A.D. 1745.
BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.
Charles leaves Perth and proceeds southwards--Crosses the
Forth--Proceeds towards Edinburgh--Great confusion in
Edinburgh--The Edinburgh volunteers--Gardiner’s and Hamilton’s
dragoons--Meeting of inhabitants--Message from Prince Charles
at Corstorphine--Deputations to the Prince--Cope arrives off
Dunbar--Capture of Edinburgh by the Highlanders--Arrival of
Charles at Holyrood--The Chevalier de St. George proclaimed--Cope
marches from Dunbar towards Haddington and Preston--The Prince
leaves Edinburgh and marches towards Preston--Battle of Preston.
As early as the 7th of September, Charles had received notice of
Cope’s intention to embark at Aberdeen; and, that he might not be
anticipated by Cope in his design of seizing the capital, he began to
make arrangements for leaving Perth for the south. Before the 11th
his force was considerably augmented by tributary accessions from
the uplands of Perthshire, and, as his coffers had been pretty well
replenished, he resolved to take his departure that day. With this
view, Lord George Murray sent an express to his brother, the Marquis
of Tullibardine, on the 7th, requesting him to march with such forces
as he had collected, on the morning of Tuesday the 10th, so as to
reach Crieff next day, that he might be able to form a junction with
the main army at Dunblane or Doune the following day.[879]
Charles, accordingly, left Perth on Wednesday the 11th of September
on his route to the south. The van of the army, or rather a few of
each of the clans, reached Dunblane that night, in the neighbourhood
of which they encamped. The greater part of the men lagged behind,
and did not get up till next day, when they appeared to be greatly
fatigued. As this result was imputed to the good quarters they had
enjoyed for the last eight days at Perth, and the want of exercise,
it was resolved that henceforth the army should encamp in the open
air, and be kept constantly in motion. On his march to Dunblane, the
prince was joined by Macdonald of Glencoe,[880] with 60 of his men,
and by James Drummond or Macgregor of Glengyle at the head of 255
Macgregors, the retainers of Macgregor of Glencairnaig.[881]
Having been obliged to halt a whole day for the remainder of his
army, Charles remained in his camp till the 13th, on which day
he crossed the Forth at the fords of Frew, almost in the face of
Gardiner’s dragoons, who retired towards Stirling on the approach of
the Highland army, without attempting to dispute its passage. While
passing by Doune, Charles received particular marks of attention from
some of the ladies of Menteith, who had assembled in the house of
Mr. Edmondstone of Cambuswallace, in the neighbourhood of Doune to
see him as he passed. A collation had been provided for him, in the
expectation that he would have entered the house; but he courteously
excused himself, and stopping before the house, without alighting
from his horse, drank a glass of wine to the healths of his fair
observers. The daughters of Mr. Edmondstone, who served the prince
on this occasion, respectfully solicited the honour of kissing his
hand--a favour which he readily granted; but he was asked to grant
a higher favour by Miss Robina Edmondstone, cousin to the daughters
of the host. The favour sought was the liberty “to pree his royal
highness’s mou.” Charles not being sufficiently acquainted with broad
Scotch, was at a loss to comprehend the nature of the request; but on
its being explained to him, he instantly caught her in his arms, and
instead of allowing her to perform the operation, he himself kissed
her from ear to ear, to the great amusement of the spectators, and
the envy of the bold recipient’s cousins.[882]
The passage of the Forth had always been considered one of the most
daring and decisive steps which a Highland army could take. In their
own country the Highlanders possessed many natural advantages over an
invading foe, which gave them almost an absolute assurance of success
in any contest even with forces greatly superior in numbers; and,
in the adjoining Lowlands, they could, if worsted, easily retreat
to their fastnesses; but their situation was very different on the
south of the Forth, where they were more particularly exposed to be
attacked by cavalry,--a species of force which they greatly dreaded,
and from which they could, if routed, scarcely expect to escape. It
is said, but not upon sufficient authority, that some of Charles’s
officers at first demurred to the propriety of exposing the army to
the dangers of a Lowland campaign in the south, but that he would
listen to no arguments against the grand design he had formed of
seizing the capital. To cheer his men in the hazardous enterprise,
the dangers of which now, for the first time, began to develop
themselves, the prince is reported, on arriving on the bank of the
river, to have brandished his sword in the air, and pointing to the
other side, to have rushed into the water, and darting across, to
have taken his station on the opposite bank, on which he stood till
all the detachments had crossed, and congratulated each successive
detachment as it arrived.[883] In crossing the Forth, the prince may
be said to have passed the Rubicon: he had not only committed himself
in a struggle with a powerful government, but he had, with intrepid
daring, and with a handful of men, entered a country whence retreat
was almost impossible.
After passing the Forth, Charles, accompanied by a party of his
officers, proceeded to Leckie House, the seat of Mr. Moir, a Jacobite
gentleman, where he dined; but the proprietor was absent, having
been seized by a party of dragoons, and carried off to Stirling
castle the preceding night, in consequence of information having been
received at the castle that he was preparing to receive and entertain
the prince at his house. The army passed the night on the moor of
Sauchie, a few miles south from the ford.[884] The prince himself
slept in Bannockburn House, belonging to Sir Hugh Paterson, a zealous
Jacobite. During this day’s march great abuses were committed by the
men in taking and shooting sheep, which the Duke of Perth and others
did every thing in their power to prevent. Lochiel was so enraged
at the conduct of his men, that he is said to have shot one of them
himself, as an example to deter the rest.[885]
Next day Charles put his army in motion towards Falkirk. In passing
by Stirling, a few shots were fired at them from the castle, but
without damage. Lord George Murray sent a message to the magistrates
of the town, requiring a supply of provisions; on receiving which
they immediately opened the gates, and having given notice of the
demand to the inhabitants, the dealers in provisions went out and met
the Highland army near Bannockburn, and sold a considerable quantity
of commodities to the men. The army, after receiving this supply,
resumed its march, and finally halted on a field a little to the
eastward of Falkirk. Charles took up his abode in Callender House,
where he was entertained with the greatest hospitality by the Earl
of Kilmarnock, who gave him assurances of devoted attachment to his
cause. By the earl, Charles was informed that Gardiner’s dragoons,
who, on his approach to Falkirk, had retired in the direction of
Linlithgow, were resolved to dispute the passage of Linlithgow
bridge with him, and that they had encamped that night in its
neighbourhood.[887]
On receiving this intelligence, Charles immediately held a council
of war, at which it was resolved to attack the dragoons during the
night. For this purpose a detachment of 1,000 well-armed men was
despatched at one o’clock in the morning under the command of Lord
George Murray. They marched with the utmost order, regularity,
and quietness; but they were disappointed in their object, as the
dragoons had retired during the night to Kirkliston, eight miles
west from Edinburgh. The detachment entered Linlithgow before
break of day, where they were joined by the prince and the rest of
the army about ten o’clock that morning.[888] The day was Sunday;
but the prince does not appear to have gratified the burghers by
going to church as he had done the citizens of Perth the preceding
Sunday. He, however, partook of a repast which some of the Jacobite
inhabitants had prepared for him. The provost preserved a neutrality
by absenting himself from town; but his wife and daughters are said
to have paid their respects to the prince by waiting upon him at the
cross, attired in tartan gowns, and wearing white cockades, and doing
themselves the honour of kissing his hand.
Advancing from Linlithgow about four o’clock in the afternoon,
the Highland army encamped on a rising ground, nearly four miles
east from Linlithgow, near the twelfth milestone from Edinburgh,
where they passed the night. The prince slept in a house in the
neighbourhood. Next morning, Monday the 16th, Charles renewed his
march eastwards, and reached Corstorphine, the dragoons all the while
retiring before him as he approached.
Charles was now within three miles of Edinburgh, and could not
proceed farther in a direct line, without exposing his army to the
fire of the castle guns. To avoid them, he led it off in a southerly
direction, towards Slateford,--a small village about the distance
of a mile from Corstorphine. The prince fixed his head quarters at
Gray’s mills, between two and three miles from the city, and his
troops bivouacked during the night of the 16th, in an adjoining field
called Gray’s Park.
When intelligence of the prince’s departure from Perth reached
Edinburgh, the anxiety for the arrival of Cope increased every hour.
The Jacobites, of whom there was a respectable party in the city,
on the other hand, longed for the arrival of Charles. No certain
information of the movements of the Highland army reached Edinburgh
till the morning of Sunday the 15th, when a messenger brought
intelligence that the insurgents were in full march upon the capital,
and that their van had already reached Kirkliston. The last part of
this information was, however, incorrect.
At the time the messenger arrived, all the armed volunteers, in
terms of an order given the preceding evening, were assembled in
the college yards. About ten o’clock, Drummond, the ex-provost, who
was captain of a company, which, from its being partly composed of
students belonging to the university, was called the college company,
made his appearance. After consultation with his brother-officers,
he informed the company of the advance of the Highland army,--that
it had been proposed to General Guest to make a stand with the two
dragoon regiments, and fight the insurgents on their way to the
city; but that the general did not think the measure advisable, as
there was not a body of foot to act with the dragoons to draw off
the fire of the enemy,--that he (Drummond), knowing that he could
answer for 250 volunteers, if Provost Stewart would allow 50 of the
town-guard to go along with them, had asked the general if that
number would be sufficient; and that Guest had given him an answer
in the affirmative. “Now, gentlemen,” said the ex-provost, “you have
heard the general’s opinion, judge for yourselves. If you are willing
to risk your lives for the defence of the capital of Scotland and the
honour of your country, I am ready to lead you to the field.” The
volunteers to whom Drummond seemed particularly to address himself,
threw up their hats in the air, at the conclusion of this address,
and began a huzza, in which the rest of the company joined.[889]
Having obtained the consent of his own company to march, he went
to the other companies in succession; but instead of advising them
to follow the example which his own men had set, he told them that
though his men were, all of them, going out to conquer or die with
him, yet that such a resolution was only proper for young unmarried
men, who were at liberty to dispose of their own lives. Accordingly
very few of the volunteers in the other companies would give their
consent; but Drummond’s company becoming clamorous, the others
seemed to yield, and Drummond despatched a messenger to the castle
to inform General Guest that the volunteers were ready to march
out with the dragoons and engage the rebels. At the request of the
general, Provost Stewart ordered a detachment of the town guard
and the Edinburgh regiment to accompany the volunteers. General
Guest, on being informed of this, directed Hamilton’s dragoons, who
were encamped on Leith links, to march through the city, and join
Gardiner’s regiment at Corstorphine.[890]
For the first time since they had been embodied, the volunteers now
loaded their pieces. In terms of an order which had been issued the
preceding day, the fire-bell was rung as a signal of approaching
danger, and the volunteers, who had assembled in the college-yards,
instantly repaired in a body to the Lawnmarket, the appointed place
of rendezvous. Most of the city ministers had enrolled themselves
as volunteers, but they were absent on the present occasion, being
engaged celebrating divine service in their respective churches.
_Semper parati_ being the motto they had adopted in their new
vocation, they had gone to church equipped _à la militaire_, and
when the alarm-bell sounded, were preaching with their swords
by their sides. In an instant the churches were deserted by the
worshippers, and a universal panic seized all classes on learning
the intelligence. The Lawnmarket, where the volunteers had drawn up
waiting for the arrival of Hamilton’s dragoons, was soon crowded with
inhabitants: many of them, the wives, sisters, mothers, fathers,
and friends of the devoted volunteers who clustered around them,
and implored them, by ties the most sacred, to desist from the
dangerous enterprise they were about to engage in. The attention of
the people was diverted for a time by the appearance of Hamilton’s
dragoons who rode up the street. They were received with huzzas
by the volunteers, and the dragoons in passing huzzaed in return,
and with a gasconading air clashed their swords against each other
as they went along. The alarm among the relatives and friends of
the volunteers was increased, and nothing was to be heard but the
cries and lamentations of unhappy females. These doughty champions,
who never had any serious intention of exposing their persons to
the blows of the Highland broad-sword, moved in appearance by the
tears, the entreaties, and embraces of their female friends, seemed
rather inclined to allow the dragoons to shift for themselves; but
neither the expostulations of the men, (for the male relations of the
volunteers were equally solicitous with the females in dissuading
the volunteers from marching,) nor the tears of the women, had any
effect upon the volunteers of Drummond’s company, who had agreed to
march.
An order being given to march, Drummond placed himself at the head
of the volunteers of his company, and marched them up the Lawnmarket
and down the West Bow to the Grassmarket: they were followed by
an immense crowd of people lamenting their unhappy fate. Only 42
privates of Drummond’s company followed him, but he certainly
expected some accessions from the other companies. Not a single
individual, however, belonging to them, accompanied him. Finding
himself and his little party alone, Drummond halted his men near
the West Port, and sent a lieutenant, named Lindsay, back to the
Lawnmarket to ascertain the reason why the volunteers, who were
expected to follow, had not joined their associates. Lindsay, on his
return to the Lawnmarket, found the volunteers, who still remained in
the street, in great confusion. Several of the officers told Lindsay
that they themselves were willing to follow Drummond and his party,
but that very few of their men would consent to march out. On the
other hand, many of the privates complained that they could not get
one officer to lead them. After some altercation, Lindsay, with the
assistance of Captain Sir George Preston, and some other officers,
succeeded in collecting 141, who professed a willingness to march
with the dragoons, out of about 350 volunteers who had remained
behind; Lindsay led off these to the Grassmarket, where they joined
Drummond’s party; but if we are to believe a pamphleteer of the day,
even this small force was diminished by the way. The descent of _The
Bow_ presenting localities and facilities equally convenient for
desertion, the volunteers are said to have availed themselves of
these on their march. The author alluded to facetiously compared this
falling off “to the course of the Rhine, which rolling pompously its
waves through fertile fields, instead of augmenting in its course,
is continually drawn off by a thousand canals, and at last becomes a
small rivulet, which loses itself in the sands before it reaches the
ocean.”[891] The foot now assembled, comprehending the town guard and
the Edinburgh regiment, which numbered only 189, amounted, exclusive
of officers, to 363 men.[892]
Alarmed at the departure of the volunteers, Dr. Wishart, principal
of the university of Edinburgh, with others of the city clergy,
proceeded to the Grassmarket, and with great earnestness addressed
the volunteers, and conjured them by every thing they held most
sacred and dear, to reserve themselves for the defence of the city
by remaining within the walls. Principal Wishart addressed himself
particularly to the young men of Drummond’s company, some few of
whom affected to contemn his advice; but it was perfectly evident
that there was scarcely an individual present, who did not in his
heart desire to follow the advice of the ministers. The volunteers,
however, had offered to serve without the walls, and they could not
withdraw with honour. Drummond, on the departure of the clergy, and
after a short consultation with his officers, sent a lieutenant with
a message to the provost, to the effect, that the volunteers had
resolved not to march out of town without his express permission, and
that they would wait for his answer. In all this we have no reason
to doubt the sincerity and courage of Drummond, but to the great
satisfaction of his men, who were at first ignorant of the nature of
the message, an answer was returned by Provost Stewart, stating that
he was much opposed to the proposal of marching out of town, and was
glad to find that the volunteers had resolved to remain within the
walls. No sooner was this answer received, than Drummond returned
with his men to the college-yards, where they were dismissed for a
time. The town guard, and the men of the Edinburgh regiment, however,
although shamefully deserted by their companions in arms, marched out
of the city on receiving an order to that effect from the provost,
and joined the dragoons at Corstorphine, about four miles west from
Edinburgh, where the regiments of Hamilton and Gardiner formed a
junction.[893]
Seeing no appearance of the enemy, Colonel Gardiner retired at sunset
with the two regiments of dragoons, to a field between Edinburgh
and Leith, to pass the night, leaving a party of his men behind him
to watch the motions of the Highlanders; and the foot returned at
the same time to the city. To guard the city during the night, 600
or 700 men, consisting of the trained bands, the volunteers, and
some auxiliaries from the towns of Musselburgh and Dalkeith, were
stationed along the walls and at the different gates; but the night
passed off quietly. The same night, Brigadier General Fowkes arrived
from London. Early next morning, he received an order from General
Guest, to take the command of the dragoons, and to march to a field a
little to the east of Coltbridge, about two miles west from the city,
where he was joined in the course of the forenoon by the town guard,
and the Edinburgh regiment.
For the first time during their march, the Highlanders descried
some dragoons as they approached Corstorphine, on the morning of
the 16th of September. This was the party which Colonel Gardiner
had left at Corstorphine the preceding evening. To reconnoitre the
dragoons, a few young well-armed Highlanders were sent forward on
horseback, and ordered to go as near as possible to ascertain their
number. These young men rode close up to the dragoons, and by way of
frolic or defiance, for they could have no intention of attacking the
dragoons, fired their pistols at them. To the utter astonishment of
the Highlanders, the dragoons, instead of returning the fire, became
panic-struck, and instantly wheeling about, galloped off towards
the main body. Participating in the fears of his advanced guard,
General Fowkes immediately ordered a retreat, and between three and
four o’clock in the afternoon, the inhabitants of Edinburgh beheld
the singular spectacle of two regiments of dragoons flying along the
“Long Dykes,” now the site of Princes Street, when no one pursued.
The faint-hearted dragoons stopped a short time at Leith, and
afterwards proceeded to Musselburgh. The foot returned to the city.
Several hours before the retreat of the dragoons, a gentleman of the
city had brought in a message from the prince, requiring a surrender,
and threatening, in case of resistance, to subject the city to all
the rigours of military usage; but no regard was paid to the message,
and although the messenger had the imprudence (for which he was
sent to prison by the provost,) to communicate the message to the
inhabitants, they manifested no great symptoms of alarm, relying,
probably, on the resistance of the dragoons. After these had fled,
however, the people became exceedingly clamorous, and crowds of the
inhabitants ran about the streets crying, that since the dragoons
had fled, it was madness to think of resistance. The provost, on
returning from the West Port, where he had been giving orders after
the retreat of the dragoons, was met by some of the inhabitants, who
implored him not to persist in defending the town, for if he did,
they would all be murdered. He reproved them for their impatience,
and proceeded to the Goldsmiths’ Hall, where he met the magistrates
and town council and a considerable number of the inhabitants, who
had there assembled. After some consultation, a deputation was sent
to the law-officers of the crown, requiring their attendance and
advice; but it was ascertained that these functionaries had left the
town. The captains of the trained bands and volunteers were next sent
for, and called upon for their opinion as to defending the city,
but they were at a loss how to advise. The meeting was divided upon
the question whether the town should be defended or not, and in the
course of the debate much acrimony was displayed by the speakers
on both sides. The hall being too small to contain the crowd which
collected, the meeting adjourned to the New church aisle, which was
immediately filled with people, the great majority of whom called out
for a surrender, as they considered it impossible to defend the town.
Some persons attempted to support the contrary view, but they were
forced to desist by the noise and clamour of the majority.
While matters were in this train, a letter was handed in from the
door addressed to the lord provost, magistrates, and town council of
Edinburgh. The letter was put into the hands of Orrock, the deacon
of the shoemakers, who, on opening it, informed the meeting that it
was subscribed “Charles, P. R.” On hearing this announcement, the
provost stopped Deacon Orrock, who was about to read the letter, said
he would not be a witness to the reading of such a communication,
and rising from his seat, left the place, accompanied by the greater
part of the council and a considerable number of the inhabitants. The
provost, however, returned to the council-chamber with his friends,
and sent for the city assessors to give their opinion as to whether
the letter should be read or not. One of these lawyers appeared, but
afraid to commit himself, stated that the matter was too grave for
him to give an opinion upon. The provost still demurred, but the
assembly getting impatient to know the contents of the letter, his
lordship tacitly consented to its being read. It was as follows:
“_From our Camp, 16th September, 1745._
“Being now in a condition to make our way into the capital of
his majesty’s ancient kingdom of Scotland, we hereby summon you
to receive us, as you are in duty bound to do; and in order to
it, we hereby require you, upon receipt of this, to summon the
town-council and take proper measures for securing the peace and
quiet of the city, which we are very desirous to protect. But
if you suffer any of the usurper’s troops to enter the town, or
any of the cannon, arms, or ammunition in it, (whether belonging
to the public or private persons,) to be carried off, we shall
take it as a breach of your duty, and a heinous offence against
the king and us, and shall resent it accordingly. We promise
to preserve all the rights and liberties of the city, and the
particular property of every one of his majesty’s subjects.
But if any opposition be made to us, we cannot answer for the
consequences, being firmly resolved at any rate to enter the
city; and in that case, if any of the inhabitants are found in
arms against us, they must not expect to be treated as prisoners
of war.”
After this letter was read, the clamour for surrender became more
loud and general than ever, and, agreeably to the wish of the
meeting, a deputation, consisting of four members of the council, was
appointed to wait upon the prince immediately, and to request that he
would grant the citizens time to deliberate on the contents of his
letter.
While the meeting was debating the question as to the reading of
Charles’s letter, an incident occurred, which, it is believed, gave
the finishing stroke to the mock heroism of the volunteers. After the
retreat of the dragoons, the volunteers had assembled, on the ringing
of the fire-bell, at their respective posts, to be in readiness to
obey any instructions which might be sent to them. Four companies,
out of the six, were drawn up in the Lawnmarket between four and
five o’clock in the afternoon, but before they had sufficient time
to recover from the agitation into which they had been thrown by the
call to arms, a well-dressed person, unknown to those assembled,
entered the Lawnmarket from the West-Bow, in great haste, mounted
upon a grey horse, and galloping along the lines of the volunteers,
intimated, in a voice sufficiently high to be heard by the astonished
volunteers, that he had seen the Highland army, and that it amounted
to 16,000 men! This “lying messenger did not stop to be questioned,
and disappeared in a moment.”[894] Captain Drummond, soon after this
occurrence, arrived upon the spot, and, after consulting with his
brother officers, marched up the four companies to the castle, where
they delivered up their arms. In a short time the other companies
also went up and surrendered their arms, and were followed by the
other bodies of militia that had received arms from the castle
magazine.
About eight o’clock at night, the four deputies left the city to
wait upon the prince at Gray’s Mill; but they had scarcely cleared
the walls, when intelligence was received by the lord provost and
magistrates, (who still remained assembled in the council-chamber,)
that the transports with General Cope’s army on board had arrived
off Dunbar, about 27 miles east from Edinburgh, and that as the wind
was unfavourable for bringing them up the Frith, Cope intended to
land his troops at Dunbar and march to the relief of the city. As
this intelligence altered the aspect of affairs, messengers were
immediately despatched to bring back the deputies before they should
reach their destination, but they did not overtake them. The deputies
returned to the city about ten o’clock, and brought along with them
a letter of the following tenor, signed by Secretary Murray:--
“His royal highness the prince regent thinks his manifesto, and
the king his father’s declaration, already published, a sufficient
capitulation for all his majesty’s subjects to accept with joy. His
present demands are, to be received into the city as the son and
representative of the king his father, and obeyed as such when there.
His royal highness supposes, that since the receipt of his letter to
the provost no arms or ammunition have been suffered to be carried
off or concealed, and will expect a particular account of all things
of that nature. Lastly, he expects a positive answer before two
o’clock in the morning, otherwise he will think himself obliged to
take measures conform.”
This letter gave rise to a lengthened discussion in the town-council,
which ended in a resolution to send out a second deputation to
the prince, and, under the pretence of consulting the citizens,
to solicit a few hours’ delay. The deputies accordingly set out
in a coach to the prince’s head-quarters at two o’clock in the
morning, and had an interview with Lord George Murray, whom they
prevailed upon to second their application for delay. His lordship
went into the prince’s apartment, and one of the deputies overheard
him endeavouring to persuade Charles to agree to the request made
by them, but the prince refused. Lord George having reported the
failure of his attempt to the deputies, was induced by them to return
and make another trial, but he was again unsuccessful. Charles
then requested that the deputies should be ordered away, and being
offended at Lord George Murray’s entreaties, desired Lord Elcho, the
son of the Earl of Wemyss, who had just joined him, to intimate the
order to them, which he accordingly did.[895]
Apprehensive of the speedy arrival of Cope, Charles resolved not to
lose a moment in obtaining possession of the capital. He saw that
no effectual resistance could be made by the inhabitants in case
of an assault; but as opposition might exasperate the Highlanders,
and make them regardless of the lives of the citizens, he proposed
to his officers that an attempt should be made to carry the city by
surprise, which, if successful, would save it from the horrors which
usually befall a city taken by storm. The plan of a surprise having
been resolved upon, a select detachment of about 900 men, under
Lochiel, Keppoch, Ardshiel, and O’Sullivan, was sent under cloud of
night towards the city. They marched with great secrecy across the
Borough moor, and reached the south-eastern extremity of the city,
where they halted. A party of 24 men was thereupon despatched with
directions to post themselves on each side of the Netherbow Port, the
eastern or lower gate of the city, and another party of 60 men was
directed to follow them half-way up St. Mary’s Wynd, to be ready to
support them, while a third body, still farther removed, and finally
the remainder of the detachment, were to come up in succession to the
support of the rest. In the event of these dispositions succeeding
without observation from the sentinels on the walls, it had been
arranged that a Highlander in a lowland garb should knock at the
wicket and demand entrance as a servant of an officer of dragoons,
who had been sent by his master to bring him something he had forgot
in the city; and that if the wicket was opened, the party stationed
on each side of the gate should immediately rush in, seize the guard,
and make themselves masters of the gate. The different parties
having taken the stations assigned them without being perceived by
the guards, the disguised Highlander knocked at the gate and stated
his pretended errand; but the guard refused to open the gate, and
the sentinels on the walls threatened to fire upon the applicant if
he did not instantly retire. The commanders were puzzled by this
unexpected refusal, and were at a loss how to act. It was now near
five o’clock, and the morning was about to dawn. The alternative
of an assault seemed inevitable, but fortunately for the city, the
Highlanders were destined to obtain by accident what they could not
effect by stratagem.[896]
While the party at the gate was about to retire to the main body
in consequence of the disappointment they had met with, their
attention was attracted by the rattling of a carriage, which, from
the increasing sound, appeared to be coming down the High-street
towards the Netherbow Port. It was, in fact, the hackney coach which
had been hired by the deputies, which was now on its way back to the
Canongate, where most of the proprietors of hackney coaches at that
time lived. The Highlanders stationed at the gate stood prepared to
enter, and as soon as it was opened to let out the coach, the whole
party, headed by Captain Evan Macgregor, a younger son of Macgregor
of Glencairnaig, rushed in, made themselves masters of the gate, and
disarmed the guard in an instant. In a short time the whole of the
Highlanders followed, with drawn swords and targets, and setting up
one of those hideous and terrific yells with which they salute an
enemy they are about to encounter, marched quickly up the street in
perfect order, in expectation of meeting the foe;[897] but to the
surprise, no less than the pleasure, of the Highlanders, not a single
armed man was to be seen in the street. With the exception of a few
half-awakened spectators, who, roused from their slumbers by the
shouts of the Highlanders, had jumped out of bed, and were to be seen
peeping out at the windows in their sleeping habiliments, all the
rest of the inhabitants were sunk in profound repose.
Having secured the guard-house and disarmed the guards who were
within, the Highlanders took possession of the different gates of
the city and of the stations upon the walls. They made the guards
prisoners, and replaced them with some of their own men, with as much
quietness as if they had been merely changing their own guard.[898]
The Highlanders conducted themselves on this occasion with the
greatest order and regularity, no violence being offered to any
of the inhabitants, and the utmost respect being paid to private
property.
Anxious about the result, Charles had slept only two hours, and
that without taking off his clothes. At an early hour he received
intelligence of the capture of the city, and immediately prepared to
march towards it with the rest of the army. To avoid the castle guns,
the prince took a circuitous direction to the south of the city, till
he reached the Braid burn, when, turning towards the city, he marched
as far as the Buck Stone,[899] a mass of granite on the side of the
turnpike road, near Morningside. On reaching this stone, he drew off
his army by a solitary cross road, leading to the ground now occupied
by Causewayside and Newington. Arrived near Priestfield, he entered
the king’s park by a breach, which had been made in the wall, and
proceeded to the Hunter’s bog, a deep valley between Arthur’s Seat
and Salisbury Crags, where his army was completely sheltered from the
guns of the castle.[900]
Charles was now within the royal domains, and little more than a
quarter of a mile from the royal palace of Holyrood, where his
grandfather, James II., when Duke of York, had, about 60 years
before, exercised the functions of royalty, as the representative
of his brother Charles II. Sanguine as he was, he could scarcely
have imagined that within the space of one short month, from the
time he had raised his standard in the distant vale of the Finnan,
he was to obtain possession of the capital of Scotland, and take
up his residence in the ancient abode of his royal ancestors.
Exulting as he must have done, at the near prospect which such
fortuitous events seemed to afford him of realizing his most ardent
expectations, his feelings received a new impulse, when, on coming
within sight of the palace, he beheld the park crowded with people,
who had assembled to welcome his arrival. Attended by the Duke of
Perth and Lord Elcho, and followed by a train of gentlemen, Charles
rode down the Hunter’s bog, on his way to the palace. On reaching
the eminence below St. Anthony’s well, he alighted from his horse
for the purpose of descending on foot into the park below. On
dismounting he was surrounded by many persons who knelt down and
kissed his hand. He made suitable acknowledgments for these marks
of attachment, and after surveying for a short time the palace and
the assembled multitude which covered the intervening grounds, he
descended into the park below amid the shouts of the spectators,
whose congratulations he received with the greatest affability. On
reaching the foot-path in the park, which, from its having been much
frequented by the Duke of York, afterwards James II., when he resided
at Holyrood, obtained the name of the Duke’s walk, Charles stopped
for a few minutes to exhibit himself to the people.[901]
In person Charles appeared to great advantage. His figure and
presence are described by Mr. Home, an eye-witness, as not ill-suited
to his lofty pretensions. He was in the bloom of youth, tall[902]
and handsome, and of a fair and ruddy complexion. His face, which
in its contour exhibited a perfect oval, was remarkable for the
regularity of its features. His forehead was full and high, and
characteristic of his family. His eyes, which were large, and of a
light blue colour, were shaded by beautifully arched eye-brows, and
his nose, which was finely formed, approached nearer to the Roman
than the Grecian model. A pointed chin, and a mouth rather small,
gave him, however, rather an effeminate appearance; but on the whole,
his exterior was extremely prepossessing, and his deportment was so
graceful and winning, that few persons could resist his attractions.
The dress which he wore on the present occasion was also calculated
to set off the graces of his person to the greatest advantage in
the eyes of the vulgar. He wore a light-coloured peruke, with his
hair combed over the front. This was surmounted by a blue velvet
bonnet, encircled with a band of gold lace, and ornamented at top
with a Jacobite badge, a white satin cockade. He wore a tartan short
coat, and on his breast the star of the order of St. Andrew. Instead
of a plaid, which would have covered the star, he wore a blue sash
wrought with gold. His small clothes were of red velvet. To complete
his costume, he wore a pair of military boots, and a silver-hilted
broadsword.[903]
Charles remained some time in the park among the people, but as he
could not be sufficiently seen by all, he mounted his horse, a fine
bay gelding which the Duke of Perth had presented to him, and rode
off slowly towards the palace. Every person was in admiration at the
splendid appearance he made on horseback, and a simultaneous huzza
arose from the vast crowd which followed the prince in triumph to
Holyrood House. Overjoyed at the noble appearance of the prince, the
Jacobites set no bounds to their praises of the royal youth. They
compared him to King Robert Bruce, whom, they said, he resembled in
his figure as they hoped he would in his fortune.[904] The Whigs,
on the other hand, regarded him differently; and though they durst
not avow their opinions to the full extent, and were forced to admit
that Charles was a goodly person, yet they observed that even in
that triumphant hour when about to enter the palace of his fathers,
the air of his countenance was languid and melancholy,--that he
looked like a gentleman and a man of fashion, but not like a hero
or a conqueror. Their conclusion was, that the enterprise he had
undertaken was above the pitch of his mind, and that his heart was
not great enough for the sphere in which he moved.[905]
[Illustration: Holyrood House in 1745. From an old print.]
On arriving in front of the palace Charles alighted from his
horse, and entering the gate proceeded along the piazza within the
quadrangle, towards the Duke of Hamilton’s apartments.[906] When
the prince was about to enter the porch, the door of which stood
open to receive him, a gentleman stepped out of the crowd, drew his
sword, and raising it aloft, walked up stairs before Charles. The
person who took this singular mode of joining the prince, was James
Hepburn of Keith, a gentleman of East Lothian. When a very young man
he had been engaged in the rebellion of 1715, not from any devoted
attachment to the house of Stuart, (for he disclaimed the hereditary
indefeasible right of kings, and condemned the government of James
II.,) but because he considered the union, which he regarded as the
result of the revolution, as injurious and humiliating to Scotland,
and believed that the only way to obtain a repeal of that measure,
was to restore the Stuarts. In speaking of the union, he said that
it had made a Scottish gentleman of small fortune nobody, and that
rather than submit to it, he would die a thousand deaths. For thirty
years he had kept himself in readiness to take up arms to assert,
as he thought, the independence of his country, when an opportunity
should occur. Honoured and beloved by both Jacobites and Whigs, the
accession to the Jacobite cause of this accomplished gentleman, whom
Mr. Home describes as a model of ancient simplicity, manliness, and
honour, was hailed by the former with delight, and deeply regretted
by the latter, who lamented that a man whom they so highly revered,
should sacrifice himself to the visionary idea of a repeal of the
union between England and Scotland.[907]
On his way to the palace Charles had been cheered by the acclamations
of the people; and on his entering that memorable seat of his
ancestors, these acclamations were redoubled by the crowd which
filled the area in front. On reaching the suite of apartments
destined for his reception, he exhibited himself again to the people
from one of the windows with his bonnet in his hand, and was greeted
with loud huzzas by the multitude assembled in the courtyard below.
He replied to these congratulations by repeated bows and smiles.
To complete the business of this eventful day, the proclamation
at the cross of the Chevalier de St. George as James III., alone
remained. The Highlanders who entered the city in the morning,
desirous of obtaining the services of the heralds and the
pursuivants, to perform what appeared to them an indispensable
ceremony, had secured the persons of these functionaries. Surrounded
by a body of armed men, the heralds and pursuivants, several of
whom had probably been similarly employed on the accession of “the
Elector of Hanover,” proceeded to the cross, a little before one
o’clock afternoon, clothed in their robes of office, and proclaimed
King James, amid the general acclamations of the people. The windows
of the adjoining houses were filled with ladies, who testified
the intensity of their feelings by straining their voices to the
utmost pitch, and with outstretched arms waving white handkerchiefs
in honour of the handsome young adventurer. Few gentlemen were,
however, to be seen in the streets or at the windows, and even among
the common people, there were not a few who preserved a stubborn
silence.[908] The effect of the ceremony was greatly heightened by
the appearance of Mrs. Murray of Broughton, a lady of great beauty,
who, to show her devoted attachment to the cause of the Stuarts,
decorated with a profusion of white ribbons, sat on horseback near
the cross with a drawn sword in her hand, during all the time the
ceremony lasted.[909]
While the heralds were proclaiming King James at the market-cross of
Edinburgh, Sir John Cope, who, as has been stated, arrived in the
mouth of the Frith of Forth on the 16th, was landing his troops at
Dunbar. The two regiments of dragoons had continued their inglorious
flight during the night, and had reached that town, on the morning
of the 17th, “in a condition,” to use the soft expression of Mr.
Home, “not very respectable.” On arriving at Musselburgh, they had
halted for a short time, and afterwards went to a field between
Preston Grange and Dolphinston, where they dismounted for the purpose
of passing the night; but between ten and eleven o’clock they were
aroused by the cries of a dragoon who had fallen into an old coal-pit
full of water. Conceiving that the Highlanders were at hand, they
instantly mounted their horses and fled towards Dunbar with such
precipitation and alarm, that they dropped their arms by the way.
Next morning the road to Dunbar was found strewed with the swords,
pistols, and firelocks, which had fallen from the nervous hands of
these cowards. Colonel Gardiner, who had slept during the night in
his own house at Preston, near the field where the dragoons were to
bivouack, was surprised, when he rose in the morning, to find that
his men were all gone. All that he could learn was that they had
taken the road to Dunbar. He followed them with a heavy heart, which
certainly did not lighten when he saw the proofs they had left behind
them of their pusillanimity. These arms were collected and conveyed
in covered carts to Dunbar, where they were again put into the hands
of the craven dragoons.[910]
The landing of Cope’s troops was finished on Wednesday, the 17th of
September; but the disembarkation of the artillery and stores was not
completed till the 18th. On the last-mentioned day, Mr. Home, the
author of the history of this Rebellion, arrived at Dunbar, and was
introduced to Sir John, as a “volunteer from Edinburgh,” desirous of
communicating to him such information as he had personally collected
respecting the Highland army. He told the general, that being curious
to see the Highland army and its leader, and to ascertain the number
of the Highlanders, he had remained in Edinburgh after they had
taken possession thereof,--that for the last-mentioned purpose, he
had visited the different parts they occupied in the city, and had
succeeded in making a pretty exact enumeration,--that with the same
view he had perambulated the Hunter’s bog, where the main body was
encamped,--and as he found the Highlanders sitting in ranks upon the
ground taking a meal, that he was enabled to calculate their numbers
with great certainty. He stated, from the observations he had been
thus enabled to make, that the whole Highlanders within and without
the city did not amount to 2,000 men; but that he had been told that
several bodies of men from the north were on their march, and were
expected very soon to join the main body at Edinburgh. In answer
to a question put by Cope, as to the appearance and equipment of
the Highlanders, Home stated that most of them seemed to be strong,
active, and hardy men, though many of them were of a very ordinary
size: and if clothed like Lowlanders, would, in his opinion, appear
inferior to the king’s troops; but the Highland garb favoured them
much, as it showed their naked limbs, which were strong and muscular;
and their stern countenances and bushy uncombed hair gave them a
fierce, barbarous, and imposing aspect. With regard to their arms,
Mr. Home said that they had no artillery of any sort but one small
unmounted iron cannon, lying upon a cart, drawn by a little Highland
pony,--that about 1,400 or 1,500 of them were armed with firelocks
and broadswords,--that their firelocks were of all sorts and sizes,
consisting of muskets, fusees, and fowling pieces,--that some of the
rest had firelocks without swords, while others had swords without
firelocks,--that many of their swords were not Highland broadswords
but French,--that one or two companies, amounting to about 100 men,
were armed, each of them with the shaft of a pitch-fork, with the
blade of a scythe fastened to it, resembling in some degree the
Lochaber axe. Mr. Home, however, added, that all the Highlanders
would soon be provided with firelocks, as the arms belonging to the
train bands of the city had fallen into their hands.[911]
At Dunbar, General Cope was joined by some judges and lawyers, who
had fled from Edinburgh on the approach of the Highlanders. They did
not, however, enter the camp as fighting men, but with the intention
of continuing with the king’s army, as anxious and interested
spectators of the approaching conflict. Cope found a more efficient
supporter in the person of the Earl of Home, then an officer in the
guards, who considered it his duty to offer his services on the
present occasion. Unlike his ancestors, who could have raised in
their own territories a force almost equal to that now opposed to
Sir John Cope, this peer was attended by one or two servants only, a
circumstance which gave occasion to many persons to mark the great
change in the feudal system which had taken place in Scotland, in
little more than a century.
Desirous of engaging the Highland army before the arrival of its
expected reinforcements, General Cope left Dunbar on the 19th of
September, in the direction of Edinburgh. The cavalry, infantry,
cannon, and baggage-carts, which extended several miles along the
road, gave a formidable appearance to this little army, and attracted
the notice of the country people, who, having been long unaccustomed
to war and arms, flocked from all quarters to see an army on the
eve of battle; and with infinite concern and anxiety for the result
beheld the uncommon spectacle. The army halted on a field to the west
of the town of Haddington, sixteen miles east from Edinburgh. As it
was supposed that the Highlanders might march in the night time, and
by their rapid movements surprise the army, a proposal was made in
the evening, to the general, to employ some of the young men who
followed the camp, to ride betwixt Haddington and Duddingston, during
the night, so as to prevent surprise. This proposal was approved of
by Cope, and sixteen young men, most of whom had been volunteers
at Edinburgh, offered their services. These were divided into two
parties of eight men each; one of which, subdivided into four parties
of two men each, set out at nine o’clock at night, by four different
roads that led to Duddingston. These parties returned to the camp at
midnight, and made a report to the officer commanding the piquet,
that they had not met with any appearance of the enemy. The other
party then went off, subdivided as before, by the different routes,
and rode about till day-break, when six of them returned and made a
similar report, but the remaining two who had taken the coast road
to Musselburgh, did not make their appearance at the camp, having
been made prisoners by an attorney’s apprentice, who conducted them
to the rebel camp at Duddingston! The extraordinary capture of these
doughty patroles, one of whom was Francis Garden, afterwards better
known as a lord of session, by the title of Lord Gardenstone, and the
other Mr. Robert Cunningham, known afterwards as General Cunningham,
is thus humorously detailed by a writer in the _Quarterly Review_:--
“The general sent two of the volunteers who chanced to be mounted,
and knew the country, to observe the coast road, especially towards
Musselburgh. They rode on their exploratory expedition, and coming to
that village, which is about six miles from Edinburgh, avoided the
bridge to escape detection, and crossed the Esk, it being then low
water, at a place nigh its junction with the sea. Unluckily there
was at the opposite side a snug thatched tavern, kept by a cleanly
old woman called Luckie F----, who was eminent for the excellence
of her oysters and sherry. The patroles were both _bon-vivants_;
one of them whom we remember in the situation of a senator, as it
is called, of the college of justice, was unusually so, and a gay
witty agreeable companion besides. Luckie’s sign and the heap of
shells deposited near her door, proved as great a temptation to
this vigilant forlorn-hope, as the wine-house to the abbess of
Andonillet’s muleteer. They had scarcely got settled at some right
_Pandores_, with a bottle of sherry as an accompaniment, when, as
some Jacobite devil would have it, an unlucky north-country lad, a
writer’s (_i.e._ attorney’s) apprentice, who had given his indentures
the slip, and taken the white-cockade, chanced to pass by on his
errand to join Prince Charlie. He saw the two volunteers through the
window, knew them, and guessed their business; he saw the tide would
make it impossible for them to return along the sands as they had
come. He therefore placed himself in ambush upon the steep, narrow,
impracticable bridge, which was then, and for many years afterwards,
the only place of crossing the Esk, ‘and how he contrived it,’ our
narrator used to proceed, ‘I never could learn, but the courage and
assurance of the province from which he came are proverbial. In
short, the Norland whipper-snapper surrounded and made prisoners of
my two poor friends, before they could draw a trigger.’”[912]
Cope resumed his march on the morning of the 20th of September,
following the course of the post road to Edinburgh, till he came
near Haddington, when he led off his army along another road, nearer
the coast, by St. Germains and Seaton. His object in leaving the
post road was to avoid some defiles and inclosures which would have
hindered, in case of attack, the operations of his cavalry. In its
march the army was followed by a number of spectators, all anxious to
witness the expected combat; but they were assured by the officers
that as the army was now rendered complete by the junction of the
horse and foot, the Highlanders would not venture to engage. As some
persons who ventured to express a different opinion were looked
upon with jealousy, it is not improbable that the officers who thus
expressed themselves did not speak their real sentiments.
On leaving the post road the general sent forward the Earl of Loudon
his adjutant-general, with Lord Home and the quarter-master-general,
to select ground near Musselburgh, on which to encamp the army
during the night; but this party had not proceeded far when they
observed some straggling parties of Highlanders advancing. The Earl
of Loudon immediately rode back at a good pace, and gave Sir John
the information just as the van of the royal army was entering the
plain betwixt Seaton and Preston, known by the name of Gladsmuir.
Judging the ground before him a very eligible spot for meeting the
Highlanders, the general continued his march along the high road to
Preston, and halted his army on the moor, where he formed his troops
in order of battle, with his front to the west. His right extended
towards the sea in the direction of Port Seaton, and his left towards
the village of Preston. These dispositions had scarcely been made
when the whole of the Highland army appeared.
The disembarkation of the royal army, and the advance of Cope towards
Edinburgh, were known to Charles in the course of Thursday the 19th.
Judging it of importance that no time should be lost in meeting Cope
and bringing him to action, Charles had left Holyrood house on the
evening of that day, and had proceeded to Duddingston, near which
place his army was encamped. Having assembled a council of war, he
proposed to march next morning and give battle to Sir John Cope.
The members of the council having signified their acquiescence, the
prince then asked the Highland chiefs how they thought their men
would conduct themselves on meeting a commander who had at last
mustered courage to meet them. As Macdonald of Keppoch had served
in the French army, and was considered, on that account, to be a
fit judge of what the Highlanders could do against regular troops,
he was desired by the other chiefs to give his opinion. Keppoch
observed that as the country had been long at peace, few or none of
the private men had ever seen a battle, and that it was not therefore
very easy to form an opinion as to how they would behave; but that
he would venture to assure his royal highness that the gentlemen of
the army would be in the midst of the enemy, and that as the clans
loved both the cause and their chiefs, they would certainly share the
danger with their leaders. Charles thereupon declared that he would
lead on the Highlanders himself, and charge at their head; but the
chiefs checked his impetuosity by pointing out the ruin that would
befall them if he perished in the field, though his army should be
successful. They declared that, should he persist in his resolution,
they would return home and make the best terms they could for
themselves. This remonstrance had the desired effect upon the young
Chevalier, who agreed to take a post of less danger.[913]
According to the calculation of Home, which has been alluded to,
the Highland army, at the date of the capture of Edinburgh, did not
exceed 2,000 men; but it was increased by about 400 more, by a party
of 150 Maclauchlans who joined it on the 18th, and by an accession of
250 Athole-men on the following day. This force was further augmented
by the Grants of Glenmoriston, who joined the army at Duddingston on
the morning of Friday the 20th. In pursuance of the resolution of
the council, the prince put himself at the head of his army on that
morning, and presenting his sword, exclaimed, “My friends, I have
flung away the scabbard!”[914] This was answered by a loud huzza, on
which the army marched forward in one column of three files or ranks
towards Musselburgh. Passing the Esk by the bridge of Musselburgh,
the army proceeded along the post road towards Pinkie. On arriving
opposite the south side of Pinkie gardens, Lord George Murray, who
led the van, received information that Sir John Cope was at or near
Preston, and that his intention probably was to gain the high grounds
of Fawside near Carberry. As there was no time to deliberate or wait
for orders, and as Lord George, who was very well acquainted with
these grounds, considered the occupation of them by the Highlanders
as of great importance; he struck off to the right at Edgebuckling
Brae, and passing through the fields by the west side of Wallyford,
gained the eminence in less than half an hour, where he waited for
the rear.[915]
From Fawside hill the prince descried the army of Cope drawn up in
the manner before described, but its position being different from
that anticipated, Charles drew off his army towards the left, and
descending the hill in the direction of Tranent, entered again upon
the post road at some distance to the west of the village, along
which he continued his march. On approaching Tranent the Highlanders
were received by the king’s troops with a vehement shout of defiance,
which the Highlanders answered in a similar strain. About two o’clock
in the afternoon the Highland army halted on an eminence called
Birsley Brae, about half a mile to the west of Tranent, and formed in
order of battle about a mile from the royal forces.
In the expectation that the Highlanders were advancing by the usual
route through Musselburgh, Cope had taken up the position we have
described with his front to the west; but as soon as he observed the
Highlanders on the heights upon his left he changed his front to the
south. This change of position, while it secured Cope better from
attack, was not so well calculated for safety as the first position
was in the event of a defeat. On his right was the east wall of a
park, belonging to Erskine of Grange, which extended a considerable
way from north to south, and still farther to the right was the
village of Preston. The village of Seaton was on his left, and the
village of Cockenzie and the sea in his rear. Almost immediately in
front was a deep ditch filled with water, and a strong and thick
hedge. Farther removed from the front, and between the two armies was
a morass, the ends of which had been drained, and were intersected by
numerous cuts. And on the more firm ground at the ends were several
small inclosures, with hedges, dry stone walls, and willow trees.
As the Highlanders were in excellent spirits, and eager to close
immediately with the enemy, Charles felt very desirous to comply
with their wishes; but he soon ascertained, by examining some people
of the neighbourhood, that the passage across the morass, from the
nature of the ground, would be extremely dangerous if not altogether
impracticable. Not wishing, however, in a matter of such importance
to trust altogether to the opinion of the country people, Lord George
Murray ordered Colonel Ker of Gradon, an officer of some military
experience, to examine the ground, and to report. Mounted upon a
little white pony he descended alone into the plain below, and with
the greatest coolness and deliberation surveyed the morass on all
sides. As he went along the morass several shots were fired at him,
by some of Cope’s men, from the sides of the ditches; but he paid so
little regard to these annoyances that, on coming to a dry stone wall
which stood in his way, he dismounted, and making a gap in it led
his horse through. After finishing this perilous duty he returned to
the army, and reported to the lieutenant-general that he considered
it impracticable to pass the morass and attack the enemy in front,
without risking the whole army, and that it was impossible for the
men to pass the ditches in a line.[916]
While his lieutenant-general was, in consequence of this information,
planning a different mode of attack, the prince himself was moving
with a great part of his army towards Dolphinstone on Cope’s right.
Halting opposite Preston tower he seemed to threaten that flank
of the English general, who, thereupon, returned to his original
position with his front to Preston, and his right towards the sea.
As Lord George Murray considered that the only practicable mode of
attacking Cope was by advancing from the east, he led off part of the
army about sunset through the village of Tranent, and sent notice to
the prince to follow him with the remainder as quickly as possible.
When passing through the village Lord George was joined by fifty of
the Camerons, who had been posted by O’Sullivan in the churchyard
at the foot of Tranent. This party being within half cannon shot
of Cope’s artillery, had been exposed during the afternoon to a
fire from their cannon, and one or two of the Camerons had been
wounded. To frighten the Highlanders, who, they imagined, had never
seen cannon before, Cope’s men huzzaed at every discharge; but the
Camerons remained in their position, till, on the representation
of Lochiel, who went and viewed the ground, and found his men
unnecessarily exposed, they were ordered to retire in the direction
of Tranent. O’Sullivan, who was in the rear when this order was
given, came up on the junction of the party, and asking Lord George
the meaning of the movement he was making, was told by him, that as
it was not possible to attack the enemy with any chance of success
on the west side of the village, he had resolved to assail them from
the east, and that he would satisfy the prince that his plan was
quite practicable,--that for this purpose he had ordered the army
to march to the east side of the village, where there were good dry
fields covered with stubble, on which the men could bivouack during
the night,--and that with regard to the withdrawal of the party
which O’Sullivan had posted in the churchyard, they could be of no
service there, and were unnecessarily exposed. On being informed of
the movement made by Lord George Murray, Charles proceeded to follow
him, but it was dark before the rear had passed the village. To watch
Cope’s motions on the west, Charles left behind the Athole brigade,
consisting of 500 men under Lord Nairne, which he posted near Preston
above Colonel Gardiner’s parks.[917]
After the Highland army had halted on the fields to the east of
Tranent, a council of war was held, at which Lord George Murray
proposed to attack the enemy at break of day. He assured the members
of the council that the plan was not only practicable, but that it
would in all probability be attended with success,--that he knew
the ground himself, and that he had just seen one or two gentlemen
who were also well acquainted with every part of it. He added, that
there was indeed a small defile at the east end of the ditches, but
if once passed there would be no farther hinderance, and though, from
being obliged to march in a column, they would necessarily consume a
considerable time on their march, yet when the whole line had passed
the defile they would have nothing to do but face to the left, form
in a moment, and commence the attack. Charles was highly pleased with
the proposal of the lieutenant-general; which having received the
unanimous approbation of the council, a few piquets were, by order of
Lord George, placed around the bivouack, and the Highlanders, after
having supped, wrapped themselves up in their plaids, and lay down
upon the ground to repose for the night. Charles, taking a sheaf of
pease for a pillow, stretched himself upon the stubble, surrounded
by his principal officers, all of whom followed his example. Before
the army went to rest, notice was sent to Lord Nairne to leave his
post with the Athole brigade at two o’clock in the morning as quietly
as possible. To conceal their position from the English general, no
fires or lights were allowed, and orders were issued and scrupulously
obeyed, that strict silence should be kept, and that no man should
stir from his place till directed.[918]
When Cope observed Charles returning towards Tranent, he resumed his
former position with his front to the west and his right to the sea.
He now began to perceive that his situation was not so favourable
as he had imagined, and that while the insurgents could move about
at discretion, select their ground, and choose their time and mode
of attack, he was cramped in his own movements, and could act only
on the defensive. The spectators, who felt an interest in the fate
of his army, and who had calculated upon certain success to Cope’s
arms during the day, now, that night was at hand, began to forebode
the most gloomy results. Instead of a bold and decided movement on
the part of Cope to meet the enemy, they observed that he had spent
the day in doing absolutely nothing,--that he was in fact hemmed in
by the Highlanders, and forced at pleasure to change his position at
every movement they were pleased to make. They dreaded that an army
which was obliged to act thus upon the defensive, and which would,
therefore, be obliged to pass the ensuing night under arms, could not
successfully resist an attack next morning from men, who, sheltered
from the cold by their plaids, could enjoy the sweets of repose and
rise fresh and vigorous for battle.[919]
To secure his army from surprise during the night, Cope placed
advanced piquets of horse and foot along the side of the morass,
extending nearly as far east as the village of Seaton. He, at the
same time, sent his baggage and military chest down to Cockenzie
under a guard of 40 men of the line and all the Highlanders of the
army, consisting of four companies, viz., two of newly raised men
belonging to Loudon’s regiments, and two additional companies of Lord
John Murray’s regiment, which had been diminished by desertion to
fifteen men each.[920] Although the weather had been very fine, and
the days were still warm, yet the nights were now getting cold and
occasionally frosty. As the night in question, that of Friday the
20th of September, was very cold, Cope ordered fires to be kindled
along the front of his line, to keep his men warm. During the night
he amused himself by firing off, at random, some cohorns,[921]
probably to alarm the Highlanders or disturb their slumbers, but
these hardy mountaineers, if perchance they awoke for a time,
disregarded these empty bravadoes, and fell back again into the arms
of sleep.
In point of numbers the army of Cope was rather inferior to that of
Charles; but many of the Highlanders were badly armed, and some of
them were without arms. The royal forces amounted altogether to about
2,300 men; but the number in the field was diminished to 2,100 by
the separation of the baggage-guard which was sent to Cockenzie. The
order of battle formed by Cope along the north side of the morass was
as follows:--He drew up his foot in one line, in the centre of which
were eight companies of Lascelles’s regiment, and two of Guise’s.
On the right were five companies of Lee’s regiment, and on the left
the regiment of Murray, with a number of recruits for different
regiments at home and abroad. Two squadrons of Gardiner’s dragoons
formed the right wing, and a similar number of Hamilton’s composed
the left. The remaining squadron of each regiment was placed in the
rear of its companions as a reserve. On the left of the army, near
the waggon-road from Tranent to Cockenzie, were placed the artillery,
consisting of six or seven pieces of cannon and four cohorns, under
the orders of Lieutenant-colonel Whiteford, and guarded by a company
of Lee’s regiment, commanded by Captain Cochrane. Besides the regular
troops there were some volunteers, consisting principally of small
parties of the neighbouring tenantry, headed by their respective
landlords. Some Seceders, actuated by religious zeal, had also placed
themselves under the royal standard.[922]
Pursuant to the orders he had received, Lord Nairne left the
position he had occupied during the night at the appointed hour, and
rejoined the main body about three o’clock in the morning. Instead
of continuing the order of march of the preceding night, it had been
determined by the council of war to reverse it. The charge of this
movement was intrusted to Colonel Ker, who had signalized himself
by the calm intrepidity with which he had surveyed the marsh on
the preceding day. To carry this plan into effect, Ker went to the
head of the column, and passing along the line, desired the men to
observe a profound silence, and not to stir a step till he should
return to them. On reaching the rear he ordered it to march from the
left, and to pass close in front of the column, and returning along
the line, he continued to repeat the order till the whole army was in
motion. This evolution was accomplished without the least confusion,
and before four o’clock in the morning the whole army was in full
march.[923]
The Duke of Perth, who was to command the right wing, was at the
head of the inverted column. He was attended by Hepburn of Keith,
and Mr. Robert Anderson, son of Anderson of Whitbrough, who, from
his intimate knowledge of the morass, was sent forward to lead
the way. A little in advance of the van was a select party of 60
men doubly armed, under the command of Macdonald of Glenalladale,
major of the regiment of Clanranald, whose appointed duty it was
to seize the enemy’s baggage. The army proceeded in an easterly
direction till near the farm of Ringanhead, when, turning to the
left, they marched in a northerly direction through a small valley
which intersects the farm. During the march the utmost silence was
observed by the men, not even a whisper being heard; and lest the
trampling of horses might discover their advance, the few that were
in the army were left behind. The ford or path across the morass
was so narrow that the column, which marched three men abreast, had
scarcely sufficient standing room, and the ground along it was so
soft that many of the men were almost at every step up to the knees
in mud. The path in question, which was about two hundred paces to
the west of the stone-bridge afterwards built across Seaton mill-dam,
led to a small wooden bridge which had been thrown over the large
ditch that ran through the morass from east to west. This bridge,
and the continuation of the path on the north of it, were a little
to the east of Cope’s left. From ignorance of the existence of this
bridge, from oversight, or from a supposition that the marsh was
not passable in that quarter, Cope had placed no guards in that
direction, and the consequence was, that the Highland army, whose
march across could have been effectually stopped by a handful of men,
passed the bridge and cleared the marsh without interruption.[924]
The army was divided into two columns or lines, with an interval
between them. After the first line had got out of the marsh, Lord
George Murray sent the Chevalier Johnstone, one of his aides-de-camp,
to hasten the march of the second, which was conducted by the prince
in person, and to see that it passed without noise or confusion.
At the remote end of the marsh there was a deep ditch, three or
four feet broad, over which the men had to leap. In jumping across
this ditch, Charles fell upon his knees on the other side, and was
immediately raised by the Chevalier Johnstone, who says, that Charles
looked as if he considered the accident a bad omen.[925]
Hitherto the darkness had concealed the march of the Highlanders; but
the morning was now about to dawn, and at the time the order to halt
was given, some of Cope’s piquets, stationed on his left, for the
first time heard the tramp of the Highlanders. The Highlanders then
heard distinctly these advanced guards repeatedly call out, “Who is
there?” No answer having been returned, the piquets immediately gave
the alarm, and the cry of “cannons, cannons; get ready the cannons,
cannoneers,” resounded on Cope’s left wing.[926]
Charles proceeded instantly to give directions for attacking Cope
before he should have time to change his position by opposing his
front to that of the Highland army. It was not in compliance with any
rule in military science, that the order of march of the Highland
army had been reversed; but in accordance with an established
punctilio among the clans, which, for upwards of seven centuries,
had assigned the right wing, regarded as the post of honour, to
the Macdonalds. As arranged at the council of war on the preceding
evening, the army was drawn up in two lines. The first consisted of
the regiments of Clanranald, Keppoch, Glengary, and Glencoe,[927]
under their respective chiefs. These regiments formed the right wing,
which was commanded by the Duke of Perth. The Duke of Perth’s men and
the Macgregors composed the centre; while the left wing, commanded by
Lord George Murray, was formed of the Camerons under Lochiel, their
chief, and the Stewarts of Appin commanded by Stewart of Ardshiel.
The second line, which was to serve as a reserve, consisted of the
Athole-men, the Robertsons of Strowan, and the Maclauchlans. This
body was placed under the command of Lord Nairne.
As soon as Cope received intelligence of the advance of the
Highlanders, he gave orders to change his front to the east. Some
confusion took place in carrying these orders into execution, from
the advanced guards belonging to the foot not being able to find
out the regiments to which they belonged, and who, in consequence,
stationed themselves on the right of Lee’s five companies, and
thereby prevented the two squadrons of Gardiner’s dragoons, which
had been posted on the right of the line, from forming properly. For
want of room the squadron under Colonel Gardiner drew up behind that
commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Whitney. In all other respects the
disposition of each regiment was the same; but the artillery, which
before the change had been on the left, and close to that wing, was
now on the right somewhat farther from the line, and in front of
Whitney’s squadron.[928]
There was now no longer any impediment to prevent the armies from
coming into collision; and if Cope had had the choice he could not
have selected ground more favourable for the operations of cavalry
than that which lay between the two armies. It was a level field of
considerable extent without bush or tree, and had just been cleared
of its crop of grain. But unfortunately for the English general, the
celerity with which the Highlanders commenced the attack prevented
him from availing himself of this local advantage.
After both lines of the Highland army had formed, Charles addressed
his army in these words:--“Follow me, gentlemen; and by the
assistance of God I will, this day, make you a free and happy
people.”[929] He then went up to the right wing and spent a little
time in earnest conversation with the Duke of Perth and Clanranald,
and, having given his last instructions to them, returned to the
station which, in compliance with the wish of his council, he had
taken between the lines, where, surrounded by his guard, he waited
the signal to advance. If, as alleged by Chevalier Johnstone, Charles
exhibited symptoms of alarm when he fell on crossing the ditch, he
now certainly showed that fear had no longer a place in his mind.
The coolness and self-possession which he displayed when giving his
orders would have done honour to the most experienced general; but
these qualities are to be still more valued in a young man playing
the important and dangerous game that Charles had undertaken.
The officer to whose tuition Charles had been indebted for the
little knowledge he had acquired of Gaelic, mentions an occurrence
indicative of the prince’s firmness on this occasion. In returning
from the right wing to his guard after giving his orders to the Duke
of Perth and Clanranald, he saw the officer alluded to passing near
him, and with a smile, said to him in Gaelic,--“Gres-ort, gres-ort!”
that is, “Make haste, make haste!”[930]
By the time the arrangements for commencing the attack were
completed, the morning had fully dawned, and the beams of the rising
sun were beginning to illuminate the horizon; but the mist which
still hovered over the corn fields prevented the two armies from
seeing each other. Every thing being now in readiness for advancing,
the Highlanders took off their bonnets, and, placing themselves in an
attitude of devotion, with upraised eyes uttered a short prayer.[931]
As the Highlanders had advanced considerably beyond the main ditch,
Lord George Murray was apprehensive that Cope might turn the left
flank, and to guard against such a contingency, he desired Lochiel,
who was on the extreme left, to order his men in advancing to incline
to the left.[932]
Lord George Murray now ordered the left wing to advance, and sent an
aide-de-camp to the Duke of Perth to request him to put the right in
motion. The Highlanders moved with such rapidity that their ranks
broke; to recover which, they halted once or twice before closing
with the enemy. When Cope, at daybreak, observed the first line of
the Highland army formed in order of battle, at the distance of two
hundred paces from his position, he mistook it for bushes; but before
it had advanced half way, the rays of the rising sun bursting through
the retiring mist showed the armies to each other. The army of Cope
at this time made a formidable appearance; and some of Charles’s
officers were heard afterwards to declare, that when they first saw
it, and compared the gallant appearance of the horse and foot, with
their well-polished arms glittering in the sunbeams, with their own
line broken into irregular clusters, they expected that the Highland
army would be instantly defeated, and swept from the field.[933]
The Highlanders continued to advance in profound silence. As the
right wing marched straight forward without attending to the oblique
movement of the Camerons to the left, a gap took place in the centre
of the line. An attempt was made to fill it up with the second line,
which was about fifty paces behind the first, but before this could
be accomplished, the left wing, being the first to move, had advanced
beyond the right of the line, and was now engaged with the enemy. By
inclining to the left, the Camerons gained half the ground originally
between them and the main ditch; but this movement brought them up
directly opposite to Cope’s cannon. On approaching the cannon the
Highlanders fired a few shots at the artillery guard, which alarmed
an old gunner, who had charge of the cannon, and his assistants to
such a degree that they fled, carrying the powder flasks along with
them. To check the advance of the Highlanders, Colonel Whiteford
fired off five of the field pieces with his own hand; but though
their left seemed to recoil, they instantly resumed the rapid pace
they had set out with. The artillery guard next fired a volley
with as little effect. Observing the squadron of dragoons under
Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney advancing to charge them, the Camerons
set up a loud shout, rushed past the cannon, and after discharging a
few shots at the dragoons, which killed several men, and wounded the
lieutenant-colonel, flew upon them sword in hand. When assailed, the
squadron was reeling to and fro from the fire; and the Highlanders
following an order they had received, to strike at the noses of the
horses without minding the riders, completed the disorder. In a
moment the dragoons wheeled about, rode over the artillery guard,
and fled followed by the guard. The Highlanders continuing to push
forward without stopping to take prisoners, Colonel Gardiner was
ordered to advance with his squadron, and charge the enemy. He
accordingly went forward, encouraging his men to stand firm; but
this squadron, before it had advanced many paces, experienced such
a reception, that it followed the example which the other had just
set.[934]
[Illustration: Plan of the Battle of Prestonpans.]
After the flight of the dragoons, the Highlanders advanced upon the
infantry, who opened a fire from right to left, which went down the
line as far as Murray’s regiment. They received this volley with a
loud huzza, and throwing away their muskets, drew their swords and
rushed upon the foot before the latter had time to reload their
pieces. Confounded by the flight of the dragoons, and the furious
onset of the Highlanders, the astonished infantry threw down their
arms and took to their heels. Hamilton’s dragoons, who were stationed
on Cope’s left, displayed even greater pusillanimity than their
companions; for no sooner did they observe the squadrons on the
right give way, than they turned their backs and fled without firing
a single shot, or drawing a sword.[935] Murray’s regiment being
thus left alone on the field, fired upon the Macdonalds who were
advancing, and also fled. Thus, within a very few minutes after the
action had commenced, the whole army of Cope was put to flight. With
the exception of their fire, not the slightest resistance was made by
horse or foot, and not a single bayonet was stained with blood. Such
were the impetuosity and rapidity with which the first line of the
Highlanders broke through Cope’s ranks, that they left numbers of his
men in their rear who attempted to rally behind them; but on seeing
the second line coming up they endeavoured to make their escape.[936]
Though the second line was not more than fifty paces behind the
first, and was always running as fast as it could to overtake the
first line, and near enough never to lose sight of it, yet such was
the rapidity with which the battle was gained, that, according to the
Chevalier Johnstone,[937] who stood by the side of the prince in the
second line, he could see no other enemy on the field of battle than
those who were lying on the ground killed and wounded.
Unfortunately for the royal infantry, the walls of the inclosures
about the village of Preston, which formed their great security
on their right, now that these were in their rear, operated as a
barrier to their flight. Having disencumbered themselves of their
arms to facilitate their escape, they had deprived themselves of
their only means of defence, and driven as they were upon the walls
of the inclosures, they would have all perished under the swords
of the Highlanders, had not Charles and his officers strenuously
exerted themselves to preserve the lives of their discomfited foes.
The impetuosity of the attack, however, and the sudden flight of the
royal army, allowed little leisure for the exercise of humanity,
and before the carnage ceased several hundreds had fallen under
the claymores of the Highlanders, and the ruthless scythes of the
Macgregors. Armed with these deadly weapons, which were sharpened
and fixed to poles from seven to eight feet long, to supply the
place of other arms, this party mowed down the affrighted enemy,
cut off the legs of the horses, and severed, it is said, the bodies
of their riders in twain. Captain James Drummond, alias Macgregor,
son of the celebrated Rob Roy, who commanded this company, fell at
the commencement of the action. When advancing to the charge he
received five wounds. Two bullets went through his body, and laid him
prostrate on the ground. That his men might not be discouraged by his
fall, this intrepid officer resting his head upon his hand, called
out to them, “My lads, I am not dead!--by God, I shall see if any
of you does not do his duty!” This singular address had the desired
effect, and the Macgregors instantly fell on the flank of the English
infantry, which, being left uncovered and exposed by the flight of
the cavalry, immediately gave way.[938]
Of the infantry of the royal army, only about 170 escaped.[939] From
a report made by their own sergeants and corporals, by order of Lord
George Murray, between 1,600 and 1,700 prisoners, foot and cavalry,
fell into the hands of the Highlanders, including about 70 officers.
In this number were comprehended the baggage-guard, stationed at
Cockenzie, which amounted to 300 men, who, on learning the fate
of the main body and the loss of their cannon, surrendered to the
Camerons.[940] The cannon and all the baggage of the royal army,
together with the military chest, containing £4,000, fell into the
hands of the victors. The greater part of the dragoons escaped by the
two roads at the extremities of the park wall, one of which passed by
Colonel Gardiner’s house in the rear on their right, and the other
on their left, to the north of Preston-house. In retiring towards
these outlets, the dragoons, at the entreaties of their officers,
halted once or twice, and faced about to meet the enemy; but as soon
as the Highlanders came up and fired at them, they wheeled about
and fled. Cope, who was by no means deficient in personal courage,
assisted by the Earls of Home and Loudon, collected about 450 of the
panic-struck dragoons on the west side of the village of Preston, and
attempted to lead them back to the charge; but no entreaties could
induce these cowards to advance, and the whistling of a few bullets
discharged by some Highlanders near the village, so alarmed them,
that they instantly scampered off in a southerly direction, screening
their heads behind their horses’ necks to avoid the bullets of the
Highlanders. The general had no alternative but to gallop off with
his men.[941] He reached Coldstream, a town about forty miles from
the field of battle, that night; and entered Berwick next day.
[Illustration: Colonel James Gardiner, aged 40. From the painting by
Van Deest (1727).]
Among six of Cope’s officers who were killed, was Colonel Gardiner,
a veteran soldier who had served under the Duke of Marlborough, and
whose character combined a strong religious feeling with the most
undaunted courage. He had been decidedly opposed to the _defensive_
system of Cope on the preceding evening, and had counselled the
general not to lose a moment in attacking the Highlanders; but his
advice was disregarded. Anticipating the fate which awaited him, he
spent the greater part of the night in devotion, and resolved at all
hazards to perform his duty. He was wounded at the first onset at the
head of his dragoons; but disdaining to follow them in their retreat,
he joined a small body of foot, which attempted to rally near the
wall of his own garden, and while fighting at their head was cut
down by the murderous scythe of a Macgregor, within a few yards of
his own house. He was carried by a friend to the manse of Tranent in
an almost lifeless state, where he expired within a few hours, and
was interred in the north-west corner of the church of Tranent.[942]
Captain Brymer of Lee’s regiment, who appears to have participated
in Gardiner’s opinion as to attacking the Highlanders, met a similar
fate. Having been at the battle of Sheriffmuir, he was satisfied of
the capability of the Highlanders to contend with regular troops, and
dreaded the result of an encounter if assailed by the Highlanders.
When encamped at Haddington, his brother officers were in high
spirits, and making light of the enemy; but Brymer viewed matters
in a very different light. While reading one night in his tent he
was accosted by Mr. Congalton of Congalton, his brother-in-law, who,
observing him look pensive and grave, when all the other officers
appeared so cheerful, inquired the reason. Brymer answered that
the Highlanders were not to be despised, and that he was afraid
his brother officers would soon find that they had mistaken the
character of the Highlanders, who would, to a certainty, attack the
royal army, with a boldness which those only who had witnessed their
prowess could have any idea of. These gloomy forebodings were not the
result of an innate cowardice--for this officer was, as he showed, a
brave man--but from a well-founded conviction that Cope’s men could
not stand the onset of such a body of Highlanders as Charles had
assembled. Brymer was killed, with his face to the enemy, disdaining
to turn his back when that part of the line where he was stationed
was broken in upon by the Highlanders.[943]
The loss on the side of the Highlanders was trifling. Four
officers,[944] and between 30 and 40 privates, were killed; and 5 or
6 officers, and between 70 and 80 privates, wounded.[945]
After the termination of the fight, the field of battle presented an
appalling spectacle, rarely exhibited in the most bloody conflicts.
As almost all the slain were cut down by the broadsword and the
scythe, the ground was strewed with legs, arms, hands, noses, and
mutilated bodies, while, from the deep gashes inflicted by these
dreadful weapons, the field was literally soaked with gore. An
instance of the almost resistless power of the broadsword occurred
when a Highland gentleman, who led a division, broke through Mackay’s
regiment: a grenadier, having attempted to parry off with his hand a
blow made at him by the gentleman alluded to, had his hand lopped off
and his skull cut above an inch deep. He expired on the spot.[946]
It was a most fortunate circumstance that the Highlanders, having
no revengeful feeling to gratify on the present occasion, were
easily induced to listen to the dictates of humanity. After the
fury of their onset was abated, they not only readily gave, but
even offered quarter; and when the action was over, appear to have
displayed an unwonted sympathy for the wounded. A Highland officer
thus exultingly notices the conduct of his companions in arms.
“Now, whatever notions or sentiments the low country people may
entertain of our Highlanders, this day there were many proofs to a
diligent spectator, amidst all the bloodshed, (which at the first
shock was unavoidable,) of their humanity and mercy; for I can,
with the strictest truth and sincerity, declare, that I often heard
our people call out to the soldiers if they wanted quarter; and
we, the officers, exerted our utmost pains to protect the soldiers
from their first fury, when either through their stubbornness or
want of language they did not cry for quarters, and I observed some
of our private men run to Port Seton for ale and other liquors to
support the wounded. And as one proof for all, to my own particular
observation, I saw a Highlander supporting a poor wounded soldier
and carry him on his back into his house, and left him a sixpence at
parting.”[947]
In their attentions to the wounded, the Highlanders had a good
example in Charles himself, who not only issued orders for taking
care of the wounded, but also remained on the field of battle till
mid-day to see that his orders were fulfilled. Finding the few
surgeons he had carried along with him inadequate to meet the demands
of the wounded, he despatched one of his officers to Edinburgh to
bring out all the surgeons, who accordingly instantly repaired to
the field of battle. As the Highlanders felt an aversion to bury the
dead, and as the country people could not be prevailed upon to assist
in the care of the wounded,[948] Charles experienced great obstacles
in carrying through his humane intentions. Writing to his father,
on the evening of the battle, he thus alludes to them: “Tis hard my
victory should put me under new difficulties which I did not feel
before, and yet this is the case. I am charged both with the care of
my friends and enemies. Those who should bury the dead are run away,
as if it were no business of theirs. My Highlanders think it beneath
them to do it, and the country people are fled away. However, I am
determined to try if I can get people for money to undertake it, for
I cannot bear the thought of suffering Englishmen to rot above the
ground. I am in great difficulties how I shall dispose of my wounded
prisoners. If I make a hospital of the church, it will be lookt upon
as a great profanation, and of having violated my manifesto, in which
I promised to violate no man’s property. If the magistrates would
act, they would help me out of this difficulty. Come what will, I am
resolved not to let the poor wounded men lye in the streets, and if I
can do no better, I will make a hospital of the palace and leave it
to them.”[949]
When congratulating themselves on the victory they had obtained,
the Highlanders related to each other what they had done or seen.
Instances were given of individual prowess which might appear
incredible, were it not well-known that when fear seizes an army all
confidence in themselves or their numbers is completely destroyed.
On this occasion “the panic-terror of the English surpassed all
imagination. They threw down their arms that they might run with
more speed, thus depriving themselves by their fears of the only
means of arresting the vengeance of the Highlanders. Of so many, in
a condition from their numbers to preserve order in their retreat,
not one thought of defending himself. Terror had taken entire
possession of their minds.”[950] Of the cases mentioned, one was
that of a young Highlander about fourteen years of age, scarcely
formed, who was presented to the prince as a prodigy, having, it was
said, killed fourteen of the enemy. Charles asking him if this was
true, he replied, “I do not know if I killed them, but I brought
fourteen soldiers to the ground with my sword.” Another instance was
that of a Highlander, who brought ten soldiers, whom he had made
prisoners, to the prince, driving them before him like a flock of
sheep. With unexampled rashness, he had pursued a party of Cope’s men
to some distance from the field of battle, along a road between two
inclosures, and striking down the hindermost man of the party with
a blow of his sword, called aloud at the same time, “Down with your
arms.” The soldiers, terror-struck, complied with the order without
looking behind them; and the Highlander, with a pistol in one hand
and a sword in the other, made them do as he pleased. Yet, as the
Chevalier Johnstone observes, these were “the same English soldiers
who had distinguished themselves at Dettingen and Fontenoy, and who
might justly he ranked amongst the bravest troops of Europe.”[951]
After doing every thing in his power for the relief of the wounded of
both armies, and giving directions for the disposal of his prisoners,
Charles partook of a small repast upon the field of battle, and
thereafter proceeded to Pinkie House, a seat of the Marquis of
Tweeddale, where he passed the night.
FOOTNOTES:
[879] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 31.
[880] Sixty of these Macdonalds had previously joined at Perth.
[881] The Gartmore MS. quoted in the appendix to Burt’s Letters makes
the number only forty; but Home gives it as above.
[882] Nimmo’s _History of Stirlingshire_, edited by the Rev.
Macgregor Stirling, p. 564.
[883] Dougal Graham’s _Metrical History_, p. 15.
[884] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 487.
[885] Dougal Graham, in his _Metrical History_ of the insurrection,
as quoted by Chambers, thus alludes to the conduct of the Highlanders
on the present occasion:--
“Here for a space they took a rest,
And had refreshment of the best
The country round them could afford,
Though many found but empty board,
As sheep and cattle were drove away,
Yet hungry men sought for their prey;
Took milk and butter, kirn and cheese,
On all kinds of eatables they seize;
And he who could not get a share,
Sprang to the hills like dogs for hare:
There shot the sheep and made them fall.
Whirled off the skin, and that was all;
Struck up fire and boiled the flesh,
With salt and pepper did not fash:[886]
This did enrage the Cameron’s chief,
To see his men so play the thief;
And finding one into the act,
He fired and shot him through the back;
Then to the rest himself addressed,
‘This is your lot I do protest,--
Whoe’er amongst you wrongs a man;
Pay what you get, I tell you plain;
For yet we know not friend or foe,
Nor how all things may chance to go.’”
[886] _Anglicé_,--trouble themselves.
[887] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 445.--_Forbes Papers_, p. 35.
[888] Idem.
[889] Home, p. 79.--Mr. Home says that several of these volunteers,
of which he was one, were not inhabitants of the city, and were
ignorant of the municipal cabals,--that they had little deference for
the opinion either of Guest or Drummond; but being satisfied that
the walls were untenable, and dreading the consequences to the city
if taken by storm, they considered the proposal of marching out with
the dragoons preferable to keeping within the walls, as, with their
assistance, the dragoons might be able to break the force of the
Highland army, and leave to the Highlanders, if victorious, a bloody
and fatal victory.
[890] Home, p. 80.
[891] “A True Account of the Behaviour and Conduct of Archibald
Stewart, Esq., late Lord Provost of Edinburgh, in a letter to a
friend. London, 1748.” This pamphlet has been ascribed by a writer
in the Quarterly Review, (No. 71, p. 172,) supposed to be Sir Walter
Scott, to the pen of Hume the Historian.
[892] Home, p. 83.
[893] Home, p. 84.
[894] Home, p. 91.
[895] _Provost Stewart’s Trial_, p. 171.
[896] Home, p. 96.
[897] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 488.
[898] Home, p. 96.
[899] James IV. is said to have planted the lion standard of Scotland
on this stone, as a signal for mustering his army, before its fatal
march to Flodden.
[900] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 446.
[901] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 489. _Kirkconnel MS._
[902] Dr. Carlyle, who almost rubbed shoulders with him twice,
describes the prince thus:--“He was a good-looking man of about
5 feet 10 inches; his hair was dark-red and his eyes black. His
features were regular, his visage long, much sunburnt and freckled,
and his countenance thoughtful and melancholy.”--_Autobiography_, p.
153.
[903] Dr. Chambers’s _Rebellion_, p. 87.
[904] Home, p. 100.
[905] Idem.
[906] It has been stated on the questionable authority of a local
tradition, that when Charles arrived in front of the palace, a large
bullet was fired from the castle, with such direction and force as to
make it descend upon the palace,--that it struck a part of the front
wall of James the Fifth’s tower, near the window which lights a small
turret-chamber connected with Queen Mary’s state apartments; and that
it fell into the court-yard, carrying along with it a quantity of
rubbish which it had knocked out of the wall. If such a remarkable
incident had occurred, it could scarcely have been overlooked by Mr.
Home, who was near the spot at the time; and the fact that it is not
alluded to in the pages of the Caledonian Mercury, the organ of the
Jacobite party, seems conclusive that no such occurrence took place.
[907] Home, p. 101.
[908] Home, p. 102.
[909] Boyse, p. 77, referred to by Chambers.
[910] Home, p. 102. The author of the pamphlet on the conduct of
Provost Stewart, already quoted, gives a somewhat different account
of the flight of the dragoons, but with circumstances equally
ludicrous:--“Before the rebels,” he observes, “came within sight
of our king’s forces, before they came within three miles distance
of them, orders were issued to the dragoons to wheel, which they
immediately did with the greatest order and regularity imaginable.
As it is known that nothing is more beautiful than the evolutions
and movements of cavalry, the spectators stood in expectation
of what fine manœuvre they might terminate in: when new orders
were immediately issued to retreat, they immediately obeyed, and
began to march in the usual pace of cavalry. Orders were repeated
every furlong to quicken their pace, and both precept and example
concurring, they quickened it so well, that, before they reached
Edinburgh, they quickened to a very smart gallop. They passed in
inexpressible hurry and confusion through the narrow lanes at
Barefoot’s Parks, in the sight of all the north part of the town
(Edinburgh,) to the infinite joy of the disaffected, and equal grief
and consternation of all the other inhabitants. They rushed like a
torrent down to Leith, where they endeavoured to draw breath; but
some unlucky boy, (I suppose a Jacobite in his heart,) calling to
them that the Highlanders were approaching, they immediately took
to their heels again, and galloped to Prestonpans, about six miles
farther. There, in a literal sense, _timor addidit alas_,--their
fear added wings, I mean to the rebels. For otherwise they could
not possibly have imagined that these formidable enemies could be
within several miles of them. But at Prestonpans the same alarm was
repeated. The Philistines be upon thee Sampson! They galloped to
North Berwick, and being now about twenty miles to the other side
of Edinburgh, they thought they might safely dismount from their
horses and look out for victuals. Accordingly, like the ancient
Grecian heroes, each began to kill and dress his provisions: _egit
amor dapis atque pugnæ_; they were actuated by the desire of supper
and of battle. The sheep and turkies of North Berwick paid for this
warlike disposition. But behold the uncertainty of human happiness!
When the mutton was just ready to be put upon the table, they heard,
or thought they heard, the same cry of the Highlanders. Their fear
proved stronger than their hunger; they again got on horseback, but
were informed time enough of the falseness of the alarm, to prevent
the spoiling of their meal. By such rudiments as these, the dragoons
were so thoroughly initiated in the art of running, till at last they
became so perfect at their lesson, that at the battle of Preston they
could practise it of themselves, though even there the same good
example was not wanting. I have seen an Italian opera called _Cesaro
in Egitto_, or Cæsar in Egypt, where, in the first scene, Cæsar is
introduced in a great hurry, giving orders to his soldiers, _fugge,
fugge, a’elo scampo_,--fly, fly, to your heels! This is a proof that
the commander at the Coltbridge is not the first hero that gave such
orders to his troops.”
[911] Home, p. 103.
[912] _Quarterly Review_, vol. xxxvi. p. 177.
[913] Home, p. 108.
[914] Account of the battle of Prestonpans, published in the
Caledonian Mercury of 23d September, 1745.
[915] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, _Jacobite Memoirs_, p.
36.--Home, 109.
[916] Home, 111.--Lord George Murray’s Narrative in _Jacobite
Memoirs_, p. 37.
[917] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 38.
[918] Idem, p. 38.--Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 449. The accounts
given by Home and the Chevalier Johnstone differ in some respects
from that of Lord George Murray. Home says, that Mr. Robert Anderson
(son of Anderson of Whitbrough in East Lothian, who had been engaged
in the rebellion of 1715) had confirmed Ker of Gradon’s account
of the ground after his survey, on being consulted by Lord George
Murray,--that he was present at the council of war, but did not give
any opinion; but that after Charles and his officers had separated,
Anderson told Hepburn of Keith that he knew the ground perfectly,
and was certain there was a better way to come at the king’s army
than that which the council had resolved to follow,--that he would
undertake to show them a place where they might easily pass the
morass without being seen by the enemy, and without being exposed to
their fire,--that Hepburn listened attentively to this information,
and expressed his opinion of it in such terms that Anderson desired
he would carry him to Lord George Murray,--that Hepburn advised him
to go himself to Lord George, who knew him, and would like better to
receive information from him alone than when introduced by another
person,--that when Anderson came to Lord George Murray he found
him asleep in a field of cut pease with several of the chiefs near
him,--that on awakening his Lordship, he repeated what he had said to
Mr. Hepburn, and offered to lead the men through the morass,--that
Lord George considering this information important, awoke Charles,
who was lying near him with a sheaf of pease for his pillow, and who,
pleased with Anderson’s information, ordered Lochiel and the other
chiefs to be called, all of whom approved of the plan of attack. The
Chevalier Johnstone says that the officers of the army were perplexed
how to act, from the apparent impossibility of making a successful
attack, but that Anderson came to the prince in the evening very _a
propos_, and relieved them from their embarrassment by informing
them that there was a place in the marsh which could be crossed with
safety, and that upon examining it Anderson’s information was found
to be correct. Lord George’s own account appears, however, to give
the real _res gestæ_. From it he appears to have communicated with
Anderson and Hepburn _before_ the council of war had assembled. As
his Lordship says that “at midnight the principal officers were
called again,” it is probable he alludes to the scene described
by Home, when the prince himself and the chiefs were awakened by
Anderson; but as Anderson was present in the council, and as Lord
George says, that, after this midnight call “all was ordered as was
at first proposed,” it is very likely that Anderson was anxious to
afford some additional information which he had formerly omitted to
give.
[919] Home, p. 112.
[920] A party of 200 Munroes followed Cope to Aberdeen, but refused
to embark as harvest-time was at hand.
[921] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 489.
[922] Home, p. 113.
[923] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 39.--Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p.
449.--Home, p. 89.
[924] Idem.
[925] _Memoirs_, 3d edition, p. 35.
[926] Lockhart, vol. ii. p. 491.
[927] Home puts the Macdonalds of Glencoe on the left of the second
line; but the author of the Journal and Memoirs, (Lockhart _Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 491,) an officer in the Highland army who was in the
battle, says that the Macdonalds of Glencoe were on the right of
the first line. The official account published in the _Caledonian
Mercury_ by Charles, also places the Glencoe men in the same
situation.
[928] Home, p. 117.
[929] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 490.
[930] Idem, p. 401.
[931] _Caledonian Mercury_ of 23d Sept. 1745.
[932] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 40.
[933] Home, p. 118.
[934] Home, p. 119. _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 40. _Lockhart Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 490. Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 35.
[935] Old General Wightman, who commanded the centre of the royalist
army at the battle of Sheriffmuir, was present at this battle as a
spectator. Mounted on his “old cropt galloway,” he posted himself
by break of day about a musket shot in the rear of Hamilton’s
dragoons, and had not taken his ground above three minutes when “the
scuffle” began. He says it lasted about four minutes. After “all was
in route,” Wightman remained in his station, “calm and fearless,”
according to his own account, till he saw all the dragoons out of the
field, and the foot surrounded on all sides. Ex-provost Drummond,
“who (says Wightman) would needs fight among the dragoons,” was
also present, mounted on an old dragoon horse, which one Mathie
had purchased for £4, and had used as a cart horse. Not being able
to reach Gardiner’s dragoons before the battle began, Drummond
joined the squadrons under Hamilton; but “to his great luck,” and
to the “great comfort,” of his friend Wightman, he was swept away
out of the field by the cowardly dragoons, and accompanied Cope to
Berwick.--_Culloden Papers_, p. 224.
[936] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 40.
[937] _Memoirs_, p. 37.
[938] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 36.--In the account of the battle
published by the Highland army, Captain Macgregor is stated to have
been mortally wounded; but he lived several years thereafter, and
retired to France in 1753. On his arrival he addressed the following
letter to Edgar, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. The
original is thus quoted in Edgar’s hand-writing, “Rob Roy’s son, May
22d, 1753:”--
BOULOGNE-SUR-MER,
_May 22d, 1753_.
SIR,--I use the freedom to beg of you to lay before his Majesty
my following unhappy case. What I am his Majesty will see by
the inclosed certificate, and whatever little my venity might
make me imagine I have to his Majesty’s protection, all I expect
or desire at present is, that assistance which is absolutely
necessary for the support of a man who has always shown the
strongest attachment to his Majesty’s person and cause. As long
as I could stay in Scotland I never thought to have added to his
Majesty a trouble or expense; but upon Dr. Cameron, Lochiel’s
brother, being taken up, a strict search was made over all, that
I had no way of avoiding being taken but comming to this country,
where I am in a situation so uneasy, that I am forced to applay
to the generosity of the best of kings. I flater myself that it
is in my power to acquaint his Majesty with something of the
greatest consequence to his cause and our country. But I think
it would be improper, unless I had the honor of being presented
to him. The general character you, Sir, have for being ready to
serve any body in distress, leaves me no room to doubt of your
interesting yourself in my behalf, which I dare say will be of
the greatest use to me, and I am sure will be conferring the
highest obligation upon, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
JAS. DRUMMOND.
May I request the honor of an answer to the care of Lord
Strathallan.
The following is the certificate referred to:--
BOULOGNE-SUR-MER,
_May ye 22d, 1753_.
We the underwritten certify that it consists with our knowledge,
that James Drummond, son to the late Rob Roy, was imploy’d in the
Prince Regent’s affairs by James, Duke of Perth, before his Royal
Highness’s arrival in Scotland, and that afterwards he behaved
with great bravery in several battles, in which he received many
dangerous wounds.
STRATHALLAN.
CHARLES BOYD.
WILL^M. DRUMMOND.
To relieve his necessities, James ordered his banker at Paris to pay
Macgregor 300 livres, in reference to which Lord Strathallan thus
writes to Edgar, from Boulogne-sur-Mer, on 6th Sept., 1753:--“I had
the honor of yours some time ago, and deferred writing you until I
heard about the 300 livres for Mr. Drummond, (Macgregor); but I have
never heard any more of it. I immediately acquainted Mr. D. with the
contents of your letter. The attestation I signed was only as to his
courage and personal bravery, for as to any thing else, I would be
sorry to answer for him, as he has but an indifferent character as to
real honesty.”--_Stuart Papers._
[939] According to the Chevalier Johnstone, (_Memoirs_, p. 38,)
1,300 of Cope’s men were killed; but Home states the number as not
exceeding 200. He says, however, in a note, that some accounts of the
battle written by officers in the rebel army, make the number killed
to have been 400 or 500. These last seem to be nearer the truth.
[940] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 41.
[941] Report of Cope’s examination. The story told by the Chevalier
Johnstone, of Cope’s having effected his escape through the midst of
the Highlanders by mounting a white cockade, seems improbable, as
Cope does not appear to have been in a situation to have rendered
such a step necessary. If any officer made his escape in the way
described, it is likely Colonel Lascelles was the man. He fell
into the hands of the Highlanders; but in the hurry they were in,
contrived to make his escape eastward, and arrived safe at Berwick.
Amid the confusion which prevailed, he might easily have snatched a
cockade from a dead or wounded Highlander, or procured one for a sum
of money.
[942] Doddridge’s _Life of Colonel Gardiner_.
[943] Home, p. 121.
[944] These were Captain Robert Stewart of Ardshiel’s battalion;
Captain Archibald Macdonald of Keppoch’s; Lieutenant Allan Cameron of
Lindevra; and Ensign James Cameron of Lochiel’s regiment.
[945] Account published by the Highland army.--Kirkconnel MS.
[946] _Caledonian Mercury_, 25th September 1745.
[947] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 491.
[948] Lord George Murray says, that when traversing the field
of battle in the afternoon he observed that some of Cope’s men,
“who were the worst wounded, had not been carried to houses to be
dressed; and though there were several of the country people of that
neighbourhood looking at them, I could not prevail with them to carry
them to houses, but got some of our people to do it.”--_Jacobite
Memoirs_, p. 42.
[949] All the wounded privates of both armies were carried to the
different villages adjoining the field of battle. Those of Cope’s
officers who were dangerously wounded were lodged in Colonel
Gardiner’s house, where surgeons attended them. In the evening, the
remainder, (who had given their parole,) accompanied by Lord George
Murray, went to Musselburgh, where a house had been provided for
their reception. Some of them walked, but others, who were unable
to do so, had horses provided for them by his lordship. The house
into which they were put was newly finished, and had neither table,
bed, chair, nor grate in it. Lord George caused some new thrashed
straw to be purchased for beds, and the officers on their arrival
partook of a tolerable meal of cold provisions and some liquor, which
his lordship had carried along with him. When about to retire, the
officers entreated him not to leave them, as being without a guard,
they were afraid that some of the Highlanders, who were in liquor,
might come in and insult or plunder them. Lord George consented,
and lay on a floor by them all night. Some of the officers, who
were valetudinary, slept that night in the house of the minister.
Next day, after the departure of the prince for Edinburgh, the
officers had quarters provided for them in Pinkie-house. The other
prisoners, privates, were quartered in Musselburgh and the gardens
of Pinkie for two nights, and were afterwards removed, along with
the officers, to Edinburgh. The latter were confined for a few
days in Queensberry-house, when they were released on parole, and
allowed to reside in the city, on condition that they should hold
no communication with the castle. The privates were confined in the
church and jail of the Canongate. Such of the wounded as could be
removed were put into the Royal Infirmary, where great care was taken
of them. One of the officers having broke his parole by going into
the castle, the others were sent to Perth. The privates were removed
to Logierait in Athole; and the wounded were dismissed as they
recovered, on taking an oath that they should not carry arms against
the prince before the 1st of January, 1747.--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p.
42. _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 451. _Caledonian Mercury._
[950] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 93.
[951] Idem, p. 40.