, who was expected every moment with his clan, was to come on

the south side. Charles, however, again rejected this judicious

advice, for the reasons he had formerly given.[1189] By retiring

beyond Inverness, or among the fastnesses to the south of the water

of Nairn, an action might have been easily avoided for several days;

and, as the projected night attack had miscarried, it would certainly

have been a wise course to have shunned an engagement till the men

had recovered their strength and spirits; but Charles, over-sanguine

in all his calculations, and swayed by his creatures and sycophants,

was deaf to the suggestions of wisdom. It seems strange that a

retreat to Inverness was not proposed. By retiring into the town, and

occupying the grounds in the neighbourhood, a delay of twenty-four

hours might have been obtained, as it is not likely that the Duke of

Cumberland would have attempted to force the town, or a strong camp,

the same day he marched from Nairn. By postponing the engagement

till next day, a very different result might have happened, as the

Highlanders, who were in a starving condition, would have had time to

procure provisions and recruit from their fatigue; and numbers, who

were not able to come up in time to Culloden, would have rejoined the

ranks at Inverness.

The Duke of Cumberland had been informed of the night march towards

Nairn by some Highland spies whom he had in his pay, and who had

mixed with the insurgents as they marched; but the spies were

ignorant of the intended surprise, which was kept a profound secret

from the Highland army. Judging from the intelligence brought by

the last person that arrived in his camp, that the Highlanders were

coming directly in his front, the duke considered himself free from

surprise, as the Argyleshire men lay on the plain to the west of his

camp, while a party of dragoons patrolled all night between Nairn and

the sea. He therefore ordered his men to take some rest, but to keep

their arms in readiness. He appears not to have anticipated an attack

during the night, but to have imagined that Charles merely meant to

take ground during the night, and to attack him early next morning.

In expectation of a battle, the duke had formed his army by break of

day, and, having ascertained that the Highland army had retreated,

he began his march towards Inverness about five o’clock.[1190] The

English army had, as anticipated, celebrated the birth-day of their

commander; but although they were amply supplied with bread, cheese,

and brandy, at the duke’s expense, the men had not exceeded the

bounds of moderation.[1191]

Before commencing the march, written instructions, which had been

communicated to the commanders of the different regiments, were

read at the head of every company in the line. These instructions

were, that if the persons to whom the charge of the train or baggage

horses was entrusted should abscond or leave them, they should be

punished with immediate death; and that if any officer or soldier

misconducted himself during the engagement, he should be sentenced.

The infantry marched in three parallel divisions or columns, of five

regiments each, headed by General Huske on the left, Lord Sempill

on the right, and General Mordaunt in the centre. The artillery and

baggage followed the first column on the right, and the dragoons and

horse, led by Generals Hawley and Bland, were on the left, forming a

fourth column. Forty of Kingston’s horse and Argyleshire men formed

the van.[1192]

The charge of forming the Highland army in line of battle on this

important occasion was intrusted to O’Sullivan, who acted in the

double capacity of adjutant and quarter-master general. This officer,

in the opinion of Lord George Murray, a high authority certainly, was

exceedingly unfit for such a task, and committed gross blunders on

every occasion of moment. In the present instance, he did not even

visit the ground where the army was to be drawn up, and he committed

a “fatal error” by omitting to throw down some park walls upon the

left of the English army, which were afterwards taken possession

of by the Duke of Cumberland, it being found afterwards impossible

to break the English lines, from the destructive flank-fire which

was opened from these walls upon the right of the Highland army, as

it advanced to the attack.[1193] While the Duke of Cumberland was

forming his line of battle, Lord George Murray was very desirous to

advance and throw down these walls; but as such a movement would have

broken the line, the officers about him considered that the attempt

would be dangerous, and he therefore did not make it.[1194]

The Highland army was drawn up in three lines. The first, or front

line, consisted of the Athole brigade, which had the right, the

Camerons, Stewarts of Appin, Frasers, Macintoshes, Maclachlans,

Macleans, John Roy Stewart’s regiment, and Farquharsons, united into

one regiment; the Macleods, Chisholms, Macdonalds of Clanranald,

Keppoch, and Glengarry. The three Macdonald regiments formed the

left. Lord George Murray commanded on the right, Lord John Drummond

in the centre, and the Duke of Perth on the left, of the first line.

There had been, a day or two before, a violent contention among the

chiefs about precedency of rank. The Macdonalds claimed the right as

their due, in support of which claim they stated, that as a reward

for the fidelity of Angus Macdonald, Lord of the Isles, in protecting

Robert the Bruce for upwards of nine months in his dominions, that

prince, at the battle of Bannockburn, conferred the post of honour,

the right, upon the Macdonalds,--that this post had ever since been

enjoyed by them, unless when yielded from courtesy upon particular

occasions, as was done to the chief of the Macleans at the battle of

Harlaw.[1195] Lord George Murray, however, maintained that, under the

Marquis of Montrose, the right had been assigned to the Athole men,

and he insisted that that post should be now conferred upon them, in

the contest with the Duke of Cumberland’s army. In this unseasonable

demand, Lord George is said to have been supported by Lochiel and

his friends. Charles refused to decide a question with the merits

of which he was imperfectly acquainted; but, as it was necessary to

adjust the difference immediately, he prevailed upon the commanders

of the Macdonald regiments to waive their pretensions in the present

instance. The Macdonalds in general were far from being satisfied

with the complaisance of their commanders, and, as they had occupied

the post of honour at Gladsmuir and Falkirk, they considered their

deprivation of it on the present occasion as ominous.[1196] The Duke

of Perth, while he stood at the head of the Glengarry regiment,

hearing the murmurs of the Macdonalds, said, that if they behaved

with their usual valour they would make a right of the left, and that

he would change his name to Macdonald; but these proud clansmen leant

a deaf ear to him.

The second line of the Highland army consisted of the Gordons

under Lord Lewis Gordon, formed in column on the right, the French

Royal Scots, the Irish piquets or brigade, Lord Kilmarnock’s foot

guards,[1197] Lord John Drummond’s regiment, and Glenbucket’s

regiment in column on the left, flanked on the right by Fitz-James’s

dragoons, and Lord Elcho’s horse-guards, and on the left by the Perth

squadron, under Lords Strathallan and Pitsligo, and the prince’s

body-guards under Lord Balmerino. General Stapleton had the command

of this line. The third line, or reserve, consisted of the Duke

of Perth’s and Lord Ogilvy’s regiments, under the last-mentioned

nobleman. The prince himself, surrounded by a troop of Fitz-James’s

horse, took his station on a very small eminence behind the centre of

the first line, from which he had a complete view of the whole field

of battle. The extremities of the front line and the centre were each

protected by four pieces of cannon.

The English army continued steadily to advance in the order already

described, and, after a march of eight miles, formed in order of

battle, in consequence of the advanced guard reporting that they

perceived the Highland army at some distance making a motion towards

them on the left. Finding, however, that the Highlanders were still

at a considerable distance, and that the whole body did not move

forward, the Duke of Cumberland resumed his march as before, and

continued to advance till within a mile of the position occupied by

the Highland army, when he ordered a halt, and, after reconnoitring

the position of the Highlanders, again formed his army for battle in

three lines, and in the following order.

The first line consisted of six regiments, viz. the Royals, (the

1st,) Cholmondeley’s, (the 34th,) Price’s, (the 14th,) the Scots

Fusileers, (the 21st,) Monro’s, (the 37th,) and Barrel’s, (the

4th). The Earl of Albemarle had the command of this line. In the

intermediate spaces between each of these regiments were placed

two pieces of cannon, making ten in all. The second line consisted

of five regiments, viz. those of Pulteney, (the 13th,) Bligh, (the

20th,) Sempil, (the 25th,) Ligonier, (the 48th,) and Wolfe’s, (the

8th,) and was under the command of General Huske. Three pieces of

cannon were placed between the exterior regiments of this line

and those next them. The third line or _corps de reserve_, under

Brigadier Mordaunt, consisted of four regiments, viz. Battereau’s,

(the 62d,) Howard’s, (the 3d,) Fleming’s, (the 36th,) and Blakeney’s,

(the 27th,) flanked by Kingston’s dragoons, (the 3d). The order in

which the regiments of the different lines are enumerated, is that

in which they stood from right to left. The flanks of the front line

were protected on the left by Kerr’s dragoons, (the 11th,) consisting

of three squadrons, commanded by Lord Ancrum, and on the right by

Cobham’s dragoons, (the 10th,) consisting also of three squadrons,

under General Bland, with the additional security of a morass,

extending towards the sea; but thinking himself quite safe on the

right, the duke afterwards ordered these last to the left, to aid

in an intended attack upon the right flank of the Highlanders. The

Argyle men, with the exception of 140, who were upon the left of the

reserve, were left in charge of the baggage.

The dispositions of both armies are considered to have been well

arranged; but both were better calculated for defence than for

attack. The arrangement of the English army is generally considered

to have been superior to that of the Highlanders; as, from the

regiments in the second and third lines being placed directly behind

the vacant spaces between the regiments in the lines respectively

before them, the Duke of Cumberland, in the event of one regiment in

the front line being broken, could immediately bring up two to supply

its place. But this opinion is questionable, as the Highlanders had a

column on the flanks of the second line, which might have been used

either for extension or echelon movement towards any point to the

centre, to support either the first or second line.

In the dispositions described, and about the distance of a mile

from each other, did the two armies stand for some time gazing at

one another, each expecting that the other would advance and give

battle. Whatever may have been the feelings of Prince Charles on this

occasion, those of the Duke of Cumberland appear to have been far

from enviable. The thoughts of Preston and Falkirk could not fail

to excite in him the most direful apprehensions for the result of a

combat affecting the very existence of his father’s crown; and that

he placed but a doubtful reliance upon his troops, is evident from a

speech which he now made to his army. He said that they were about

to fight in defence of their king, their religion, their liberties,

and property, and that if they only stood firm he had no doubt he

would lead them on to certain victory; but as he would much rather,

he said, be at the head of one thousand brave and resolute men than

of ten thousand if mixed with cowards, if there were any amongst

them, who, through timidity, were diffident of their courage, or

others, who, from conscience or inclination, felt a repugnance to

perform their duty, he requested them to retire immediately, and he

promised them his free pardon for doing so, as by remaining they

might dispirit or disorder the other troops, and bring dishonour and

disgrace on the army under his command.

[Illustration: Battle of Culloden.]

As the Highlanders remained in their position, the Duke of Cumberland

again put his army in marching order, and, after it had advanced,

with fixed bayonets, within half a mile of the front line of the

Highlanders, it again formed as before. In this last movement the

English army had to pass a piece of hollow ground, which was so soft

and swampy, that the horses which drew the cannon sank; and some of

the soldiers, after slinging their firelocks and unyoking the horses,

had to drag the cannon across the bog. As by this last movement the

army advanced beyond the morass which protected the right flank, the

duke immediately ordered up Kingston’s horse from the reserve, and a

small squadron of Cobham’s dragoons, which had been patrolling, to

cover it; and to extend his line, and prevent his being outflanked on

the right, he also at same time ordered up Pulteney’s regiment, (the

13th,) from the second line to the right of the royals and Fleming’s,

(the 36th,) Howard’s, (the 3d,) and Battereau’s, (the 62d,) to the

right of Bligh’s, (the 20th,) in the second line, leaving Blakeney’s,

(the 27th,) as a reserve.

During an interval of about half an hour which elapsed before the

action commenced, some manœuvring took place in attempts by both

armies to outflank one another. While these manœuvres were making,

a heavy shower of sleet came on, which, though discouraging to the

duke’s army, from the recollection of the untoward occurrence at

Falkirk, was not considered very dangerous, as they had now the

wind in their backs. To encourage his men, the Duke of Cumberland

rode along the lines addressing himself hurriedly to every regiment

as he passed. He exhorted his men to rely chiefly upon their

bayonets,[1198] and to allow the Highlanders to mingle with them that

they might make them “know the men they had to deal with.” After

the changes mentioned had been executed, his royal highness took

his station behind the royals, between the first and second line,

and almost in front of the left of Howard’s regiment, waiting for

the expected attack. Meanwhile, a singular occurrence took place,

characteristic of the self-devotion which the Highlanders were ready

on all occasions to manifest towards the prince and his cause.

Conceiving that by assassinating the Duke of Cumberland he would

confer an essential service on the prince, a Highlander resolved,

at the certain sacrifice of his own life, to make the attempt. With

this intention, he entered the English lines as a deserter, and being

granted quarter, was allowed to go through the ranks. He wandered

about with apparent indifference, eyeing the different officers as

he passed along, and it was not long till an opportunity occurred,

as he conceived, for executing his fell purpose. The duke having

ordered Lord Bury, one of his aides-de-camp, to reconnoitre, his

lordship crossed the path of the Highlander, who, mistaking him, from

his dress, for the duke, (the regimentals of both being similar,)

instantly seized a musket which lay on the ground, and discharged it

at his lordship. He missed his aim, and a soldier, who was standing

by, immediately shot him dead upon the spot.[1199]

In expectation of a battle the previous day, Charles had animated his

troops by an appeal to their feelings, and on the present occasion he

rode from rank to rank encouraging his men, and exhorting them to act

as they had done at Prestonpans and at Falkirk.

The advance of Lord Bury, who went forward within a hundred yards of

the insurgents to reconnoitre, appears to have been considered by the

Highlanders as the proper occasion for beginning the battle. Taking

off their bonnets, the Highlanders set up a loud shout, which being

answered by the royal troops with a huzza, the Highlanders about

one o’clock commenced a cannonade on the right, which was followed

by the cannon on the left; but the fire from the latter, owing to

the want of cannoneers, was after the first round discontinued. The

first volley from the right seemed to create some confusion on the

left of the royal army, but so badly were the cannon served and

pointed, that though the cannonade was continued upwards of half an

hour, only one man in Bligh’s regiment, who had a leg carried off

by a cannon-ball, received any injury. After the Highlanders had

continued firing for a short time, Colonel Belford, who directed the

cannon of the duke’s army, opened a fire from the cannon in the front

line, which was at first chiefly aimed at the horse, probably either

because they, from their conspicuous situation, were a better mark

than the infantry, or because it was supposed that Charles was among

them. Such was the accuracy of the aim taken by the royal artillery,

that several balls entered the ground among the horses’ legs, and

bespattered the prince with the mud which they raised; and one of

them struck the horse on which he rode two inches above the knee. The

animal became so unmanageable, that Charles was obliged to change him

for another.[1200] One of his servants, who stood behind with a led

horse in his hand, was killed on the spot. Observing that the wall

on the right flank of the Highland army prevented him from attacking

it on that point, the duke ordered Colonel Belford to continue the

cannonade, with the view of provoking the Highlanders and inducing

them to advance to the attack. These, on the other hand, endeavoured

to draw the royal army forward by sending down several parties by way

of defiance. Some of these approached there several times within a

hundred yards of the right of the royal army, firing their pistols

and brandishing their swords; but with the exception of the small

squadron of horse on the right, which advanced a little, the line

remained immoveable.

Meanwhile, Lord George Murray, observing that a squadron of the

English dragoons and a party of foot, consisting of two companies

of the Argyleshiremen, and one of Lord Loudon’s Highlanders, had

detached themselves from the left of the royal army, and were

marching down towards the river Nairn, and conceiving that it was

their intention to flank the Highlanders, or to come upon their rear

when engaged in front, he directed Gordon of Avochy to advance with

his battalion, and prevent the foot from entering the inclosure;

but before this battalion could reach them, they broke into the

inclosure, and throwing down part of the east wall, and afterwards a

piece of the west wall in the rear of the second line, made a free

passage for the dragoons, who formed in the rear of the prince’s

army. Upon this, Lord George ordered the guards and Fitz-James’s

horse to form opposite to the dragoons to keep them in check. Each

party stood upon the opposite sides of a ravine, the ascent to

which was so steep, that neither could venture across in presence

of the other with safety. The foot remained within the inclosure,

and Avochy’s battalion was ordered to watch their motions.[1201]

This movement took place about the time the Highlanders were moving

forward to the attack.[1202]

It was now high time for the Highlanders to come to a close

engagement. Lord George had sent Colonel Kerr to the prince, to know

if he should begin the attack; the prince ordered him to do so,[1203]

but his lordship, for some reason or other, delayed advancing. It is

probable he expected that the duke would come forward, and that by

remaining where he was, and retaining the wall and a small farm house

on his right, he would not run the risk of being flanked. Perhaps

he waited for the advance of the left wing, which, being not so far

forward as the right, was directed to begin the attack, and orders

had been sent to the Duke of Perth to that effect; but the left

remained motionless. Anxious for the attack, Charles sent an order by

an aide-de-camp to Lord George Murray to advance, but his lordship

never received it, as the bearer was killed by a cannon-ball while

on his way to the right. He sent a message about the same time to

Lochiel, desiring him to urge upon Lord George the necessity of an

immediate attack.

Galled beyond endurance by the fire of the English, which carried

destruction among the clans, the Highlanders became quite clamorous,

and called aloud to be led forward without further delay. Unable any

longer to restrain their impatience, Lord George had just resolved

upon an immediate advance, but before he had time to issue the order

along the line, the Mackintoshes, with a heroism worthy of that brave

clan, rushed forward enveloped in the smoke of the enemy’s cannon.

The fire of the centre field-pieces, and a discharge of musketry

from the Scotch Fusileers, forced them to incline a little to the

right; but all the regiments to their right, led on by Lord George

Murray in person, and the united regiment of the Maclauchlans and

Macleans on their left, coming down close after them, the whole moved

forward together at a pretty quick pace. When within pistol-shot of

the English line, they received a murderous fire, not only in front

from some field-pieces, which for the first time were now loaded

with grape-shot, but in flank from a side battery supported by the

Campbells, and Lord Loudon’s Highlanders. Whole ranks were literally

swept away by the terrible fire of the English. Yet, notwithstanding

the dreadful carnage in their ranks, the Highlanders continued to

advance, and, after giving their fire close to the English line,

which, from the density of the smoke, was scarcely perceptible

even within pistol-shot, the right wing, consisting of the Athole

Highlanders and the Camerons, rushed in sword in hand, and broke

through Barrel’s and Monroe’s regiments, which stood on the left of

the first line. These regiments bravely defended themselves with

their spontoons and bayonets; but such was the impetuosity of the

onset, that they would have been entirely cut to pieces had they

not been immediately supported by two regiments from the second

line, on the approach of which they retired behind the regiments

on their right, after sustaining a loss in killed and wounded of

upwards of 200 men. After breaking through these two regiments, the

Highlanders, passing by the two field-pieces which had annoyed them

in front, hurried forward to attack the left of the second line.

They were met by a tremendous fire of grape-shot from the three

field-pieces on the left of the second line, and by a discharge of

musketry from Bligh’s and Sempill’s regiments, which carried havoc

through their ranks, and made them at first recoil; but, maddened by

despair, and utterly regardless of their lives, they rushed upon an

enemy whom they felt but could not see, amid the cloud of smoke in

which the assailants were buried. The same kind of charge was made

by the Stewarts of Appin, the Frasers, Mackintoshes, and the other

centre regiments, upon the regiments in their front, driving them

back upon the second line, which they also attempted to break; but

finding themselves unable, they gave up the contest, not, however,

until numbers had been cut down at the mouths of the cannon. While

advancing towards the second line, Lord George Murray, in attempting

to dismount from his horse, which had become unmanageable, was

thrown; but, recovering himself, he ran to the rear and brought up

two or three regiments from the second line to support the first;

but, although they gave their fire, nothing could be done,--all was

lost. Unable to break the second line, and being greatly cut up by

the fire of Wolfe’s regiment, and by Cobham’s and Kerr’s dragoons,

who had formed _en potence_ on their right flank, the right wing also

gave up the contest, and turning about, cut their way back, sword in

hand, through those who had advanced and formed on the ground they

had passed over in charging to their front.

In consequence of the unwillingness of the left to advance first

as directed, Lord George Murray had sent the order to attack from

right to left; but, hurried by the impetuosity of the Mackintoshes,

the right and centre did not wait till the order, which required

some minutes in the delivery, had been communicated along the line.

Thus the right and centre had the start considerably, and quickening

their pace as they went along, had closed with the front line of

the English army before the left had got half way over the ground

that separated the two armies. The difference between the right and

centre and the left was rendered still more considerable from the

circumstance, as noted by an eye-witness,[1204] that the two armies

were not exactly parallel to one another, the right of the prince’s

army being nearer the duke’s army than the left. Nothing could be

more unfortunate for the prince than this isolated attack, as it was

only by a general shock of the whole of the English line that he had

any chance of a victory.

The clan regiments on the left of the line, apprehensive that they

would be flanked by Pulteney’s regiment and the horse which had been

brought up from the corps de reserve, did not advance sword in hand.

After receiving the fire of the regiments opposite to them, they

answered it by a general discharge, and drew their swords for the

attack; but observing that the right and centre had given way, they

turned their backs and fled without striking a blow. Stung to the

quick by the misconduct of the Macdonalds, the brave Keppoch, seeing

himself abandoned by his clan, advanced with his drawn sword in one

hand and his pistol in the other; but he had not proceeded far, when

he was brought down to the ground by a musket-shot. He was followed

by Donald Roy Macdonald, formerly a lieutenant in his own regiment,

and now a captain in Clanranald’s, who, on Keppoch’s falling,

entreated him not to throw away his life, assuring him that his wound

was not mortal, and that he might easily join his regiment in the

retreat; but Keppoch refused to listen to the solicitations of his

clansman, and, after recommending him to take care of himself, the

wounded chief received another shot, and fell to rise no more.[1205]

Fortunately for the Highlanders, the English army did not follow up

the advantages it had gained by an immediate pursuit. Kingston’s

horse at first followed the Macdonalds, some of whom were almost

surrounded by them, but the horse were kept in check by the French

piquets, who brought them off. The dragoons on the left of the

English line were in like manner kept at bay by Ogilvy’s regiment,

which faced about upon them several times. After these ineffectual

attempts, the English cavalry on the right and left met in the

centre, and the front line having dressed its ranks, orders were

issued for the whole to advance in pursuit of the Highlanders.

Charles, who, from the small eminence on which he stood, had observed

with the deepest concern the defeat and flight of the clan regiments,

was about proceeding forward to rally them, contrary to the earnest

entreaties of Sir Thomas Sheridan and others, who assured him that

he would not succeed. All their expostulations would, it is said,

have been in vain, had not General O’Sullivan laid hold of the bridle

of Charles’s horse, and led him off the field. It was, indeed, full

time to retire, as the whole army was now in full retreat, and was

followed by the whole of Cumberland’s forces. To protect the prince

and secure his retreat, most of his horse assembled about his person;

but there was little danger, as the victors advanced very leisurely,

and confined themselves to cutting down some defenceless stragglers

who fell in their way. After leaving the field, Charles put himself

at the head of the right wing, which retired in such order that the

cavalry sent to pursue could make no impression upon it.

At a short distance from the field of battle, Charles separated his

army into two parts. One of these divisions, consisting, with the

exception of the Frasers, of the whole of the Highlanders and the low

country regiments, crossed the water of Nairn, and proceeded towards

Badenoch; and the other, comprising the Frasers, Lord John Drummond’s

regiment, and the French piquets, took the road to Inverness. The

first division passed within pistol-shot of the body of English

cavalry, which, before the action, had formed in the rear of the

Highland army, without the least interruption. An English officer,

who had the temerity to advance a few paces to seize a Highlander,

was instantly cut down by him and killed on the spot. The Highlander,

instead of running away, deliberately stooped down, and pulling out a

watch from the pocket of his victim, rejoined his companions.[1206]

From the plainness of the ground over which it had to pass, the

smaller body of the prince’s army was less fortunate, as it suffered

considerably from the attacks of the duke’s light horse before

it reached Inverness. Numerous small parties, which had detached

themselves from the main body, fell under the sabres of the cavalry;

and many of the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood, who,

from motives of curiosity, had come out to witness the battle, were

slaughtered without mercy by the ferocious soldiery, who, from the

similarity of their dress, were perhaps unable to discriminate them

from Charles’s troops. This indiscriminate massacre continued all

the way from the field of battle to a place called Mill-burn, within

a mile of Inverness. Not content with the profusion of bloodshed in

the heat of action and during the pursuit, the infuriated soldiery,

provoked by their disgraces at Preston and Falkirk, traversed the

field of battle, and massacred in cold blood the miserable wretches

who lay maimed and expiring. Even some officers, whose station in

society, apart altogether from the feelings of humanity, to which

they were utter strangers, should have made them superior to this

vulgar triumph of base and illiberal minds, joined in the work of

assassination. To extenuate the atrocities committed in the battle,

and the subsequent slaughters, a forged regimental order, bearing

to be signed by Lord George Murray, by which the Highlanders were

enjoined to refuse quarters to the royal troops, was afterwards

published, it is said, under the auspices of the Duke of Cumberland;

but the deception was easily seen through. As no such order was

alluded to in the official accounts of the battle, and as, at the

interview which took place between the Earl of Kilmarnock and Lord

Balmerino, on the morning of their execution, both these noblemen

stated their entire ignorance of it, no doubt whatever can exist of

the forgery. The conduct of Charles and his followers, who never

indulged in any triumph over their vanquished foes, but always

treated them with humanity and kindness, high as it is, stands still

higher when contrasted with that of the royal troops and their

commander.[1207]

From the characteristic bravery of the Highlanders, and their

contempt of death, it is not improbable that some of those who

perished, as well on the field after the battle as in the flight,

did not yield their lives without a desperate struggle; but history

has preserved one case of individual prowess in the person of Golice

Macbane, which deserves to be recorded in every history relating to

the Highlanders. This man, who is represented to have been of the

gigantic stature of six feet four inches and a quarter, was beset

by a party of dragoons. When assailed, he placed his back against a

wall, and though covered with wounds, he defended himself with his

target and claymore against the onset of the dragoons, who crowded

upon him. Some officers, who observed the unequal conflict, were so

struck with the desperate bravery of Macbane, that they gave orders

to save him; but the dragoons, exasperated by his resistance, and the

dreadful havoc he had made among their companions, thirteen of whom

lay dead at his feet, would not desist till they had succeeded in

cutting him down.[1208]

According to the official accounts published by the government, the

royal army had only 50 men killed, and 259 wounded, including 18

officers, of whom 4 were killed. Lord Robert Kerr, second son of the

Marquis of Lothian, and a captain of grenadiers in Barrel’s regiment,

was the only person of distinction killed; he fell covered with

wounds, at the head of his company, when the Highlanders attacked

Barrel’s regiment. The loss on the side of the Highlanders was never

ascertained with any degree of precision. The number of the slain

is stated, in some publications of the period, to have amounted to

upwards of 2,000 men, but these accounts are exaggerated. The loss

could not, however, be much short of 1,200 men. The Athole brigade

alone lost more than the half of its officers and men, and some

of the centre battalions came off with scarcely a third of their

men.[1209] The Mackintoshes, who were the first to attack, suffered

most. With the exception of three only, all the officers of this

brave regiment, including Macgillivray of Drumnaglass, its colonel,

the lieutenant-colonel, and major, were killed in the attack. All

the other centre regiments also lost several officers. Maclauchlan,

colonel of the united regiment of Maclauchlan and Maclean, was killed

by a cannon ball in the beginning of the action, and Maclean of

Drimmin, who, as lieutenant-colonel, succeeded to the command, met a

similar fate from a random shot. He had three sons in the regiment,

one of whom fell in the attack, and, when leading off the shattered

remains of his forces, he missed the other two, and, in returning to

look after them, received the fatal bullet. Charles Fraser, younger

of Inverallachie, the lieutenant-colonel of the Fraser regiment,

and who, in the absence of the Master of Lovat, commanded it on

this occasion, was also killed. When riding over the field after

the battle, the Duke of Cumberland observed this brave youth lying

wounded. Raising himself upon his elbow, he looked at the duke, who,

offended at him, thus addressed one of his officers: “Wolfe, shoot me

that Highland scoundrel who thus dares to look on us with so insolent

a stare.” Wolfe, horrified at the inhuman order, replied that his

commission was at his royal highness’s disposal, but that he would

never consent to become an executioner. Other officers refusing to

commit this act of butchery, a private soldier, at the command of

the duke, shot the hapless youth before his eyes.[1210] The Appin

regiment had 17 officers and gentlemen slain, and 10 wounded; and

the Athole brigade, which lost fully half its men, had 19 officers

killed, and 4 wounded. The fate of the heroic Keppoch has been

already mentioned. Among the wounded, the principal was Lochiel,

who was shot in both ancles with some grape-shot, at the head of

his regiment, after discharging his pistol, and while in the act of

drawing his sword. On falling, his two brothers, between whom he

was advancing, raised him up, and carried him off the field in their

arms. To add to his misfortunes, Charles also lost a considerable

number of gentlemen, his most devoted adherents, who had charged on

foot in the first rank.

Lord Strathallan was the only person of distinction that fell

among the low country regiments. Lord Kilmarnock and Sir John

Wedderburn were taken prisoners. The former, in the confusion of the

battle, mistook, amidst the smoke, a party of English dragoons for

Fitz-James’s horse, and was taken. Having lost his hat, he was led

bare-headed to the front line of the English infantry. His son, Lord

Boyd, who held a commission in the English army, unable to restrain

his feelings, left the ranks, and, going up to his unfortunate

parent, took off his own hat, placed it on his father’s head, and

returned to his place without uttering a word.

At other times, and under different circumstances, a battle like that

of Culloden would have been regarded as an ordinary occurrence, of

which, when all matters were duly considered, the victors could have

little to boast. The Highland army did not exceed 5,000 fighting men;

and when it is considered that the men had been two days without

sleep, were exhausted by the march of the preceding night, and had

scarcely tasted food for forty-eight hours, the wonder is that they

fought so well as they did, against an army almost double in point of

numbers, and which laboured under none of the disadvantages to which,

in a more especial manner, the overthrow of the Highlanders is to be

ascribed.[1211] Nevertheless, as the spirits of the great majority of

the nation had been sunk to the lowest state of despondency by the

reverses of the royal arms at Preston and Falkirk, this unlooked-for

event was hailed as one of the greatest military achievements of

ancient or modern times; and the Duke of Cumberland, who had, in

consequence, an addition of £25,000 per annum made to his income by

parliament, was regarded as the greatest hero of ancient or modern

times. In its consequences, as entirely and for ever destructive

of the claims of the unfortunate house of Stuart, the battle was

perhaps one of the most important ever fought. Though vanquished, the

Highlanders retired from the field with honour, and free from that

foul reproach which has fixed an indelible stain upon the memories of

the victors.

After the carnage of the day had ceased, the brutal soldiery,

who, from the fiendish delight which they took in sprinkling one

another with the blood of the slain, “looked,” as stated by one of

themselves, “like so many butchers rather than an army of Christian

soldiers,”[1212] dined upon the field of battle. After his men had

finished their repast, the Duke of Cumberland marched forward to take

possession of Inverness, and on his way received a letter, which

had been addressed to General Bland, signed by six of the French

officers in the insurgent army, offering in behalf of themselves and

their men to surrender unconditionally to his royal highness. As he

was about to enter the town he was met by a drummer, who brought him

a message from General Stapleton, offering to surrender and asking

quarter. On receiving this communication, the duke ordered Sir Joseph

Yorke, one of his officers, to alight from his horse, who with his

pencil wrote a note to General Stapleton, assuring him of fair

quarter and honourable treatment. The town was then taken possession

of by Captain Campbell, of Sempill’s regiment, with his company of

grenadiers.

After securing his prisoners in the town, the Duke of Cumberland

released the soldiers who had been confined in the church of

Inverness by the insurgents, and who, if the government accounts be

correct, had suffered great hardships. They had indeed, about a week

before the battle of Culloden, been almost stripped of their clothes

by an officer of the Highland army, to clothe a new corps he had

raised; but a complaint having been brought to Lord George Murray

on the subject, he obtained an order from the prince, in consequence

of which the clothes were restored.[1213] The duke on the present

occasion presented each of these men with a guinea, and gave orders

that they should be taken care of.

Besides the military prisoners, several gentlemen supposed to

be disaffected to the government were apprehended by the duke’s

orders, shut up with the common prisoners, and were for some time

denied the use of bedding. Nor did the softer sex, whose Jacobite

predilections had pointed them out as objects of displeasure, escape

his resentment. Several ladies, among whom were Ladies Ogilvy,

Kinloch, and Gordon, were seized and kept in durance in the common

guard, and were limited along with the other prisoners to the

miserable pittance of half-a-pound of meal per day, with scarcely as

much water as was necessary to prepare it for use. As the wounded

prisoners were utterly neglected, many who would have recovered, if

properly treated, died of their wounds; and so much were the rites

of Christian sepulture disregarded by the royal officers, that the

bodies of these unfortunate victims were carried naked through

the streets by beggars, who were employed to inter them in the

churchyard.[1214]

Knowing that there were several deserters from the royal army among

the insurgents, the duke ordered a strict inspection to be made of

the prisoners in order to find them out. No less than thirty-six were

recognised, and being brought to a summary trial, were convicted,

and suffered the death of traitors. Among these was one Dunbar, who

had been a sergeant in Sowle’s regiment. He had taken a suit of

laced clothes from Major Lockhart at the battle of Falkirk, which

being found in his possession, he was dressed in them, and hanged,

and his body exposed for forty-eight hours on the gibbet.[1215] A

young gentleman of the name of Forbes, a relative of Lord Forbes,

is also said to have perished on this occasion. He had served as a

cadet in an English regiment, but, being from principle attached to

the Jacobite interest, had joined the standard of the prince. An

incident occurred after the execution of this unfortunate gentleman,

which assumed an alarming appearance, and might have led to serious

consequences had the war been continued. Before Forbes was cut down

from the gibbet, an English officer, with a morbidness of feeling

which seems to have seized the officers as well as the common

soldiers of the army, plunged his sword into the body of Forbes,

exclaiming, at the same time, that “all his countrymen were traitors

and rebels like himself.” This exclamation being heard by a Scottish

officer who was standing hard by, the offended Scotchman immediately

drew his sword, and demanded satisfaction for the insult offered

to his country. The Englishman instantly accepted the challenge,

and in a short time the combat became general among the officers

who happened to be on the spot. The soldiers, seeing their officers

engaged, beat to arms of their own accord, and drew up along the

streets, the Scotch on one side and the English on the other, and

commenced a warm combat with fixed bayonets. Information of this

affray having been brought to the Duke of Cumberland, he hastened to

the scene of action, and by his persuasions put an end to the combat.

He found the Scotch greatly excited by the affront offered them; but

he soothed their wounded feelings by complimenting them for their

fidelity, their courage, and exemplary conduct.[1216]

Notwithstanding the massacres which were committed immediately

after the battle, a considerable number of wounded Highlanders

still survived, some of whom had taken refuge in a few cottages

adjoining the field of battle, while others lay scattered among the

neighbouring inclosures. Many of these men might have recovered

if ordinary attention had been paid to them; but the stern duke,

considering that those who had risen in rebellion against his father

were not entitled to the rights of humanity, entirely neglected

them.[1217] But, barbarous as such conduct was, it was only the

prelude to enormities of a still more revolting description. At

first the victors conceived that they had completed the work of

death by killing all the wounded they could discover; but when they

were informed that some still survived, they resolved to despatch

them. A Mr. Hossack, who had filled the situation of provost of

Inverness, and who had, under the direction of President Forbes,

performed important services to the government, having gone to pay

his respects to the Duke of Cumberland, found Generals Hawley and

Huske deliberating on this inhuman design. Observing them intent upon

their object, and actually proceeding to make out orders for killing

the wounded Highlanders, he ventured to remonstrate against such a

barbarous step. “As his majesty’s troops have been happily successful

against the rebels, I hope (observed Hossack) your excellencies will

be so good as to mingle mercy with judgment.” Hawley, in a rage,

cried out, “D--n the puppy! does he pretend to dictate here? Carry

him away!” Another officer ordered Hossack to be kicked out, and

the order was obeyed with such instantaneous precision, that the

ex-provost found himself at the bottom of two flights of steps almost

in a twinkling.[1218]