A.D. 1745.
BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.
Preparations--Departure of the expedition--Incidents of the
voyage--The Prince lands in Eriska--Has interviews with Macdonald
of Boisdale and young Clanranald--Kinlochmoidart, Dr. Cameron,
and others, visit the Prince--Charles lands at Borodale--Cameron,
younger, of Lochiel--His interview with the Prince--Charles
arrives at Kinlochmoidart--Commencement of hostilities--Charles
raises his standard at Glenfinnan--Manifesto--The Chevalier’s
ignorance of the expedition.
From mere auxiliaries in the war of the Austrian succession, Great
Britain and France at last entered the field as principals; and
in the spring of 1745, both parties were prepared to decide their
respective differences by force of arms. The Jacobites, who looked
upon war as the harbinger to a speedy realisation of their wishes
and their hopes, awaited the result with anxiety; though, from the
policy of France, it was not difficult to perceive that the issue,
whether favourable or unfavourable to France, would in reality
neither advance nor retard the long looked for restoration. France,
if defeated in the field, almost on her own frontiers, would require
all her forces to protect herself; and could not, therefore, be
expected to make a diversion on the shores of Britain. And, on the
other hand, if successful in the campaign about to open in Flanders,
she was likely to accomplish the objects for which the war had been
undertaken, without continuing an expensive and dubious struggle in
support of the Stuarts.
Charles Edward Stuart, the aspirant to the British throne, seems
to have viewed matters much in the same light on receiving
intelligence of the victory obtained by the French over the allies
at Fontenoy.[805] In writing to one of his father’s agents at
Paris,[806] who had sent him information of the battle, Charles
observes that it was not easy to form an opinion as to whether the
result would “prove good or bad” for his affairs. He had, however,
taken his resolution to go to Scotland, though unaccompanied even by
a single company of soldiers; and the event which had just occurred
made him determine to put that resolution into immediate execution.
At Fontenoy, the British troops maintained by their bravery the
national reputation, but they were obliged to yield to numbers;
yet, to use the words of a French historian, “they left the field
of battle without tumult, without confusion, and were defeated with
honour.”[807] The flower of the British army was, however, destroyed;
and as Great Britain had been almost drained of troops, Charles
considered the conjuncture as favourable, and made such preparations
for his departure as the shortness of the time would allow.
The French government was apprised of Charles’s intentions, and
though the French ministers were not disposed openly to sanction an
enterprise which they were not at the time in a condition to support,
they secretly favoured a design, which, whatever might be its result,
would operate as a diversion in favour of France. Accordingly, Lord
Clare, (afterwards Marshal Thomond,) then a lieutenant-general in
the French service, was authorised to open a negotiation with two
merchants of Irish extraction, named Ruttledge and Walsh, who had
made some money by trading to the West Indies. They had, since the
war, been concerned in privateering; and with the view of extending
their operations, had lately obtained from the French government a
grant of the Elizabeth, an old man-of-war of sixty-six guns, and they
had purchased a small frigate of sixteen guns named the Doutelle,
both of which ships were in the course of being fitted out for a
cruise in the north seas. Lord Clare having introduced Charles to
Ruttledge and Walsh, explained the prince’s design, and proposed that
they should lend him their ships. This proposal was at once acceded
to by the owners, who also offered to supply the prince with money
and such arms as they could procure, in fulfilment of which offer
they afterwards placed in his hands the sum of £3,800.[808]
While the preparations for the expedition were going on, Charles
resided at Navarre, a seat of the Duke of Bouillon, and occupied
himself in hunting, fishing, and shooting. A few persons only in his
own confidence were aware of his intentions; and so desirous was
he of concealing his movements from his father’s agents at Paris,
that he gave out, shortly before his departure, that he intended
to visit the monastery of La Trappe, in the vicinity of Rouen, and
would return to Paris in a few days.[809] The prince ordered the few
followers who were to accompany him to assemble at Nantes, near the
mouth of the Loire; and the better to conceal their design, they
arrived there singly, took up their residence in different parts of
the town, and when they met on the streets did not seem to recognise
one another.[810]
When informed that every thing was in readiness for his departure,
Charles went to Nantes in disguise, and having descended the Loire
in a fishing boat on the 20th of June, (O. S.) 1745, embarked on the
21st on board the Doutelle at St. Nazaire, whence he proceeded on the
following day to Belleisle, where he was joined on the 4th of July by
the Elizabeth, which had on board 100 marines raised by Lord Clare,
about 2,000 muskets, and 500 or 600 French broad-swords. The persons
who accompanied Charles were the Marquis of Tullibardine,[811] elder
brother of James, Duke of Athole; Sir Thomas Sheridan, who had been
tutor to Charles; Sir John Macdonald, an officer in the Spanish
service; Francis Strickland, an English gentleman; George Kelly,
a clergyman; Æneas or Angus Macdonald, a banker in Paris, brother
to Kinlochmoidart; and O’Sullivan, an officer in the service of
France. These were afterwards designated the “Seven Men of Moidart.”
There were also some persons of inferior note, among whom were one
Buchanan, who had been employed as a messenger to Rome by Cardinal
Tencin, and Duncan Cameron, formerly a servant of old Lochiel at
Boulogne, who was hired for the expedition, for the purpose, as he
informs us, of descrying the “Long Isle.”[812]
The expedition sailed from Belleisle on the 5th of July with a fair
wind, which continued favourable till the 8th, when a dead calm
ensued. On the following day, when in the latitude of 47° 57´ north,
and thirty-nine leagues west from the meridian of the Lizard, a sail
was descried to windward, which proved to be the Lion, a British
man-of-war of sixty guns, commanded by Captain Brett. When the Lion
hove in sight, the prince, for better accommodation, was preparing
to go on board the Elizabeth; but luckily for him he laid aside
his design on the appearance of the man-of-war. While the Lion was
bearing down on the French ships, M. D’Oe, or D’Eau, the captain of
the Elizabeth, went on board the Doutelle, where a council of war was
immediately held, at which it was determined, if possible, to avoid
an action; but if an action became inevitable, that the Elizabeth
should receive the first broadside, and should thereupon endeavour
to board her adversary. While this conference lasted, both ships
kept running before the wind; but the Lion being a fast sailing
vessel soon neared the Elizabeth, and, when within nearly a mile of
her, hove to for the purpose of reconnoitring the French ships and
preparing for action. Judging an action now unavoidable, Captain
D’Oe proposed to Walsh, one of the proprietors of the two vessels,
and who acted as commander of the Doutelle, that while the Elizabeth
and Lion were engaged, the Doutelle should assist the Elizabeth by
playing upon the Lion at a distance; but Walsh declined to interfere
in any shape. The Captain of the Elizabeth thereupon drew his sword,
and taking leave, went back to his ship, with his drawn sword in his
hand, to prepare for action.[813]
Captain D’Oe had scarcely reached the Elizabeth when the Lion bore
down upon her. Contrary to the plan laid down on board the Doutelle,
the Elizabeth gave the first broadside, which was instantly returned
by the Lion; and before the Elizabeth could get her other side
to bear upon her opponent, the latter tacked about and poured in
another broadside into the Elizabeth, which raked her fore and aft,
and killed a great number of her men. Notwithstanding this untoward
beginning, the Elizabeth maintained the fight for nearly five hours,
when night coming on, and both vessels being complete wrecks,
they parted as if by mutual consent. The prince, in the Doutelle,
viewed the battle with great anxiety, and, it is said, importuned
the captain to assist the Elizabeth, but Walsh positively refused
to engage, and intimated to the prince, that if he continued his
solicitations, he would order him down to the cabin.[814]
After the action was over, Captain Walsh bore up to the Elizabeth
to ascertain the state of matters, and was informed by a lieutenant
of the severe loss she had sustained in officers and men, and the
crippled state she was in. He, however, offered to pursue the voyage
if supplied with a main-mast and some rigging, but Walsh had no spare
materials; and after intimating that he would endeavour to finish
the voyage himself, and advising the commander of the Elizabeth to
return to France, both ships parted, the Elizabeth on her way back to
France, and the Doutelle on her voyage to the Western Highlands.[815]
On the 11th of July a sail was discovered, which gave chase to the
Doutelle; but being a swift-sailing vessel she outran her pursuer.
She encountered a rough sea and tempestuous weather on the 15th and
16th, after which the weather became fine till the midnight of the
20th, when a violent storm arose. She stood out the gale, however,
and on the 22d came within sight of land, which was discovered to be
the southern extremity of Long Island, a name by which, from their
appearing at a distance, and in a particular direction, to form one
island, the islands of Lewis, the Uists, Barra, and others, are
distinguished. On approaching the land, a large ship, which appeared
to be an English man-of-war, was descried between the Doutelle and
the island. On perceiving this vessel, Walsh changed the course of
the Doutelle, and stretching along the east side of Barra, reached
the strait between South Uist and Eriska, the largest of a cluster
of little rocky islands that lie off South Uist. When near the land,
Duncan Cameron, before mentioned, was sent on shore in the long-boat
to bring off a proper pilot, and having accidentally met the piper of
Macneil of Barra, with whom Cameron was acquainted, he took him on
board. In the strait alluded to, the Doutelle cast anchor on the 23d
of July, having been eighteen days at sea.[816]
Accompanied by his attendants, the prince immediately landed in
Eriska, and was conducted to the house of Angus Macdonald, the
tacksman, or principal tenant thereof and of the small islands
adjoining. To anticipate that prying curiosity and speculation which
the inhabitants of the western isles always display on the arrival of
strangers, the prince’s companions represented him as a young Irish
priest, a species of visitor by no means uncommon in these islands,
whither priests from the opposite coast of Ireland had been long
accustomed to resort, for the purpose of giving the islanders that
religious instruction and consolation of which, by the change in
the national religion, they had been almost debarred from receiving
from the hands of native priests. From the tacksman of Eriska, the
party learned, that Macdonald, chief of Clanranald, and Macdonald
of Boisdale, his brother, were upon the island of South Uist, and
that young Clanranald, the son of the chief, was at Moidart upon the
mainland. As Boisdale was understood to have great influence with
his brother, a messenger was immediately despatched to South Uist,
requesting his attendance on board the Doutelle.
Charles and his companions passed the night in the house of the
tacksman, but the accommodation was very indifferent. They had not
a sufficient supply of beds, but the prince, regardless of his own
ease, declined to occupy one.[817] Next morning they returned to
the ship. Boisdale soon thereafter made his appearance. As his
brother, Clanranald, was unfit, from age and bad health, to be of any
essential service, Charles was anxious to secure the assistance of
Boisdale, by whose means he expected that the clan would be induced
to rise in his support. Boisdale had, however, already made up his
mind upon the subject, and the result of the interview was extremely
discouraging to Charles. At first, the prince proposed that Boisdale
should accompany him to the mainland, and endeavour to engage his
nephew to take up arms; but Boisdale decidedly declined the proposal,
and even declared that he would do every thing in his power to
prevent his brother and nephew from engaging in an enterprise which
he considered desperate. Baffled in his first attempt, Charles
next proposed to despatch Boisdale with a message to Sir Alexander
Macdonald of Sleat and the Laird of Macleod, who had extensive
possessions in the island of Skye, requesting their assistance; but
Boisdale informed the prince that such a mission would be useless, as
he had seen Sir Alexander Macdonald and Macleod very lately,--that
they had stated to him the probability that the prince would arrive,
but that if he came without a body of regular troops, they were
determined not to join him, and were of opinion that no other person
would. Boisdale added, that he was instructed by these gentlemen to
mention their resolution to the prince in case he should meet him
on his arrival, and to advise him, should he come unprovided with
troops, to return directly to France.
Charles was sadly perplexed at Boisdale’s obduracy, but he
endeavoured to soften him by representing his affairs in the most
favourable light; but the Highlander was inflexible. Whilst this
prolonged altercation was going on, two vessels appeared making
for the strait in which the Doutelle lay, a circumstance which
induced her commander to weigh anchor and stand in for the mainland.
Boisdale, still pressed by the prince, remained on board till the
ship had advanced several miles in her course, when he entered his
boat, and left Charles to ruminate over his disappointment. The
Doutelle continued her course during the night, and next morning
cast anchor in the bay of Lochnanuagh, which partly divides the
countries of Moidart and Arisaig.[818] On approaching the strait,
the Marquis of Tullibardine, when about to retire below to dinner,
observed an eagle hovering over the frigate, which he looked upon
as a happy augury, but afraid of being taxed by his companions
with superstition, he at first took no notice of the circumstance.
On coming upon deck after dinner, he saw the eagle still hovering
above the vessel and following her in her course. No longer able
to restrain himself, he directed the attention of Charles and his
suite to the royal bird, and thereafter turning to the prince, thus
addressed him: “Sir, I hope this is an excellent omen, and promises
good things to us. The king of birds is come to welcome your royal
highness upon your arrival in Scotland.”
Though foiled in his attempt upon Boisdale, the young adventurer
resolved to repeat the same experiment upon his nephew, and
accordingly he immediately sent a boat on shore with a letter to
young Clanranald; Æneas Macdonald also went on shore to bring
off Kinlochmoidart, his brother. Kinlochmoidart came on board
immediately, and after a short interview with the prince, was
despatched with letters to Lochiel, the Duke of Perth, Murray of
Broughton and others.
Next day young Clanranald, accompanied by his kinsmen, Alexander
Macdonald of Glenalladale, Æneas Macdonald of Dalily and a Highland
officer (author of a journal and memoirs of the expedition),[819]
came to Forsy, a small village opposite to the Doutelle’s anchorage
ground. They called for the ship’s boat, and were immediately carried
on board. The feelings of the party on getting upon deck are thus
described by the writer alluded to. “Our hearts were overjoyed to
find ourselves so near our long-wished-for prince; we found a
large tent erected with poles on the ship’s deck, covered and well
furnished with variety of wines and spirits. As we entered this
pavilion we were most cheerfully welcom’d by the Duke of Athole, to
whom some of us had been known in the year 1715. While the duke was
talking with us, Clanranald was a-missing, and had, as we understood,
been called into the prince’s cabin, nor did we look for the honour
of seeing His R. H. at least for that night.”[820]
Of the conversation which took place between the prince and young
Clanranald during the three hours they were closeted together, no
account was ever given; but it is probable that if the latter stated
any objections against the enterprise, they had been overcome before
he rejoined his companions, as no allusion is made by the writer just
quoted, to any unwillingness on the part of the young chieftain to
join the prince. Maxwell of Kirkconnel, who mentions the refusal of
Boisdale, says, that young Clanranald frankly offered his services
to the prince,[821] a statement which, from the ardent and romantic
attachment for the Stuarts with which that young chieftain was
inspired, seems to approximate nearer the truth than that of Home,
who classes Kinlochmoidart and young Clanranald together, as joining
in a positive refusal to take up arms.
According to Home, young Clanranald and Kinlochmoidart came on board
together, and were addressed, with great emotion, by Charles, who had
been almost reduced to despair by his interview with Boisdale. After
using all the arguments he could for taking up arms, he conjured
them to assist their countryman, their prince, in his utmost need.
Though well inclined and warmly attached to the cause, the gentlemen
in question are said to have positively refused, and to have told
the prince, one after another, that to take up arms in their present
unprepared state, without concert or support, would bring down
certain destruction on their own heads. Charles persisted, argued,
and implored, but without effect. During this conversation the
parties walked backwards and forwards upon the deck, and were closely
eyed by a Highlander who stood near them armed at all points, as
was then the fashion of the country. He was a younger brother of
Kinlochmoidart, and had come off to the ship to inquire for news, not
knowing who was on board. When he gathered from their discourse that
the stranger was Prince Charles, and heard his chief and his brother
refuse to take up arms in his behalf, his colour went and came, his
eyes sparkled, he shifted his place and grasped his sword. Charles
observing his demeanour, stopped short, and turning towards him,
put this interrogatory, “Will not you assist me?” “I will! I will!”
exclaimed Ranald; “though no other man in the Highlands should draw
a sword, I am ready to die for you.” Charles, delighted with the
young man’s answer, evinced his gratitude by a profusion of thanks
and acknowledgments, extolled his champion to the skies, and said he
only wished that all the Highlanders were like him. Stung with the
prince’s observation, which could be regarded only as a reproach, and
smitten by the example set by the heroic youth, the two Macdonalds
instantly declared that they would unsheath their swords in support
of the claims of the house of Stuart, and would use their utmost
endeavours to rouse their countrymen to arms.[822]
After the interview with the prince, Clanranald returned to his
friends, who had, during the conference, been regaling themselves in
the pavilion. In about half-an-hour thereafter, the prince entered
the tent and took his seat without appearing to notice any of the
company. His appearance, and the scene which followed, are thus
described by an eyewitness. “There entered the tent a tall youth of
a most agreeable aspect, in a plain black coat with a plain shirt,
not very clean, and a cambrick stock fixed with a plain silver
buckle, a fair round wig out of the buckle, a plain hat with a canvas
string having one end fixed to one of his coat buttons; he had black
stockings, and brass buckles in his shoes. At his first appearance
I found my heart swell to my very throat. We were immediately told
by one Obrian, a churchman, that this youth was also an English
clergyman, who had long been possessed with a desire to see and
converse with Highlanders.
“When this youth entered, Obrian forbid any of those who were sitting
to rise; he saluted none of us, and we only made a low bow at a
distance. I chanced to be one of those who were standing when he came
in, and he took his seat near me, but immediately started up again
and caused me to sit down by him upon a chest. I at this time taking
him only to be a passenger or some clergyman, presumed to speak to
him with too much familiarity, yet still retained some suspicion he
might be one of more note than he was said to be. He asked me if I
was not cold in that habit, (viz. the Highland garb,) I answered I
was so habituated to it, that I should rather be so (feel cold) if I
was to change my dress for any other. At this he laughed heartily,
and next inquired how I lay with it at night, which I explained to
him. He said that by wrapping myself so close in my plaid I would
be unprepared for any sudden defence in the case of a surprise. I
answered that in such times of danger, or during the war, we had a
different method of using the plaid, that with one spring I could
start to my feet with drawn sword and cocked pistol in my hand,
without being the least encumbered with my bed-clothes. Several such
questions he put to me; then rising quickly from his seat he calls
for a dram, when the same person whispered me a second time to pledge
the stranger but not to drink to him, by which seasonable hint I was
confirmed in my suspicion who he was. Having taken a glass of wine in
his hand, he drank to us all round, and soon after left us.”[823]
Having thus secured the support of young Clanranald, Charles selected
him to execute the commission which his uncle, Boisdale, had refused
to undertake. Accordingly, on the 22d of July the young chieftain,
attended by Allan Macdonald, a younger brother of Kinlochmoidart, was
despatched with letters from the prince, to Sir Alexander Macdonald
and the laird of Macleod, to solicit the aid of their services. These
powerful chieftains, who could raise nearly 2,000 men between them,
had promised to join the prince if he brought a foreign force along
with him, but when they found that he had come without troops, they
considered themselves released from their engagements, and refused to
join in an enterprise which they considered desperate.[824]
During young Clanranald’s absence, Donald Macdonald of Scothouse, Dr.
Archibald Cameron on the part of his brother Donald Cameron, younger
of Lochiel, and Hugh Macdonald, brother of the laird of Morar, came
on board the Doutelle. The latter, on his way home from Edinburgh,
had met Kinlochmoidart crossing the water of Lochy, and had been
informed by him of the arrival of the prince.[825] In expectation of
seeing the prince, he went to Kinlochmoidart’s house, where he found
Æneas Macdonald, brother of Kinlochmoidart, who told him that he
might see the prince the following day if he pleased, but cautioned
him not to accost him as such, as the prince passed for a French abbé
with the crew of the vessel, who were ignorant of his rank. Next day
the two Macdonalds went on board; and Charles, being informed of the
name and character of his visitor, invited him down to the cabin. In
a conversation which ensued, Hugh Macdonald expressed his fears as
to the result of the expedition if persevered in, and hinted that,
as he had brought no forces along with him, the most eligible course
the prince could pursue, was to return to France, and wait a more
favourable opportunity. Charles remarked that he did not wish to be
indebted for the restoration of his father to foreigners, but to
his own friends; that he had now put it in their power to have the
glory of doing so, and that as to returning to France without making
an attempt, foreigners should never have to say that he had thrown
himself upon his friends, that they had turned their backs upon
him, and that he had been forced to retire for shelter to foreign
lands. He concluded by observing, that if he could get only six stout
trusty fellows to join him, he would choose rather to skulk with them
among the mountains of Scotland than return to France. Dr. Cameron
also urged Charles to return, and told him that Lochiel had made up
his mind not to join; but Charles returned the same answer he had
given to Hugh Macdonald. On the return from Skye of young Clanranald
and Allan Macdonald, who brought back an absolute refusal from Sir
Alexander Macdonald and the laird of Macleod, the whole party on
board, including even Sir Thomas Sheridan, by whose advice the prince
generally acted, importuned him to desist, chiefly on the ground that
the refusal of two such influential and powerful chieftains would
prevent others, who were well disposed to the cause, from joining;
but Charles was immoveable, and though without a single supporter,
persisted in his resolution.[826]
Charles remained on board the Doutelle till the 25th of July, the
interval between which day and that of his arrival in Lochnanuagh,
was spent in despatching letters and receiving communications from
his friends, and in consultations with his companions and the
adherents who visited him, as to the means to be adopted for raising
the clans that were favourably disposed. During the same interval,
all the arms, ammunition, and stores were landed; and every thing
being in readiness for his reception on shore, Charles, accompanied
by his suite, landed at Borodale, a farm belonging to Clanranald,
and took up his abode in the house of Angus Macdonald, the tenant
of the farm, who received him and his companions with a hearty
welcome. By orders of young Clanranald, Macdonald of Glenalladale and
another gentleman of the clan, had collected about 100 of their men
to serve as a body-guard to the prince, all of whom were hospitably
entertained at Borodale.
No situation could have been any where selected more suitable for the
circumstances and designs of Charles than the abode he had chosen.
Besides being one of the most remote and inaccessible places in the
western Highlands of Scotland, it was surrounded on all sides by the
territories of the most devoted adherents of the house of Stuart, by
the descendants of the heroes of Kilsyth and Killiecrankie, in whose
breasts the spirit of revenge had taken deep root, for the cruelties
which had followed the short-lived insurrection of 1715, and the
affronts to which they had been subjected under the disarming act.
These mountaineers had long sighed for an opportunity of retaliation,
and they were soon to imagine that the time for vengeance had arrived.
As soon as the landing of Charles was known, the whole neighbourhood
was in motion, and repaired, “without distinction of age or
sex,”[827] to the house of Borodale, to see a man with whose success
they considered the glory and happiness of their country to be
inseparably associated. To gratify his warm-hearted and generous
visitors, and to attain a full view of the assembled group, Charles
seated himself in a conspicuous part of the room where a repast had
been laid out for him and his friends. Here, amid the congregated
spectators who feasted their eyes with the sight of the lineal
descendant of a race of kings, endeared to them by many sorrowful
recollections, the prince partook of the fare provided by his
kind host, with a cheerfulness which banished all reflection of
the past or care for the future. At the conclusion of the repast,
Charles drank the grace-drink in English, which, of course, was
understood only by a few of the persons present. The guest, to whom
we are indebted for this account, says, that when his turn came
to propose a toast, wishing to distinguish himself, he gave “the
king’s health” in Gaelic in an audible voice,--“Deoch slaint an
Righ.” When the prince was informed that his father’s health had been
drunk, he requested the gentleman who had proposed it to pronounce
the words again in Gaelic, that he might repeat them himself. This
being done, Charles repeated the words, and understanding that the
proposer was skilful in Gaelic, the prince intimated to him that
he would henceforth take instructions from him in that language.
The same individual, afterwards, by desire, gave also the healths
of the prince, and his brother “the duke,” in Gaelic.[828] Such
condescension and familiarity on the part of Charles were highly
gratifying to the feelings of all present, and were better calculated
to secure the affections of the unsophisticated people, into whose
arms he had thrown himself, than all the pomp and circumstance of
regal splendour.
Though the extreme rashness of young Clanranald and his friends, in
thus exposing themselves to almost inevitable destruction, be quite
inexcusable on the score of sober reason, yet it is impossible not
to admire the daring intrepidity of the men, who, at the call of
a friendless and unprotected youth, could commit themselves in a
struggle with the government even before they had ascertained that
a single clan, except their own, would join. Their devotedness to
the cause of the Stuarts did not blind them, however, to the dangers
to which they were about to expose themselves by declaring for the
prince; but having now thrown away the scabbard, they resolved
to cling to the cause which a feeling of fidelity prompted them
to espouse, reckless of the consequences. “All may judge (says a
gentleman of the clan), how hazardous an enterprise we were now
engaged in, being for some time quite alone; but we resolved,
notwithstanding, to follow our prince, and risk our fate with
his.”[829]
Charles, before landing, had despatched messengers to several of
the chiefs who were favourably disposed. From Borodale he again
sent off fresh messengers to all the chiefs from whom he expected
assistance, requiring their attendance. Some of his friends, aware
of his arrival, had, it is said, already held a meeting to consult
as to the course they should pursue; at which Macdonald of Keppoch
had given his opinion, that as the prince had risked his person, and
generously thrown himself into the hands of his friends, they were
bound, in duty at least, to raise men instantly for the protection of
his person, whatever might be the consequences;[830] but it does not
appear that any such resolution was at that time adopted.
The person pitched upon to visit Lochiel on this occasion, was
Macdonald, younger of Scothouse, who succeeded in inducing that chief
to visit the prince at Borodale, but he went with a determination not
to take up arms. On his way to Borodale he called at the house of his
brother, John Cameron of Fassefern, who, on being told the object of
his journey, advised Lochiel not to proceed, as he was afraid that
the prince would prevail upon him to forego his resolution.[831]
Lochiel, firm in his determination, as he imagined, told his brother
that his reasons for declining to join the prince were too strong to
be overcome, and pursued his journey.
Donald Cameron of Lochiel, on whose final determination the question
of a civil war was now to depend, (for it seems to be universally
admitted, that if Lochiel had declined to take up arms the other
chiefs would have also refused,) though called young Lochiel by the
Highlanders, from his father being still alive, was rather advanced
in life. His father, for the share he had taken in the insurrection
of 1715, was attainted and in exile. In consequence of the attainder,
young Lochiel had succeeded to the family estates upon the death of
his grandfather, Sir Ewen Cameron, in 1719. Sir Ewen, the reader
knows, had served with distinction under Montrose and Dundee, and
his son and grandson had inherited from the old warrior a devoted
attachment to the house of Stuart, which no change of circumstances
had been ever able to eradicate. The Chevalier de St. George,
sensible of the inflexible integrity of the young chief, and of the
great influence which he enjoyed among his countrymen on account
of the uprightness of his character, and as being at the head of
one of the most powerful of the clans, had invested him with full
powers to negotiate with his friends in Scotland, on the subject of
his restoration.[832] Knowing the confidence which was so deservedly
reposed in him, he was consulted on all occasions by the Jacobites
in the Highlands, and, as has been elsewhere observed, was one of
the seven who, in the year 1740, signed the bond of association to
restore the Chevalier. Upon the failure of the expedition of 1743,
young Lochiel had urged the prince to continue his exertions to get
another fitted out; but he was averse to any attempts being made
without foreign assistance, and cautioned the prince accordingly.[833]
Among the chiefs who were summoned to Borodale, Lochiel was the
first to appear, and he immediately had a private interview with
the prince. Charles told him that he meant to be quite candid, and
to conceal nothing; he reprobated in severe terms the conduct of
the French ministry, who, he averred, had long amused him with fair
promises, and had at last deceived him. He admitted that he had
but a small quantity of arms, and very little money; that he had
left France without concerting anything, or even taking leave of
the French court,--that he had, however, before leaving, written to
the French king and his ministers soliciting succours, which he was
persuaded they would send as soon as they saw that he really had a
party in Scotland,--that he had appointed Earl Marischal his agent
at the court of France,--and that he depended much upon the zeal
and abilities of that nobleman, who would himself superintend the
embarkation of the succours he was soliciting.
[Illustration: Donald Cameron of Lochiel.--From the original painting
in possession of Mrs. Cameron-Campbell of Monzie.]
While Lochiel admitted the engagements which he and other chiefs
had come under to support the cause, he observed that they were
binding only in the event of the stipulated aid being furnished;
and as his royal highness had come over without such support, they
were released from the engagements they had contracted. He therefore
reiterated his resolution not to join in the present hopeless
attempt, and advised his royal highness to return to France and
await a more favourable opportunity. Charles, on the other hand,
maintained, that an opportunity more favourable than the present
might never occur again,--that, with the exception of a very few
newly raised regiments, all the British troops were occupied abroad.
He represented, that the regular troops now in the kingdom were
insufficient to withstand the body of Highlanders his friends could
bring into the field; and he stated his belief, that if in the outset
he obtained an advantage over the government forces, the country in
general would declare in his favour, and his friends abroad would
at once aid him,--that every thing, in fact, now depended upon the
Highlanders,--and that to accomplish the restoration of his father,
it was only necessary that they should instantly declare themselves
and begin the war.
These arguments, which, as the result showed, were more plausible
than solid, had no effect upon Lochiel, who continued to resist all
the entreaties of Charles to induce him to alter his resolution.
Finding the prince utterly averse to the proposal made to him to
return to France, Lochiel entreated him to be more moderate in his
views. He then suggested, that Charles should send his attendants
back to France; that he himself should remain concealed in the
country; that a report should be circulated that he also had returned
to France, and that the court of France should be made acquainted
with the state of matters, and informed that his friends would be
ready to take up arms upon the first notice of a landing, but that
nothing could be done without foreign support. Charles, however,
rejected this proposal also, and told Lochiel, that the court of
France would never be convinced that he had a considerable party in
Scotland, till there was an actual insurrection, without which he was
afraid they would not venture their troops.
As a last shift, Lochiel suggested, that Charles should remain
at Borodale till he and other friends should hold a meeting, and
concert what was best to be done. With an impatience which spurned
delay, Charles would not even listen to the proposal, and declared
his firm determination to take the field, however small the number
of his attendants might be. “In a few days,” said he, “with the few
friends that I have, I will erect the royal standard, and proclaim
to the people of Britain, that Charles Stuart is come over to claim
the crown of his ancestors--to win it, or to perish in the attempt:
Lochiel, whom my father has often told me, was our firmest friend,
may stay at home, and from the newspapers, learn the fate of his
prince.” This appeal was irresistible. “No!” exclaimed Lochiel, “I’ll
share the fate of my prince; and so shall every man over whom nature
or fortune has given me any power.”[834]
Having extorted an acquiescence from Lochiel, who, impelled by a
mistaken but chivalrous sense of honour, thus yielded to the prince’s
entreaties in spite of his own better judgment, Charles resolved to
raise his standard at Glenfinnan on the 19th of August. Accordingly,
he despatched letters from Borodale on the 6th, to the various chiefs
who were favourably disposed, informing them of his intention, and
requiring the presence of them and their followers at Glenfinnan on
the day appointed, or as soon thereafter as possible. Lochiel, at the
same time, returned to his own house, whence he despatched messengers
to the leading gentlemen of his clan to raise their men, and to hold
themselves in readiness to march with him to Glenfinnan.
After sending off his messengers, Charles left Borodale for the
house of Kinlochmoidart, about seven miles from Borodale, whither
he and his suite had been invited by the proprietor to spend a few
days, while the preparations for the appointed meeting were going
on. Charles and his party went by sea, and their baggage and some
artillery were forwarded by the same conveyance; but the body-guard,
which had been provided by Clanranald, proceeded by land along the
heads of two intervening bays. While at the hospitable mansion of his
friend, Charles expressed his sense of the services of Kinlochmoidart
in the warmest terms, offered him a colonel’s commission in a
regiment of dragoons, and promised him a peerage.[835]
During Charles’s stay at Kinlochmoidart, the arming of the
Highlanders went on with extraordinary alacrity; and several days
before the prince’s departure for Glenfinnan, detached parties of
armed Highlanders were to be seen perambulating the country in
different directions. Though three weeks had elapsed since the
arrival of the prince, and although Kinlochmoidart was only about
thirty miles from Fort William, yet so effectually had his arrival
been concealed from the officers of the government in the Highlands,
that it was not until they received intelligence of these movements,
that they began even to suspect his arrival. Alarmed by reports
which reached him for the safety of Fort William, around which
Lochiel and Keppoch were assembling their men, the governor of Fort
Augustus despatched, on the 16th of August, two companies of the
second battalion of the Scots Royals, under the command of Captain
(afterwards General) Scott, to reinforce that garrison; but they did
not reach their destination, having been taken prisoners by a party
of Lochiel’s and Keppoch’s men. As this occurrence may be regarded as
the commencement of hostilities, and as it is strongly characteristic
of the ardour with which the Highlanders took the field at the
command of their chiefs, the details of it may not here be considered
as out of place.
At the period in question, as well as at the time of the previous
insurrection of 1715, the country between Fort William and Inverness
was inhabited altogether by disaffected clans; mainly to overawe
whom, the chain of forts, namely, Fort William, Fort Augustus, and
Fort George, which reach across the Highlands from the east to the
west sea, was placed. In the centre of these, or almost equidistant
between Fort William and Fort George, stands Fort Augustus, the
distance between which and Fort William is twenty-eight miles. To
keep up a regular communication between the garrisons of the two last
mentioned forts, a road, as we have seen, was made by order of the
government along the sides of the mountains which skirt the narrow
lakes, which now form part of the bed of the Caledonian canal. It
was along this road that the detachment in question marched. That
they might reach Fort William the same day--there being no place
on the road where so many men could have taken up their quarters
during night--they left Fort Augustus early in the morning of the
16th of August, and met with no interruption till they arrived
at High Bridge, within eight miles of Fort William. This bridge,
which consists of one arch of great height, is built across the
river Spean,--a mountain torrent confined between high and steep
banks. On approaching the bridge the ears of the party were saluted
by the sound of a bagpipe,--a circumstance which could excite
little surprise in the Highlands; but when they observed a body of
Highlanders on the other side of the bridge with swords and firelocks
in their hands, the party became alarmed.
The Highlanders who had posted themselves at the bridge, were
of Keppoch’s clan, and were under the command of Macdonald of
Tierndriech; and though they did not consist of more than eleven or
twelve persons, yet by leaping and skipping about, moving from place
to place, and extending their plaids between one another to give
themselves a formidable appearance, they impressed Captain Scott with
an idea that they were a pretty numerous body. He therefore halted
his men, and sent forward a sergeant with his own servant towards the
bridge to reconnoitre; but when they came near the bridge they were
seized and carried across by two nimble Highlanders, who unexpectedly
darted upon them. Seeing the fate of his messengers, knowing that he
was in a disaffected district, and ignorant of the strength of the
Highlanders, Captain Scott deemed it more advisable to retreat than
risk an encounter. He, therefore, ordered his men to face about,
and return by the road they had come. Tierndriech had for some time
observed the march of these troops, and had sent expresses to Lochiel
and Keppoch, whose houses were within three or four miles of High
Bridge, announcing their advance, and demanding assistance. Expecting
immediate aid, and not wishing to display his weakness, which, from
the openness of the ground near the bridge, would have been easily
discernible, he did not follow Scott immediately, but kept at a
distance till the troops had passed the west end of Loch Lochy, and
were upon the narrow road between the lake and the mountain. The
Highlanders thereupon made their appearance, and ascending the
craggy eminences which overhang the road, and, sheltering themselves
among the rocks and trees, began to fire down upon the retreating
party, who, in place of returning the fire, accelerated their pace.
Before this fire had been opened, bands of Highlanders were
proceeding in the direction of the bridge to assist in the attack.
Upon hearing the report of the fire-arms, these hastened to the place
whence the firing proceeded, and in a short time a considerable body
joined the party under Tierndriech. Captain Scott continued his march
rapidly along the loch, and when he reached the east end, he observed
some Highlanders on a hill at the west end of Loch Oich, where they
had assembled apparently for the purpose of intercepting him on
his retreat. Disliking the appearance of this body, which stood in
the direct way of his retreat, Scott resolved to throw himself for
protection into Invergary castle, the seat of Macdonell of Glengarry,
and accordingly crossed the isthmus between the two lakes. This
movement, however, only rendered his situation more embarrassing, as
he had not marched far when he perceived another body of Highlanders,
the Macdonells of Glengarry, coming down the opposite hill to attack
him. In this dilemma he formed his men into a hollow square, and
proceeded on his march. Meanwhile, Tierndriech having been reinforced
by a party of Keppoch’s men, headed by the chief, hastened the
pursuit, and soon came up with the fugitives. To spare the effusion
of blood, Keppoch advanced alone to Scott’s party, required them
to surrender, and offered them quarters; but assured them, that,
in case of resistance, they would be cut to pieces. Fatigued with
a long march, and surrounded on all sides by increasing bodies of
Highlanders, Captain Scott, who had been wounded, and had had two
of his men killed, accepted the terms offered, and surrendered.
This affair was scarcely over, when Lochiel arrived on the spot
with a party of Camerons, and took charge of the prisoners, whom he
carried to his own house at Achnacarie. The result of this singular
rencounter, in which the Highlanders did not lose a single man, was
hailed by them as the harbinger of certain success, and they required
no farther inducement to prosecute the war thus auspiciously begun,
as they imagined.[836]
Charles, to whom it may be supposed intelligence of this affair
was instantly sent, left Kinlochmoidart on the 18th of August, on
which day he went by water to the seat of Alexander Macdonald of
Glenalladale, on the side of Loch Shiel, where he was joined by
Gordon of Glenbucket, who brought with him Captain Sweetenham, an
English officer of Guise’s regiment, who had been taken prisoner by
a party of Keppoch’s men while on his way to Fort William to inspect
that fortress. The prince passed the night at Glenalladale, and with
his attendants, who amounted to about 25 persons, proceeded about
six o’clock next morning, in three boats, to Glenfinnan, and landed
within a few hours at the east end of Loch Shiel, where the little
river Finnan falls into the lake.
[Illustration: LOCH SHIEL
WITH MONUMENT ON SPOT WHERE PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD FIRST RAISED HIS
STANDARD 18^{TH}. AUG^T. 1746.
A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]
Glenfinnan, the place appointed for the rendezvous, is a narrow vale
bounded on both sides by high and rocky mountains, between which
the river Finnan runs. This glen forms the inlet from Moidart into
Lochaber, and at its gorge is about fifteen miles west from Fort
William. On landing, the prince was received by the laird of Morar
at the head of 150 men, with whom he marched to Glenfinnan, where he
arrived about eleven o’clock. Charles, of course, expected to find
a large “gathering of the clans” in the vale awaiting his approach;
but, to his great surprise, not a human being was to be seen
throughout the whole extent of the lonely glen, except the solitary
inhabitants of the few huts which formed the hamlet. Chagrined and
disappointed, Charles entered one of these hovels to ruminate over
the supposed causes which might have retarded the assembling of his
friends. After waiting about two hours in anxious suspense, he was
relieved from his solicitude by the distant sound of a bagpipe, which
broke upon his ear, and by its gradual increase, it soon became
evident that a party was coming in the direction of the glen. While
all eyes were turned towards the point whence the sound proceeded, a
dark mass was seen overtopping the hill and descending its side. This
was the clan Cameron, amounting to between 700 and 800 men, with
Lochiel, their chief, at their head. They advanced in two columns, of
three men deep each, with the prisoners who were taken in the late
scuffle between the lines.
If in the state of suspense in which he was kept after entering
Glenfinnan, the spirits of Charles suffered a temporary depression,
they soon recovered their wonted buoyancy when he beheld the gallant
band which now stood before him. Without waiting, therefore, for the
other clans who were expected to join, the prince at once resolved to
raise his standard, and to declare open war against “the Elector of
Hanover,” as George II. was called, “and his adherents.” The Marquis
of Tullibardine, to whom, from his rank, was allotted the honour of
unfurling the standard, took his station on a small knoll in the
centre of the vale,[837] where, supported by two men, he displayed
the banner, and proclaimed the Chevalier de St. George as king before
the assembled host, who rent the air with their acclamations. The
flag used upon this occasion was of silk, of a white, blue, and red
texture, but without any motto. After proclamation, a commission from
the Chevalier de St. George, appointing his son Prince Charles regent
of these kingdoms, was read by the Marquis of Tullibardine.
The reading of this commission was succeeded by the following
manifesto:--
“James VIII. by the Grace of God, King of Scotland, England,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our loving
subjects, of what degree or quality soever, greeting.
“Having always borne the most constant affection to our ancient
kingdom of Scotland, from whence we derive our royal origin, and
where our progenitors have swayed the sceptre with glory through
a longer succession of kings than any monarchy upon earth can at
this day boast of; we cannot but behold with the deepest concern the
miseries they suffer under a foreign usurpation, and the intolerable
burdens daily added to their yoke, which become yet more sensible to
us when we consider the constant zeal and affection the generality
of our subjects of that our ancient kingdom have expressed for us on
all occasions, and particularly when we had the satisfaction of being
ourselves amongst them.
“We see a nation always famous for valour, and highly esteemed by
the greatest of foreign potentates, reduced to the condition of
a province, under the specious pretence of an union with a more
powerful neighbour. In consequence of this pretended union, grievous
and unprecedented taxes have been laid on, and levied with severity
in spite of all the representations that could be made to the
contrary; and these have not failed to produce that poverty and decay
of trade which were easily foreseen to be the necessary consequences
of such oppressive measures.
“To prevent the just resentment which could not but arise from
such usage, our faithful Highlanders, a people always trained up
and inured to arms, have been deprived of them; forts and citadels
have been built and garrisoned where no foreign invasion could
be apprehended, and a military government has been effectually
introduced, as into a conquered country. It is easy to foresee
what must be the consequences of such violent and unprecedented
proceedings, if a timely remedy be not put to them; neither is it
less manifest that such a remedy can ever be obtained but by our
restoration to the throne of our ancestors, into whose royal heart
such destructive maxims could never find admittance.
“We think it needless to call to mind how solicitous we have ever
been, and how often we have ventured our royal person, to compass
this great end; which the Divine Providence seems now to have
furnished us with the means of doing effectually by enabling our
good subjects in England to shake off the yoke, under which they
have likewise felt their share of the common calamities. Our former
experience leaves us no room to doubt of the cheerful and hearty
concurrence of our Scots subjects on this occasion, towards the
perfecting the great and glorious work; but that none may be deterred
by the memory of past miscarriages from returning to their duty, and
being restored to the happiness they formerly enjoyed, we in this
public manner think fit to make known our gracious intentions towards
all our people.
“We do therefore, by this our royal declaration, absolutely and
effectually pardon and remit all treasons, and other crimes hitherto
committed against our royal father, or ourselves. From the benefit of
which pardon we except none, but such as shall, after the publication
hereof, wilfully and maliciously oppose us, or those who shall appear
or endeavour to appear in arms for our service.
“We farther declare that we will with all convenient speed call
a free parliament; that by the advice and assistance of such an
assembly, we may be enabled to repair the breaches caused by so long
an usurpation, to redress all grievances, and to free our people from
the unsupportable burden of the malt-tax, and all other hardships
and impositions which have been the consequences of the pretended
union; that so the nation may be restored to that honour, liberty,
and independency, which it formerly enjoyed.
“We likewise promise upon our royal word to protect, secure, and
maintain all our Protestant subjects in the free exercise of their
religion, and in the full enjoyment of all their rights, privileges,
and immunities, and in the secure possession of all churches,
universities, colleges, and schools, conform to the laws of the land.
“All this we shall be ready to confirm in our first parliament;
in which we promise to pass any act or acts that shall be judged
necessary to secure each private person in the full possession of
his liberty and property, to advance trade, to relieve the poor, and
establish the general welfare and tranquillity of the nation. In all
such matters we are fully resolved to act always by the advice of
our parliaments, and to value none of our titles so much as that of
_common father of our people_, which we shall ever show ourselves to
be by our constant endeavours to promote the quiet and happiness of
all our subjects. And we shall be particularly solicitous to settle,
encourage, and maintain the fishery and linen manufactures of the
nation, which we are sensible may be of such advantage to it, and
which we hope are works reserved for us to accomplish.
“As for those who shall appear more signally zealous for the recovery
of our just rights and the prosperity of their country, we shall take
effectual care to reward them according to their respective degrees
and merits. And we particularly promise, as aforesaid, our full,
free, and general pardon to all officers, soldiers, and sailors, now
engaged in the service of the usurper, whether of the sea or land,
provided that upon the publication hereof, and before they engage in
any fight or battle against our forces, they quit the said unjust and
unwarrantable service, and return to their duty, in which case we
shall pay them all the arrears that shall be at that time due to them
from the usurper; we shall grant to the officers the same commissions
they shall then bear, if not higher; and to all soldiers and sailors
a gratification of a whole year’s pay for their forwardness in
promoting our service.
“We farther promise and declare, that the vassals of such as shall
without regard to our present declaration, obstinately persist in
their rebellion, and thereby forfeit all pretensions to our royal
clemency, shall be delivered from all servitude they were formerly
bound to, and shall have grants and charters of their lands to be
held immediately of the crown, provided they, upon the publication of
this our royal declaration, declare openly for us, and join heartily
in the cause of their country.
“And having thus declared our gracious intentions to our loving
subjects, we do hereby require and command them to be assisting to
us in the recovery of our rights, and of their own liberties; and
that all our subjects, from the age of sixteen to sixty, do, upon
the setting up of our royal standard, immediately repair to it,
or join themselves to such as shall first appear for us in their
respective shires; and also to seize the horses and arms of all
suspected persons, and all ammunition, forage, and whatever else may
be necessary for the use of our forces.
“We also strictly command all receivers, collectors, or other persons
who may be seized of any sum or sums of money levied in the name or
for the use of the usurper, to retain such sum or sums of money in
their own hands, till they can pay them to some person of distinction
appearing publicly for us, and demanding the same for our use and
service; whose receipt or receipts shall be a sufficient discharge
for all such collectors, receivers, or other persons, their heirs, &c.
“Lastly, we do hereby require all sheriffs of shires, stewards of
stewartries, and their respective deputies, magistrates of royal
boroughs, and bailies of regalities, and all others to whom it may
belong, to publish this our declaration, at the market crosses of
their respective towns and boroughs, and there to proclaim us under
the penalty of being proceeded against according to law, for their
neglect of so necessary and important a duty.”
After this manifesto had been read, the Marquis of Tullibardine
returned to the prince’s quarters with the standard under an escort
of 50 Camerons. In about an hour after the conclusion of this
ceremony, Macdonald of Keppoch joined the prince with 300 of his men;
and in the evening some gentlemen of the name of Macleod, displeased
with the conduct of their chief, arrived at Glenfinnan, proffered
their services to the prince, and offered to return to Skye, and
raise all the men they could in support of his cause. On arriving at
Glenfinnan, Macdonald of Tierndriech presented the prince with an
excellent horse which he had taken from Captain Scott. The animated
appearance of the glen, which now resounded with the martial strains
of the pibroch, contrasted strongly with the solitary gloom which
pervaded when the prince entered it. Instead of the small party which
joined him in the morning, Charles found himself within a few hours
at the head of a body of about 1,200 brave and resolute men, warmly
attached to his person and cause, at least those of them who were
chiefs, and ready and willing to hazard their lives in his service.
Charles was exceedingly delighted at the appearance of his little
army, and it has been observed that at no other time did he look more
cheerful or display a greater buoyancy of spirits.[838]
Of the many singular circumstances attending this extraordinary
insurrection, the utter ignorance in which the personage in whose
name it was undertaken was kept, is not the least. Charles had
indeed written his father on the eve of his departure from France,
acquainting him with the resolution he had taken, but before his
letter reached Rome, the prince was actually at the head of his army.
The object of Charles in concealing his design from the Chevalier
is obvious. He was aware that his father would have opposed such a
rash attempt, and might probably have applied to the court of France
to prevent his departure; and having taken his resolution, he was
determined not to put it in jeopardy by too timely an announcement
of his intentions. Whatever opinion may _now_ be formed of the
prudence of an undertaking, which, had it succeeded, would have been
considered as one of the boldest strokes of political wisdom, there
can be but one sentiment as to the conduct of the prince, in thus
withholding from his parent all knowledge of the design he had formed
for accomplishing the object of his daring ambition. Though under the
corrupt influence of a few interested persons, whom he kept about
his person,[839] he still retained a sufficient portion of filial
respect to prevent him from violating the declared injunctions of
his father; and as no opposition short of actual violence could have
induced him to forego his resolution of going to Scotland, he avoided
the disagreeable alternative of disregarding the commands which his
father would have laid upon him by taking the course he did.
When the Chevalier de St. George received the prince’s letter, which
informed him that he was to proceed instantly to Scotland, he was
greatly surprised and agitated;[840] but as the step had been taken,
he became reconciled to it, and even could not help applauding the
courage of the prince in entering upon the enterprise. Writing to
the Duke of Ormond, on the 11th of August, the Chevalier says, “I
have now by me your letters of the 14th July, and of the 27th,
which last came by the courier, which brought me an account of the
resolution the prince had taken, and executed without consulting me,
for he was very sure I would not have approved it, tho’ I cannot
but say, that the courage and sentiments he shows on this occasion,
will always do him honor.”[841] Again in writing to his agent,
Sempil, on the same day, he observes, “What takes me up wholly at
present, is the resolution the prince has taken and executed, without
my knowledge.... The question now is to look forward, and not to
blame what is past. It is true, I never should have advised the
prince to have taken such a step, but since it is taken it must be
supported, and whatever be the event, it will certainly turn much
to the prince’s personal honor, nay, even something may be said
to justify what he has done. The usage he met with in France, and
the dread of a peace, were no doubt strong motives to push him on
a rash undertaking, than to sit still; and who knows but what has
happened, may, in some measure, force the court of France out of
shame to support him, while otherwise perhaps they had continued to
neglect him, and then have abandoned him at last.... The prince’s
example will, I hope, animate our friends in England; he has ventured
generously for them, and if they abandon him, they themselves, and
indeed our country, will be ruined.”
It had always been the opinion of the Chevalier--an opinion which
experience has shown was well founded--that no attempt on Scotland
could possibly succeed, unless accompanied by a simultaneous
landing in England; and he now saw the necessity of enforcing this
consideration more strongly than ever upon the court of France. In
the letter which Charles had sent him, he desired his father to
write to the King of France and Cardinal Tencin, entreating them
for support. The Chevalier, however, did not confine himself to the
king and to the cardinal, but addressed himself also to the Maréchal
de Noailles, and the whole of the French ministers. Alluding to
the necessity of supporting the prince by a descent on England,
the Chevalier says in the letter to Ormond, from which a quotation
has already been made; “Enfin, since the step is taken, it is
certainly incumbent on all of us to do our best to support it, and I
am very sure nothing will be wanting on your side for that effect.
My darkness, my anxiety, and the multiplicity of my reflections on
this occasion, are so great that I shall not pretend to enlarge
on this subject at present. In the mean time, I now write to Lord
Marischal by the way of Paris, and write also directly to the King
of France, and all the ministers, for without a landing in England
is soon made, humanly speaking, it will be impossible for the prince
to succeed.” He repeats almost the same observations in his letter
to Sempil, also referred to: “I know not particularly the grounds he
(the prince) goes upon, but I am afraid there is little room to hope
he will succeed, except he be vigorously supported by the court of
France; and, therefore, we must all of us in our different spheres
leave nothing undone for that effect. I now write myself to the King
of France and all the ministers, and we must be all of us more than
ever solely and wholly intent on the great object.”
But the Chevalier, in his anxiety to procure early succours for the
prince, did not confine himself to words. To pay off the debts which
Charles had contracted before his departure, he immediately remitted
a sum of 200,000 francs to O’Bryan, his chief agent at Paris, and
placed another sum of 50,000 francs in the hands of Waters, junior,
his banker in Paris, at the disposal of O’Bryan, to meet instant
contingencies.[842] He afterwards remitted to Waters, through
Belloni, his banker at Rome, 80,000 Roman crowns, and promised
another remittance of 28,000 in a few weeks, which, he said, would
exhaust his treasury.
[Illustration: MACFARLANE. (Tartan)]
In his letter to the King of France, the Chevalier informed him that
he had learned with great astonishment the departure of the prince
for Scotland; that knowing well he would never have approved of such
a step, he had taken his resolution and put it into effect without
consulting him; but that being done, he was obliged in sincerity to
confess that he could not but admire the conduct of the prince in
entering upon the enterprise, which, he was certain, would make a
great and favourable impression upon the minds of his adherents. He
stated, however, his conviction, that without the aid of a foreign
force it was utterly impossible for the prince to succeed, and
he entreated his majesty to furnish the necessary assistance. He
reminded him that the prince had been invited by him into France,
and although a year and a half had since elapsed, that he certainly
had not forgot the object which brought his son thither; and that a
crisis had now arrived, when the smallest delay on the part of his
majesty might be attended with danger to the success of the brave
attempt which the prince had made, and that he might now, at little
risk and at a small expense, finish the work which the prince was
about to commence. As to himself personally, the Chevalier informed
Louis that he had formerly intimated to him that he intended to
resign his rights to the prince; and that his intentions were still
the same, with this difference, however, that while he formerly
considered that such a step would be advantageous for his family, it
had now become indispensably necessary for his own honour, on account
of his infirmities, as he considered that he should act rashly, and
be guilty of bad faith towards his subjects, if he pretended to
take upon himself the cares of government, when he was incapable of
any fatigue either of body or of mind, and consequently unable to
discharge the duties of a sovereign.
FOOTNOTES:
[805] This battle was fought on the 11th May, 1745.
[806] Letter to Colonel O’Bryan, 16th June, 1745, in _Stuart Papers_.
[807] Lettres et Mémoires du Maréchal de Saxe, Paris, 1794.
[808] Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 36.
[809] Letter to Colonel O’Bryan, 20th June, 1745, Appendix, No. II.
See also Sempil’s letter to the Chevalier, Appendix, No. III.
[810] _Forbes Papers, or Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_,
edited by Dr. R. Chambers, p. 2.
[811] He was styled Duke of Athole by the Jacobites, from being the
eldest son of the preceding duke. The marquis had been attainted for
the share he took in the insurrection of 1715; and the title and
estates were, in consequence of his attainder, now enjoyed by his
immediate younger brother.
[812] _Forbes Papers_, note, p. 1.
[813] Kirkconnel MS.
[814] Kirkconnel MS. _Forbes Papers_, p. 7.
[815] _Forbes Papers_, p. 8.
[816] Kirkconnel MS. _Forbes Papers_, p. 9.
[817] Charles is said to have taken particular care of Sir Thomas
Sheridan on this occasion. He “went to examine his bed, and to see
that the sheets were well aired. The landlord observing him to search
the bed so narrowly, and at the same time hearing him declare he
would sit up all night, called out to him, and said, that it was so
good a bed, and the sheets were so good, that a prince needed not be
ashamed to lie on them. The prince not being accustomed to such fires
in the middle of the room, and there being no other chimney than a
hole in the roof, was almost choked, and was obliged to go often
to the door for fresh air. This at last made the landlord, Angus
Macdonald, call out, ‘What a plague is the matter with that fellow,
that he can neither sit nor stand still, and neither keep within nor
without doors?’”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 11.
[818] Home’s _Rebellion_ (edition of 1802), p. 29.
[819] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479.
[820] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479.
[821] Kirkconnel MS.
[822] Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 29.
[823] Journal and Memoirs. _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 480-1.
[824] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.--“There are not wanting in Scotland
many men to follow such examples: but Lochiel’s feeling was that of
far the greater number. The Scots have often been reproached with
a spirit of sordid gain. The truth is merely--and should it not
be matter of praise?--that by their intelligence, their industry,
their superior education, they will always, in whatever country, be
singled out for employment, and rise high in the social scale. But
when a contest lies between selfish security or advancement on one
side, and generous impulse or deep-rooted conviction on the other;
when danger and conscience beckon onward, and prudence alone calls
back; let all history declare whether in any age or in any cause, as
followers of Knox or of Montrose, as Cameronians or as Jacobites, the
men--ay, and the women--of Scotland, have quailed from any degree of
sacrifice or suffering! The very fact that Charles came helpless,
obtained him the help of many. Moreover, Charles was now in the
very centre of those tribes, which, ever since they were trained by
Montrose, had continued firm and devoted adherents of the House of
Stuart.”--Mahon’s _England_, vol. iii. p. 314.
[825] The following is part of a dialogue which took place between
them. “Said Kinlochmoidart, ‘You’ll see the prince this night at my
house.’ ‘What number of men has he brought along with him?’ ‘Only
seven,’ said Kinlochmoidart. ‘What stock of money and arms has
he brought with him then?’ said Mr. Hugh. ‘A very small stock of
either,’ said Kinlochmoidart. ‘What generals or officers fit for
commanding are with him?’ said Mr. Hugh. ‘None at all,’ replied
Kinlochmoidart. Mr. Hugh said he did not like the expedition at
all, and was afraid of the consequences. ‘I cannot help it,’ said
Kinlochmoidart, ‘if the matter go wrong, then I’ll certainly be
hanged, for I am engaged already.’”--_Jacobite Memoirs_, _note_, p.
18.
[826] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 481. Note to _Jacobite Memoirs_,
p. 18.
[827] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 482.
[828] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 483.
[829] Idem.
[830] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 17.
[831] Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 42.
[832] A tribute to the memory of Lochiel, who died in 1748, appeared
in the Scots Magazine of that year, part of which we quote:--
Mistaken as he was, the man was just,
Firm to his word, and faithful to his trust:
He bade not others go, himself to stay,
As is the pretty, prudent, modern way;
But, like a warrior, bravely drew his sword,
And rear’d his target for his native lord.
Humane he was, protected countries tell;
So rude an host was never rul’d so well.
Fatal to him, and to the cause he lov’d,
Was the rash tumult which his folly mov’d;
Compell’d, by hard necessity to bear,
In _Gallia’s_ bands, a mercenary spear!
But heav’n in pity to his honest heart,
Resolv’d to snatch him from so poor a part
The mighty mandate unto death was given,
And good LOCHIEL is now a Whig in heaven.
[833] Letter from Lochiel under the signature of “Dan,” Feb. 22d,
1745, in _Stuart Papers_.
[834] Home, p. 43.
[835] As an inducement to favour his restoration, the Chevalier de
St. George promised to ennoble a considerable number of his friends.
Patents of nobility were accordingly made out and signed in favour of
all the Jacobite chiefs and other leading supporters of the cause.
See letter from the Chevalier to the prince, 7th Nov., 1747, in
_Stuart Papers_.
[836] Home, p. 46.--Kirkconnel MS.--Tour in the Highlands. Lond.,
1819.
[837] A monument was erected by the late Alexander M’Donald of
Glenalladale, on the spot where the standard was unfurled; it bears
the following inscription in Latin, Gaelic, and English:--“On this
spot, where Prince Charles Edward first raised his standard, on
the 19th day of August, 1745; when he made the daring and romantic
attempt to recover a throne lost by the imprudence of his ancestors;
this column is erected by Alexander M’Donald, Esq. of Glenalladale,
to commemorate the generous zeal, the undaunted bravery, and the
inviolable fidelity of his forefathers, and the rest of those who
fought and bled in that arduous and unfortunate enterprise.”
[838] Jacobite Memoirs, p. 24.
[839] See extract Letter from the Chevalier to O’Bryan, 16 August,
1745, in _Stuart Papers_.
[840] Writing to O’Bryan, he says, (11 August, 1745,) “Je vous avoue
que ma surprise et mon agitation étoient grandes en apprennant cette
nouvelle.”--_Stuart Papers._
[841] _Stuart Papers._
[842] “J’ai, (says the Chevalier to O’Bryan, 16th Aug. 1745,) envoyé
la semaine passée 200,000 francs à Paris pour payer ce que le Prince
avait emprunté avant que de partir, et j’espère en cas de besoin
pouvoir lever quelque argent sur quelques petits fonds qui me restent
icy, et sur les pierreries du Prince même, mais tout cela n’ira pas
fort loin, et a moins que la France ne la secours largement, je ne
sçai ce que arrivera.”--_Stuart Papers._