A.D. 1715-1716.
BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George I., 1714-1727.
Re-capture of Inverness by the Royalists--Preparations for
opening the campaign--Mar’s departure from Perth--Junction of the
western clans--Advance of Argyle towards Dunblane--Preparations
for battle--Battle of Sheriffmuir--Mar returns to Perth and
Argyle to Stirling--Arrival of the Chevalier--Goes to Perth
--Preparations of Argyle--Jacobites retreat from Perth--Departure
of the Chevalier for France--Dispersion of the insurgents.
Having, for the sake of continuity, brought the narrative of the
English branch of the insurrection to a close, in the preceding
chapter, we now proceed to detail the operations of the royalist and
Jacobite armies under Argyle and Mar respectively, and the other
transactions in the north which preceded its total suppression.
Before, however, entering upon an account of the doings of the
main body of the rebels in Scotland, we must notice briefly the
re-capture by the royalists of Inverness, partly through the
instrumentality of our old friend Simon Fraser, afterwards Lord
Lovat. Finding it impossible to gain the confidence of the court of
St. Germains, Simon, on the breaking out of the rebellion, resolved
to seek the favour of King George by using his power as head of
his clan on behalf of the royalists. The clan had sent over some
of their number to France to bring Simon home, in order that he
might tell them what side he desired them to espouse; these had got
the length of Dumfries on the day in which that town was thrown
into a state of consternation by the Lord Justice-Clerk’s letter,
announcing its proposed capture by the rebels. Simon was received
there with much suspicion, and he and his followers placed under
guard, notwithstanding the pass he had managed to obtain from Lord
Townshend. This he obtained on volunteering to accompany the Earl of
Sutherland to the north, and induce the clan Fraser to abandon the
Jacobites and join the royalists. Although the estates and honours
were in possession of the daughter of the late Lord Lovat, and
although her husband, Mackenzie of Fraserdale, had joined the rebels
with a number of the clan, still, according to Highland custom,
Simon was the real head of the clan, and as such his influence was
paramount.[722]
[Illustration: Inverness at the end of the 17th century.--From
Slezer’s _Theatrum Scotiæ_.]
On arriving in the north “he found three hundred men, who had refused
to follow the Jacobite banner of his rival, ready at his call.
Placing himself at their head, like a sovereign with an army, he
sent notice to the disaffected clansmen who had followed the legal
owner of the estates, to return immediately to their duty to their
true chief, threatening them with ejection from their holdings,
and military execution against their families and possessions, if
they failed. As men exorcised by a command which it would be wicked
and futile to resist, the Frasers left Mar’s camp, just before the
momentous battle of Sheriffmuir, and joined their brethren. Lovat
found Duncan Forbes, afterwards the great and good Lord-President,
defending the old fortalice of Culloden, while his father-in-law,
Hugh Rose, held his neighbouring tower of Kilravock against repeated
attacks, and with a well-ordered force of 200 men, made his mansion
do the proper service of a fort in protecting the surrounding
country. Their efforts were important from their position. Northward
of Loch Ness, and the chain of minor lakes, the power of the Earl
of Sutherland, on the government side, balanced that of Seaforth,
Glengarry, and the other Jacobite leaders; and in their absence at
Mar’s camp, was superior. Thus the fortified houses near Inverness,
had all the importance of border fortresses; and the reduction of
Inverness, for the Hanover interest, would relieve their owners of
their perilous position, by giving their friends the command of
the pass between the North Highlands and the rest of Scotland. The
small body under Rose and Forbes, with Lovat’s, and a party of the
Grants, amounted in all to about 1,300 men--a considerable force
in that war of small armies. They laid plans for systematically
investing Inverness; but before it was necessary to operate on them,
the garrison silently evacuated the place, dropping down the river
in boats on the night of the 13th of November, and sailing for the
northern coast of the Moray Frith. This affair seems to have cost no
other casualty than the death of a brother of Rose of Kilravock, in
a premature and rash attack. Thus the government had the command of
the eastern pass between the North Highlands and the low country,
leaving passable only such routes, beyond the western extremity of
Loch Ness, as were not liable to be interrupted by the garrison at
Fortwilliam.”[723]
When the Jacobite general took the field he was so unprovided with
money, that after Colonel Hay entered Perth he could spare him only
fifty guineas for the use of his detachment, and so exhausted had
his little treasury become shortly after he took up his quarters
there, that he was reduced to the necessity of laying the surrounding
country, and the shires of Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan under
contribution. By an order dated from the camp at Perth on the 4th
October, he required every man of substance attending the standard
of the Chevalier, to raise amongst his tenants and possessors, the
sum of twenty shillings on every hundred pounds Scots of valued rent,
and such landed proprietors as did not immediately or before the 12th
of October, attend his standard, were mulcted in double that amount.
This order appears to have had little effect, as it was renewed on
the 21st of October, when it was rigorously enforced, and the penalty
of military execution threatened against those who should refuse to
implement it.
To compel compliance, parties of horse and foot were despatched
through the adjoining country. One of these, consisting of 200
foot and 100 horse, being sent towards the town of Dunfermline,
information of their march was brought to the Duke of Argyle on
Sunday, the 23d of October. His grace immediately despatched
Colonel Cathcart with a detachment of dragoons to intercept them,
who, receiving intelligence that the insurgents had passed Castle
Campbell, and had taken up their quarters for the night in a village
on the road to Dunfermline, continued his march during the whole
night, and coming upon the village unperceived at five o’clock in the
morning, surprised the party, some of whom were killed and others
taken while in bed. Among these were eleven gentlemen, including
Gordon of Craig, Gordon younger of Aberlour, and Mr. Murray brother
to the laird of Abercairney.[724]
After this affair, and for want of more stirring excitements, a
sort of paper war was carried on between the two generals, which,
if attended with little practical effect on either side, served
at least to keep up in a more marked manner the distinction
between the adherents of the government and the partizans of the
Jacobite interest. When informed of the Earl of Mar’s order for
an assessment, the Duke of Argyle issued a counter one, on the
25th of October, prohibiting and discharging all persons from
giving or furnishing the insurgents with money or provisions,
under the pains of high treason, and for greater publicity he
directed the same to be intimated at each parish church door after
divine service, and before the dismissal of the congregation. This
mandate was followed two days thereafter by another from the duke,
requiring all well-affected noblemen, gentlemen, justices of the
peace, magistrates, and ministers, “to persuade and encourage all
able-bodied and well-affected men,” in their respective parishes,
in town and country, to enlist in the regular army, and promising a
bounty of forty shillings sterling, and a discharge from the service,
if required, at the end of three months after the suppression of the
insurrection. This order was answered by a proclamation from the
Earl of Mar, dated November 1st, prohibiting and discharging all
persons whatever, under the highest penalties, from giving obedience
to it; and whereas he had promised his protection, as he observes,
to all ministers who behaved themselves dutifully, and did not
acknowledge “the Elector of Brunswick as king, by praying for him as
such in their churches and congregations;” yet as several of them
continued the practice, and might thus “involve and mislead innocent
and ignorant people into traitorous and seditious practices,” he
expressly prohibited “all ministers, as well in churches as in
meeting-houses, to acknowledge the Elector of Brunswick as king, and
that upon their highest peril.” And he ordered all officers, civil
and military, to shut up the church doors of such ministers as should
act in contempt of the order, to apprehend their persons and bring
them prisoners to his camp. Many ministers, to avoid compliance
with this order, absented themselves from their charges, but others
who ventured openly to brave it, were apprehended and treated with
severity. Mar, however, found a more pliant body in the non-jurant
episcopal clergy, some of whom attached themselves to his camp, and
harangued his troops from time to time on the duties they owed to
their lawful sovereign, “King James VIII.”
Although the earl seems to have calculated greatly upon the
assistance of France, yet his stay at Perth appears to have been
prolonged rather by the tardiness of the Earl of Seaforth, in
reaching the insurgent camp, than by any intention of waiting for
supplies from France, or the expected invasion of England by the Duke
of Ormond; for no sooner did Seaforth arrive with the northern clans,
about the beginning of November, than Mar began to concert measures
with his officers for opening the campaign. The march of the Earl of
Seaforth had been retarded by the Earl of Sutherland, at the head of
a considerable number of his own men, and of the Mackays, Rosses,
Munroes, and others; but having compelled them to disperse, he
proceeded on his march with about 3,000 foot and 800 horse, leaving
a sufficient force behind to protect his own country, and keep the
royalist clans in check.
Hitherto the Jacobite commander, from the procrastinating system he
had pursued, and from jealousies which had arisen in his camp among
his officers, had experienced considerable difficulty in keeping his
forces together. Of all men, the Highlanders were the most unlikely
to relish the inactive duties of a camp, and as the duration of their
services lay entirely with themselves, it was evident that the longer
Mar delayed bringing them into action, the risk of their abandoning
him was proportionably increased. It was not therefore without reason
that one of the leaders remarked that he was afraid the Highlanders
would desert their colours in three cases:-- 1. If they were long
without being brought to action, they would tire and go home; 2. If
they fought and were victorious, they would plunder and go home; 3.
If they fought and were beaten, they would run away and go home.
To counteract the injurious effect which a state of inaction might
produce upon the minds of his men, Mar buoyed up their hopes by
issuing from time to time, by means of a printing press brought from
Aberdeen, and superintended by Freebairn of Edinburgh, a variety of
fabricated accounts, highly favourable to their cause, respecting
the progress of the rebellion in the south, and the great exertions
making by the Chevalier’s friends in France, all which accounts were
swallowed with the utmost credulity by his unsuspecting adherents.
About the time the Earl of Seaforth arrived at Perth, General Gordon
had advanced as far as Castle Drummond with the western clans on his
way to Perth; and as Mar had now resolved to attempt the passage of
the Forth, he despatched an express to Gordon, to join him on his
march. At a council of war, which was held on the 9th of November,
the Jacobite chiefs came to the determination of leaving Perth the
following day for Dunblane. On obtaining possession of this town,
Mar’s design was to detach three different bodies, of 1,000 men each,
to Stirling bridge, and the two adjacent fords above, for the purpose
of amusing Argyle, while he himself with the main body of his army,
consisting of nearly 8,000 men, should attempt to cross the river at
a ford a little way above those selected for the intended _ruse_. In
the event of success, the three detached bodies were to be directed
to form a junction and follow the main body without delay, but in
case the Duke of Argyle abandoned Stirling to oppose the passage of
the main body, they were to enter the town and fall upon his rear.
Accordingly, on the morning of Thursday, the 10th of November, Mar
departed from Perth, leaving a garrison behind under Colonel Balfour,
besides a scattered force of about 3,000 men quartered in different
parts of Fife. The earl not calculating upon a return to Perth, took
all his baggage along with him, and provisions sufficient to support
his army for twelve days. The insurgents took up their quarters for
the night at Auchterarder, and on the following day were joined by
the western clans under General Gordon. The army rested the whole
of the 11th. On the morning of the 12th, Mar ordered General Gordon
to march forward with 3,000 men of the clans, and eight squadrons
of horse under Brigadier Ogilvie and the Master of Sinclair, and
take possession of Dunblane. After ordering the rest of the army to
parade on the moor of Tullibardine, he departed for Drummond castle
to hold an interview with the Earl of Breadalbane, having previously
directed General Hamilton to follow Gordon with the main body.
As early as the morning of Thursday the 10th[725] of November, the
Duke of Argyle had received intelligence from some of his spies at
Perth, of Mar’s intended march, and of his plan for effecting the
passage of the Forth. Fortunately for Argyle, his little army had
been lately almost doubled by reinforcements from Ireland, and it now
amounted to 2,300 foot, and 1,200 cavalry, all in the best order and
condition; but though formidable from its composition when united, it
was too weak to divide into detachments for resisting at different
points the passage of an army thrice as numerous, in an attempt to
cross the Forth. As Argyle, therefore, saw he could no longer retain
his position on the banks of the river, which, from its now beginning
to freeze, would soon be rendered more passable than before, he
determined to cross and offer the insurgents battle before they
should reach its northern bank. Though he exposed himself by this
bold step to the disadvantage of fighting with a river in his rear,
he considered that the risk would be sufficiently counterbalanced by
the advantage which his cavalry would have by engaging the enemy on
level ground.
Having called in several small detachments which were quartered at
Glasgow, Kilsyth, and Falkirk, Argyle crossed Stirling bridge on the
morning of the 12th of November, for Dunblane, much about the same
time that Mar’s forces had begun to advance upon that town in an
opposite direction from Auchterarder. In a short time after their
setting out, Argyle’s advanced guard took possession of Dunblane,
of which circumstance General Gordon was apprised on his march.
Having halted his division, Gordon sent an express, announcing the
intelligence to General Hamilton, who despatched it to the Earl of
Mar, and in a short time he forwarded a second express confirming
the previous news, and adding that the enemy were in great force.
Hamilton, upon receipt of this last despatch, halted his men on the
ground adjoining the Roman camp at Ardoch, about five miles from
Dunblane, till he should receive instructions from the earl. Mar
soon thereafter returned from Drummond castle, and being desirous
of obtaining additional intelligence from the general in advance,
ordered Hamilton to remain in his position, and to hold his men in
readiness to march on a moment’s notice. This order had, however,
been scarcely issued, when a fresh despatch arrived from General
Gordon, announcing that the Duke of Argyle was in Dunblane with his
whole army. Mar thereupon desired Gordon to remain where he was till
the main body of the army should come up, and having ordered three
guns to be fired, the signal agreed upon to be given Hamilton for
putting his men in marching order, the latter immediately formed
his division and put it in motion. After a junction between the two
divisions of the army had been formed, the insurgents marched to
the bridge of Kinbuck, about four miles from Dunblane, where they
passed the frosty night under arms without covering or tent. The
Duke of Argyle, who had the most exact intelligence brought to him
of the motions of the insurgents, left Dunblane and formed his army
in order of battle in the evening, on a rising ground above the
house of Kippenross, about two miles north-east of the town. His
army was drawn up in one extended line. In the centre were eight
battalions of foot under the command of Major-General Wightman.
The right wing consisted of five squadrons of dragoons, under
Lieutenant-General Evans, and a similar number, at the head of whom
was Lieutenant-General Witham, composed the left wing. After thus
drawing up his men, his grace issued orders that no tent should be
pitched during the night either by officer or private soldier; that
all the officers without distinction should remain at their posts;
and that the troops should rest on their arms in the exact order in
which they had been formed. The severest penalties were threatened
against those who should infringe these orders. Though the night
was extremely cold, the troops lay down upon the bare ground, and
snatched a few hours’ repose. The duke himself retired to a sheep-cot
at the foot of a hill on the right of the army, where he passed the
night sitting on a bundle of straw.
[Illustration: Dunblane, about the time of the Rebellion.--From
Slezer’s _Theatrum Scotiæ_.]
Although the two armies had bivouacked during the night within three
miles of each other, and were only separated by the Sheriffmuir, an
elevated and uneven waste, skirted on the west by the high road from
Stirling to Perth, near the river Allan, yet so ignorant was Mar of
the movements of Argyle, that so far from supposing him to be within
such a short distance of his camp, he imagined that he still remained
at Dunblane; and it was not until he observed a reconnoitring party
of Argyle’s cavalry on the adjoining heights of the Sheriffmuir next
morning, that he became aware of his immediate proximity. This party
was headed by the duke himself, who had aroused his army by break of
day, and who, after issuing instructions to his men to prepare for
battle, had ascended at an early hour the hill where his advanced
guard was posted, to survey the position of the insurgents.
The Earl of Mar had also put his men under arms shortly after break
of day, and when Argyle’s party of observation was first noticed, Mar
was busily engaged ranging his men in marching order, preparatory
to advancing upon Dunblane. Conceiving that Argyle meant to offer
him battle immediately, he instantly assembled all the chiefs, and
after addressing them in an eloquent speech, in which he painted
in glowing colours the wrongs of their prince and their country,
and congratulated them that the day had at length arrived when they
could revenge their injuries in open battle, he desired to know if
they were willing to engage. The Marquis of Huntly alone raised some
objections, and some few were heard in an under-tone to advise a
return to Perth till the spring; but the voices of Huntly and his
supporters were drowned by loud shouts of “fight, fight!” from the
rest, who at once galloped off to their different posts.[726]
The Earl of Mar, thereupon, resumed the marshalling of his army,
which formed into two lines with a rapidity and decision that would
have done honour to veteran troops; but by accident, three squadrons
of horse posted on the left, misled by a cry from the Highlanders,
of “horse to the right,” left their position and took ground on the
right, an unfortunate mistake for the insurgents, as it contributed
to the defeat of their left wing. The centre of the first line
was composed of ten battalions of foot, consisting of about 4,000
men under the command of the captain of Clanranald, Glengary, Sir
John Maclean, the laird of Glenbucket, Brigadier Ogilvie, and the
two brothers of Sir Donald Macdonald of Sleat. General Gordon, who
had long served in the army of the Czar of Muscovy, was at the head
of these battalions. On the right of this line were placed two of
the Marquis of Huntly’s squadrons of horse, and another called the
Stirling squadron, which carried the Chevalier’s standard. This
squadron, which consisted wholly of gentlemen, also bore the title
of “the Restoration regiment of horse.” The Perthshire squadron
formed the left wing. The centre of the second line consisted of
eight battalions of foot, viz., three of the Earl of Seaforth’s foot,
two of the Marquis of Huntly’s, the Earl of Panmure’s battalion,
and those of the Marquis of Tullibardine, of Drummond, commanded by
the Viscount of Strathallan, and of Logie-Almond, and Robertson of
Strowan. On the right of this second line were posted two squadrons
of horse under the Earl Marischal. The Angus squadron was on the
left. The whole of the force thus formed for action may be estimated
at 8,000, besides which there was a _corps de reserve_ of 400 horse
posted considerably in the rear.
While this formation was going on, the Duke of Argyle observed for
several hours with great attention the various evolutions of the
insurgents; but from the nature of the ground[727] occupied by
them he could not obtain a full view of their line which extended
through a hollow way, the view of which was obstructed by the brow
of a hill occupied by a party of Mar’s troops. From Mar’s advanced
guards looking towards Dunblane, the duke conjectured that the
insurgents intended to march in that direction; but he was undeceived
in this idea by a movement on the part of a mass of the insurgents
towards his right, as if they intended to cross the moor and fall
upon the flank of his army. As a large morass lay in the way of
the insurgents, Argyle, in advancing from Dunblane, had conceived
himself free from danger on that side; but it had now been rendered
quite passable for foot as well as horse by a keen frost during the
preceding night. As soon as Argyle saw this large body advance up
the face of the moor, which, from the right wing of the insurgents
being concealed from his view by a rising ground, he supposed was the
main body of Mar’s army, he requested the advice of the officers who
surrounded him as to how he should act. It was the general opinion,
an opinion in which the duke himself concurred, that there would
be less risk in engaging the insurgents on the high grounds than
in waiting for them in the position occupied by the duke’s army;
but although most of the officers thought that there would not be
sufficient time to bring forward the troops and to change the order
of battle, a change which was absolutely necessary, the duke resolved
to draw out his troops upon the moor.
Having come to this determination, the duke returned quickly to the
army, and ordered the drums to beat the _General_. This order was
given about eleven o’clock; but although the drums instantly beat to
arms, an hour elapsed before the troops were ready to march. The new
order of battle was as follows. The duke’s first line consisted of
six battalions of foot, all old troops, amounting scarcely to 1,800
men. On the right were posted three squadrons of dragoons, being the
best in the army, namely, Evans’s, the Scots Greys, and the Earl of
Stair’s. On the left there were placed three squadrons of dragoons,
namely, Carpenter’s, Ker’s, and a squadron of Stair’s. The second
line was composed of only two battalions of foot, with a squadron of
dragoons on each wing. The right wing of the army was commanded by
the duke himself, the centre by General Wightman, and the left by
General Witham. Behind Evans’s dragoons, on the right wing, a body
of about sixty horse, noblemen and gentlemen volunteers, took up a
station.
The body which Argyle had observed coming up the face of the
moor, was a squadron of the Earl Marischal’s horse and Sir
Donald Macdonald’s battalion, under their respective commanders.
These had been despatched by the Earl of Mar, to drive away the
reconnoitring party under the Duke of Argyle from the height; but
on its disappearing, they returned and reported the circumstance to
the earl. On receiving this intelligence, Mar gave orders to his
troops to march up the hill in four columns. The whole army was
accordingly put in motion, but they had not proceeded far when the
Earl Marischal, who was in advance, observed Argyle forming his lines
on the southern summit of the hill, at a short distance from him. He
notified the circumstance to Mar, who instantly gave orders to his
men to quicken their pace up the hill. In the hurry of their ascent,
the second line pressed so closely upon the first as to occasion
some confusion on the left when again getting into line, and it was
in consequence of this disorder that the squadrons of horse forsook
their position on the left, and took ground on the right.
Before the insurgents reached the summit of the moor, Argyle’s right
wing was fully formed, but the greater part of his centre and left,
who were moving up the ascent by a gradual progression from right
to left, had not yet reached their ground. Argyle’s right now found
itself within pistol-shot of Mar’s left, but from the greater extent
of Mar’s line, it considerably outflanked Argyle’s left.
As soon as the Earl of Mar perceived that Argyle’s line was only
partially formed, he resolved instantly to attack him before he
should be able to complete his arrangements; and having sent orders
to his right and left to fall simultaneously upon the enemy, Mar
placed himself at the head of the clans, and being apprised by a
firing on his left that the action had commenced, he pulled off his
hat, which he waved, and with a huzza led forward his men upon the
half-formed battalions which composed the left wing of the enemy.
Arrived within pistol-shot, the Highlanders, according to custom,
poured in a volley upon the English infantry. The fire was instantly
returned, and, to the dismay of the Highlanders, Alan Muidartach,
the captain of Clanranald, was mortally wounded. He was instantly
carried off the field, and, as his men clustered around him, he
encouraged them to stand firm to their posts, and expressed a hope
that the result of the struggle in which they were engaged would be
favourable to the cause of his sovereign. The loss of a chief, who,
from the stately magnificence with which he upheld his rank, and
the urbanity of his disposition, had acquired an ascendency over
the minds of his people, could not fail to depress their spirits,
and make them almost overlook the danger of their situation. While
absorbed in grief, they were in a moment roused from their dejection
by Glengary, who, observing their conduct at this juncture, sprung
forward, and throwing his bonnet into the air, cried aloud, in the
expressive language of his country, “Revenge! Revenge! Revenge
to-day, and mourning to-morrow!” No sooner had this brave chieftain
pronounced these words, than the Highlanders rushed forward, sword
in hand, with the utmost fury, upon the royalist battalions. The
government troops attempted to stem the impetuosity of the attack,
by opposing the Highlanders with fixed bayonets, but the latter
pushed them aside with their targets, and rushing in with their
broad-swords among the enemy, spread death and terror around them.
The three battalions on Argyle’s left, which had never been properly
formed, unable to rally, instantly gave way, and falling back upon
some squadrons of horse in their rear, created such confusion,
that within seven or eight minutes after the assault, the form of
a battalion or squadron was no longer discernible. A complete rout
ensued; and there seems no doubt that the whole of Argyle’s left
would have been completely destroyed, had not General Witham, at the
head of the squadrons which were upon the left of the battalions,
checked the advance of Mar’s horse by a charge, in which he succeeded
in capturing a standard. Afraid of being outflanked by Argyle’s left
wing, which extended far beyond his position, and being ignorant of
what was passing on the right wing of the royalists, the view of
which was concealed by the unevenness of the ground, Witham retired
in the direction of Dunblane. The Earl of Mar pursued the disordered
mass to the distance of only half a mile, and having ordered his
foot to halt till he should put them in order, resolved to follow
the enemy and complete the victory; but receiving intelligence that
his left wing and second line had given way, and that his artillery
had been taken, he retraced his steps, and took up a position on the
top of the stony hill of Kippendavie, till he should receive further
information respecting the fate of his left wing.
This wing, which was the first to begin the attack, opened a fire
upon Argyle’s right wing when almost within pistol shot. The
Highlanders thereafter steadily advanced, and pouring a second volley
among the enemy, with a precision and effect not to be surpassed by
the best disciplined troops, rushed up, sword in hand, to the very
muzzles of their muskets. Though the fire was destructive, and made
Evans’s dragoons reel for a time, the English troops maintained their
ground, and the foot kept up a platooning, which checked the fury of
their assailants. The struggle continued for some time without any
decided advantage on either side; but as Argyle began to perceive
that he could make no impression in front upon the numerous masses of
the insurgents, and that he might be out-flanked by them, he resolved
to attack them on their flank with part of his cavalry, while his
foot should gall them with their fire in front. He therefore ordered
Colonel Cathcart to move along the morass to the right with a strong
body of cavalry, and to fall upon the flank of Mar’s left wing,
a movement which he executed with great skill. Cathcart, after
receiving a fire from the insurgent horse, immediately charged them,
but they sustained the assault with great firmness. Borne down by
the superior weight of the English dragoons, whose horses were much
larger than those of the insurgents, the Scottish horse, after nearly
half-an-hour’s contest, were compelled to give way. The foot of
Argyle’s right having made a simultaneous attack upon Mar’s first
line of foot, the latter also were forced to fall back, and Mar’s
horse and foot coming into contact with his second line, they mixed
indiscriminately, and a general rout in consequence ensued.
After receding a short distance, the insurgent horse, which consisted
principally of the Jacobite gentry of Perthshire and Angus, attempted
to rally, and even to charge Argyle’s cavalry in their turn, but
they were again forced to retire by the pressure of the English
dragoons, who kept advancing in regular order upon the receding
masses of the insurgents. Determined, however, not to yield one inch
of ground without the utmost necessity, the cavalier horse made
repeated efforts to drive the enemy back, and, in the course of their
retreat, made ten or twelve attempts at different places to rally
and charge the advancing foe; but unable to resist the overwhelming
pressure of the English cavalry, they were, after three hours’ hard
fighting, driven across the river Allan by Argyle’s dragoons. Some
idea may be formed of the obstinacy of the contest, when it is
considered that the distance from the field of battle to the river
is scarcely three miles. To the gallant stand made by the horse may
be ascribed the safety of the foot, who would have been probably all
cut to pieces by the dragoons, if the attention of the latter had
not been chiefly occupied by the horse. The foot, however, suffered
considerably in the retreat, notwithstanding the humanity of the Duke
of Argyle, who endeavoured to restrain the carnage. Besides offering
quarter to such of the Jacobite gentlemen as were personally known to
him, he displayed his anxiety for the preservation of his countrymen
so far, that on observing a party of his dragoons cutting down a body
of foot, into which they had thrown themselves, he exclaimed with a
feeling of deep emotion, “Oh, spare the poor Blue-bonnets!”
As Mar’s right wing had been concealed from the view of Argyle,
the latter conceived that the numerous body he was driving before
him formed the entire insurgent army. He, therefore, resolved to
continue the pursuit till dark, and to support him, he ordered
General Wightman, who commanded his foot upon the right, to follow
him with his battalions as quickly as possible. Wightman accordingly
proceeded to follow the duke with a force of rather more than three
regiments; but he had not marched far, when he heard a firing on his
left, to ascertain the cause of which, he sent his aide-de-camp in
the direction whence the firing proceeded. This officer returned in
a short time, and reported that the half of Argyle’s foot, and the
squadrons on the left, had all been cut off by the right of the
insurgents, which was superior in point of numbers to Argyle’s left.
Wightman thereupon slackened his pace, and despatched a messenger
to inform the duke of the fate of his left wing. Afraid of being
attacked in his rear by Mar’s right wing, he kept his men in perfect
order, but no demonstration was made to follow him. When informed
of the defeat of his left wing, Argyle gave over the pursuit, and
joining Wightman with five squadrons of dragoons, put his men in
order of battle and marched boldly to the bottom of the hill, on the
top of which the enemy, amounting to 4,000 men, were advantageously
posted. Argyle had now scarcely 1,000 men under him, and as these
were already greatly exhausted, he judged it expedient to act on the
defensive; but the insurgents showed no disposition to engage, and
both parties, as if by mutual consent, retired from their positions
in different directions. The duke filed off his men to the right, in
marching order, towards Dunblane; but as he still dreaded an attack,
he formed his men several times on the march, wherever he found the
ground convenient, and waited the approach of the enemy. Mar drew off
his men toward Ardoch, where he passed the night, and Argyle’s troops
lay under arms during the night in the neighbourhood of Dunblane.
[Illustration: BATTLE-FIELD OF SHERIFFMUIR
A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]
As might have been expected, on an occasion of such dubious success
on either side, both parties claimed a victory, but impartiality will
confer the palm on neither.[728] Argyle, it is true, visited the
field of battle the following morning, which Mar might also have done
had he been inclined, and this circumstance, therefore, can afford no
argument in support of his pretensions. Neither can the capture of
standards and colours by Argyle be considered as a proof of success,
for although he took fourteen colours and standards, including the
royal standard called “the Restoration,” besides six pieces of cannon
and other trophies, Mar, according to the official Jacobite account,
captured four stands of colours, several drums, and about 1,400 or
1,500 stands of arms. Accounts the most contradictory have been given
by both parties of the losses sustained by them. According to the
rolls of Argyle’s muster-master general, his loss amounted to 290
men killed, 187 wounded, and 133 prisoners, making a grand total of
610, while the Jacobite account makes the loss in killed and wounded
on the side of Argyle amount to between 700 and 800. On the other
hand, the Jacobites state their loss in killed at only 60, and that
very few of their men were wounded, while the royalists say that
they lost, in killed and wounded, about 800 men.[730] Supposing the
royalist statement correct, the comparative loss of the insurgents
scarcely exceeded one-third of that sustained by the government
forces.
Several officers were killed on the royalist side. Among the
wounded was the Earl of Forfar, a brave officer who commanded
Morison’s regiment. He received a shot in the knee, and sixteen
other wounds, of which he died at Stirling about three weeks after
the battle. Several persons of distinction were killed on the side
of the insurgents, among whom were the Earl of Strathmore, and the
Captain of Clanranald. A considerable number of gentlemen were
taken prisoners by Argyle, but many of them escaped, and he was
able to carry only 82 of them to Stirling. Of this number were Lord
Strathallan, Thomas Drummond his brother, Walkinshaw of Barrowfield,
Drummond of Logie-Drummond, and Murray of Auchtertyre.
On whichsoever side success lay, the battle, in its consequences,
was most important in many respects to the government, as it was
immediately followed by the desertion of a considerable number of
the clans. With the exception of the Macdonalds, who particularly
distinguished themselves on the right, and the Perthshire and
Angus horse who withstood the repeated shocks of Argyle’s cavalry,
the remainder of the insurgent army made little resistance. The
Macphersons and the Macgregors, (the latter commanded by Rob
Roy,[731] the chief’s uncle), did not join in the contest at all,
but looked on as if unconcerned about the result. Some of the
clans, disgusted at the pusillanimity or indifference exhibited by
their associates, and others dispirited by the firmness displayed
by the government forces, returned to their homes, thus verifying
the observation made by a Jacobite in reference to the clans, that
whether victorious or beaten, they would run away and go home. The
defection of these clans was a severe blow to Mar, and made him
abandon the idea of crossing the Forth. He, therefore, returned to
Perth with the remains of his army, and to encourage the friends of
the Jacobite interest, circulated the most favourable accounts of his
alleged success at Sheriffmuir, and of the state of the Chevalier’s
affairs, although he himself began to consider them desperate.[732]
The Duke of Argyle, on the other hand, retired to his head-quarters
at Stirling, intending to resume offensive operations as soon as some
expected reinforcements should arrive.
The attempt of Mar to disguise the real state of matters was too
gross to deceive his adherents, and there were not a few who already
began to entertain thoughts of making their own terms with the
government: but the Highland chiefs and the principal officers
remained firm, and urged Mar to risk another battle even with his
reduced forces. The earl, however, though personally brave, was not
the man to comply with an advice so opposed to the rule he had laid
down for himself, never to engage without a very superior force on
his side. But had he been of a different opinion, the receipt of the
news of the re-capture of Inverness would probably have precluded him
from moving a second time upon Stirling.
It has been remarked as a singular circumstance in this history
of Mar’s insurrection, that the three important events which
decided its fate should have occurred in regular daily succession.
Inverness was captured on the 13th of November,[733] and on the
same day Mackintosh’s forces, cooped up in Preston, had to maintain
a precarious struggle against the attacks of Wells’s army. Next
day witnessed the battle of Sheriffmuir, and at the very time the
insurgents in Preston were offering terms of surrender, the right
wings of Argyle’s and Mar’s armies were pursuing, with all the
confidence of victory, the wings to which they were respectively
opposed. And lastly, while on the 14th the insurgents in England
were capitulating at Preston, the two rival armies in the north were
retiring to their head-quarters, each of them claiming a victory.
The arrival of the Chevalier had been long anxiously looked for
by his friends in Scotland. He was now about to gratify their
desire of beholding his person; but James had already missed the
golden opportunity, which presented itself at an early stage of the
insurrection, of recovering his father’s crown. Had he, on arriving
at St. Malo, whither he proceeded from Lorraine at the breaking out
of the insurrection, instantly taken shipping, he would not only have
complied with the declared wishes of his adherents, but would have
evinced at once a determination to maintain his claim. Instead of
embarking, however, immediately, as he should have done, he spent so
much time in the shipment of supplies, which he was desirous should
precede his departure, that he was at last altogether prevented
from sailing by some men-of-war, which appeared off the harbour
of St. Malo, and which had been sent by the British government to
intercept him. That he might not disappoint the expectations of his
partisans, he resolved to go to Dunkirk in quest of shipping, and
having traversed the country in disguise, he embarked at that port,
about the middle of December, on board a small French vessel of eight
guns, which had formerly been a privateer. He was attended by five
persons only, who, to prevent suspicion, were disguised as French
officers. Among these were the Marquis of Tynemouth, son of the Duke
of Berwick, and Lieutenant Allan Cameron, a son of Lochiel.
Regardless of the evident risk which he ran, by attempting a descent
upon the eastern coast of Scotland, he sailed from Dunkirk in the
small vessel in which he had embarked, after leaving instructions to
despatch after him two other vessels that lay in the harbour with
his domestics, and some stores for the use of his army. It was the
Chevalier’s intention to have landed in the vicinity of the Frith
of Tay, and accordingly, after steering in a northerly direction,
he stood across for the coast of Angus, which was descried after a
voyage of five days; but observing, at some distance, a sail, which
he judged to be unfriendly, he altered his course to northward with
the design of landing at Peterhead, of which the Earl Marischal was
the feudal superior. The vessel which carried the Chevalier came,
however, sufficiently near to land to intimate by signals to the
friends of the prince in the neighbourhood that he was on board,
which intelligence was immediately conveyed to the camp at Perth,
where it was received with a feeling of intense delight.
The Chevalier arrived off Peterhead, on the 22d of December, seven
days from the date of his departure from Dunkirk, and immediately
landed with his small retinue of five persons, all disguised as
seamen. After despatching the vessel to France with the news of his
arrival, he and his companions took up their abode in the town for
the night. He passed the next night at Newburgh, a seat of the Earl
Marischal, having previously sent Lieutenant Cameron to Perth with
the intelligence of his landing. The Chevalier continued his journey
towards Perth, and on the 24th passed _incognito_ through Aberdeen,
and arrived at Fetteresso, the principal seat of the Earl Marischal,
where he remained several days. As soon as Lieutenant Cameron reached
Perth, the Earl of Mar, the Earl Marischal, General Hamilton, and
about thirty other gentlemen, mounted their horses, and set off to
meet the Chevalier. This cavalcade arrived at Fetteresso on the 27th,
and the persons composing it were introduced to “the king,” and had
the honour of kissing his hand. After the breaking up of the court,
the Chevalier was proclaimed at the gates of the house, and printed
copies of the declaration which he had issued in Lorraine were
immediately dispersed.[734]
The Chevalier intended to have proceeded next day on his journey to
Perth, but he was detained at Fetteresso till the 2d of January, by
two successive fits of ague, which, however, did not prevent him
from receiving addresses from the “Episcopal clergy of the diocese
of Aberdeen,” and from the magistrates, town council, and Jacobite
inhabitants of the town.
While at Fetteresso the Chevalier exercised some of the functions of
royalty, by conferring titles of dignity on some of his adherents.
He raised the Earl of Mar to a dukedom; and, according to report,
conferred the honour of knighthood upon Bannerman, the Jacobite
provost of Aberdeen, who presented the address from that city. Having
recovered from his attack, the Chevalier left Fetteresso on the 2d of
January, and went to Brechin, where he passed the night. Next day he
moved forward to Kinnaird, and on the 4th reached Glammis Castle, the
principal seat of the Earl of Strathmore. At Glammis Mar drew up a
letter, in which he gave a very flattering account of the Chevalier.
As the object of this letter was to impress the people with a
favourable opinion of the Chevalier, Mar ordered it to be printed and
circulated as widely as possible. The letter is written with address,
and may still be perused with interest:
“Glames, 5 Jan. 1716.
“I met the king at Fetteresso on Tuesday se’enight, where we
staid till Friday; from thence we came to Brechin, then to
Kinnaird, and yesterday here. The king designed to have gone to
Dundee to-day, but there is such a fall of snow that he is forced
to put it off till to-morrow, if it be practicable then; and
from thence he designs to go to Scoon. There was no haste in his
being there sooner, for nothing can be done this season, else he
had not been so long by the way. People, everywhere, as we have
come along, are excessively fond to see him, and express that
duty they ought. Without any compliment to him, and to do him
nothing but justice, set aside his being a prince, he is really
the first gentleman I ever knew: He has a very good presence, and
resembles King Charles a great deal. His presence, however, is
not the best of him. He has fine parts, and despatches all his
business himself with the greatest exactness. I never saw any
body write so finely. He is affable to a great degree, without
losing that majesty he ought to have, and has the sweetest
temper in the world. In a word, he is every way fitted to make
us a happy people, were his subjects worthy of him. To have him
peaceably settled on his throne, is what these kingdoms do not
deserve; but he deserves it so much that I hope there is a good
fate attending him. I am sure there is nothing wanting to make
the rest of his subjects as fond of him as we are, but their
knowing him as we do; and it will be odd if his presence among
us, after his running so many hazards to compass it, do not turn
the hearts, even of the most obstinate. It is not fit to tell all
the particulars, but I assure you he has left nothing undone,
that well could be, to gain every body; and I hope God will touch
their hearts.
“I have reason to hope we shall very quickly see a new face of
affairs abroad in the king’s favour, which is all I dare commit
to paper.
“MAR.”
On the morning of the 6th of January the Chevalier left Glammis for
Dundee, which town he entered about eleven o’clock a.m. on horseback,
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants, the Earl of Mar riding on
his right hand, and the Earl Marischal on his left, and followed by
a train of nearly 300 adherents on horseback. To gratify the people
who flocked round him eager to behold him and to kiss his hand, he,
at the request of his friends, remained about an hour on horseback
at the cross of the burgh, after which he rode out to the house
of Stewart of Grandtully in the neighbourhood, where he dined and
passed the night. On the following day he proceeded along the Carse
of Gowrie to Castle Lyon, a seat of the Earl of Strathmore, where
he dined, and thence to Fingask, the seat of Sir David Threipland,
where he spent the night. Next day, being Sunday, he took up his
abode in the royal palace of Scone, where he intended to stay till
the ceremony of his coronation should be performed.
[Illustration: JAMES STUART.
THE CHEVALIER DE S^T. GEORGE.
A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]
On Monday the Chevalier made his public entry into Perth. He met,
however, with a cold reception, and he himself felt evidently
disappointed at the appearance of the camp. He had heard much of
the Highland chiefs and the clans, and being desirous to see “those
little kings (the chiefs,) with their armies,” a select body of
Highlanders exhibited before him. Their appearance gave him great
satisfaction, but when he ascertained the paucity of the number in
the camp, he could not repress the chagrin and disappointment he
felt. On the other hand, the friends of the Chevalier were equally
disappointed. Neither his appearance nor demeanour on the present
occasion tended in any shape to justify the exaggerated encomiums
of Mar, and his lugubrious deportment while at Perth tended more
to alienate the affections of his adherents, and depress their
spirits, than even the disappointment of supplies from France. The
following is an account, doubtfully attributed to the Master of
Sinclair, of the appearance of the Chevalier on his arrival at Perth,
his behaviour while there, and their consequent effects upon his
followers.
“His person was tall and thin, seeming to incline to be lean rather
than to fill as he grows in years. His countenance was pale, but
perhaps looked more so than usual, by reason he had three fits of
ague which took him two days after his coming on shore. Yet he seems
to be sanguine in his constitution, and there is something of a
vivacity in his eye that perhaps would have been more visible if
he had not been under dejected circumstances, and surrounded with
discouragement, which it must be acknowledged were sufficient to
alter the complexion even of his soul as well as of his body. His
speech was grave, and not very clearly expressive of his thoughts,
nor over much to the purpose; but his words were few, and his
behaviour and temper seemed always composed. What he was in his
diversions we know not: here was no room for such things. It was no
time for mirth. Neither can I say I ever saw him smile. Those who
speak so positively of his being like King James VII. must excuse me
for saying, that it seems to say they either never saw this person,
or never saw King James VII.; and yet I must not conceal that when
we saw the man whom they called our king, we found ourselves not at
all animated by his presence; and if he was disappointed in us, we
were tenfold more so in him. We saw nothing in him that looked like
spirit. He never appeared with cheerfulness and vigour to animate
us. Our men began to despise him; some asked if he could speak. His
countenance looked extremely heavy. He cared not to come abroad
amongst us soldiers, or to see us handle our arms or do our exercise.
Some said the circumstances he found us in dejected him. I am sure
the figure he made dejected us; and had he sent us but 5,000 men
of good troops, and never himself come among us, we had done other
things than we have now done. At the approach of that crisis when
he was to defend his pretensions, and either lose his life or gain
a crown, I think, as his affairs were situated, no man can say that
his appearing grave and composed was a token of his want of thought,
but rather of a significant anxiety grounded upon the prospect of his
inevitable ruin, which he could not be so void of sense as not to see
plainly before him, at least when he came to see how inconsistent his
measures were, how unsteady the resolution of his guides, and how
impossible it was to make them agree with one another.”[735]
The Chevalier returned to Scone in the evening, and notwithstanding
the ominous symptoms of the day, proceeded to form a council
preparatory to exercising the functions of royalty. From Scone
he soon issued no less than six proclamations; one for a general
thanksgiving for his safe arrival; another enjoining the ministers
to pray for him in the churches; a third, establishing the currency
of foreign coin; a fourth, ordering a meeting of the convention of
estates; a fifth, commanding all fencible men from sixteen to sixty
to repair to his standard; and a sixth, fixing the 23d of January for
his coronation at Scone. These assumptions of sovereign authority
were, however, of a very evanescent character, as they had scarcely
been issued when the Chevalier and his principal friends resolved to
abandon the contest as hopeless. Indeed, from the reduced state of
the army, and its deficiency in arms and ammunition, a determination
had been come to by his party, a month before he landed, to retire
from Perth as soon as Argyle should march against it; but being
ignorant of that resolution, and believing that the insurgents
intended to defend Perth, Argyle delayed his advance till he should
be joined by large reinforcements from England and Holland.
Though continued in the command of the army, Argyle, for some reason
or other, was not a favourite at court. Of his fidelity there could
be no suspicion, and his conduct had lately shown that he wanted
neither zeal nor ability to perform the task which had been assigned
him. It has been conjectured that the leniency which he was disposed
to show towards his unfortunate countrymen was the cause of that
hidden displeasure which ended in the dismissal of himself and of his
brother, the Earl of Islay, from all their employments. The rejection
of an application which he made to the government for extended powers
to treat with the insurgents after the battle of Sheriffmuir, goes
far to support the supposition. But whatever were his views, he
appeared to be in no hurry to pursue the insurgents, probably from
an idea that they would disperse of their own accord. By the arrival
of a body of 6,000 Dutch auxiliaries, and other reinforcements from
England, Argyle found himself, early in January, at the head of
upwards of 10,000 men, besides a large train of artillery. Desirous
of expelling the insurgents from Fife before advancing north, a
detachment of Dutch and Scotch troops crossed the Frith of Forth
by the duke’s orders, and under cover of some men-of-war, landed
at Burntisland, of which they took possession. On receiving this
intelligence the insurgents immediately abandoned all the towns
on the north side of the Frith, a circumstance which was attended
with serious consequences to their friends at Perth, who were in
consequence entirely cut off from their supplies of coals, at an
unusually inclement season.
About the end of January, Argyle was in full condition to march
north, but the snow, which had fallen to a great depth, appeared
to him to offer a formidable obstruction to the march of an army
unaccustomed to a winter’s campaign; and which, from the insurgents
having burnt and destroyed the villages on the road, would have to
bivouac two or three nights in the open air, exposed to all the
rigours of a northern winter. For these reasons Argyle urged, at a
council of war, which was held at Stirling, a postponement of the
march; but General Cadogan,[736] who had been sent down to Scotland
to hasten the duke’s motions, insisting upon an immediate advance,
and having openly accused Argyle of a want of zeal, his Grace made
preparations for marching, and to facilitate the transport of his
cannon and waggons, issued orders for assembling some thousands of
the country people to clear away the snow.
Although the Jacobite leaders had come to the resolution of
abandoning Perth as soon as the Duke of Argyle should advance upon
it, they nevertheless gave indications as if they really meant
to hold out. Pursuant to an order of a council, which was held on
the 16th of January, the most strenuous exertions were made to
fortify the town, and both officers and men vied with one another
in hastening the completion of the works. What the motives of the
leaders may have been in thus practising a deception upon the army
it is impossible to conceive; perhaps the distant hope of being
joined by the more remote clans, the chance of some fortunate, though
unlooked for, occurrence in the chapter of accidents, or an idea
that their men could not be otherwise kept together, may have been
the inducing causes of these defensive preparations; but whatever
their motives were, the apparent determination shown by the leading
men to meet the enemy, had the most beneficial effect upon the army,
which evinced a strong desire to engage. In this wish they thought
they were to be gratified sooner than they expected, by the arrival
of some country people at Perth who brought intelligence that Argyle
was advancing with all his cavalry, and 4,000 foot mounted on
horses. This news was, however, premature, and had originated in the
appearance of a reconnoitring party of 200 dragoons, which Argyle had
sent forward on the road to Perth, on the 21st of January, and which
the fears of the people had magnified into an army.
All doubts, however, were removed in a few days, by the receipt of
authentic intelligence at Perth, that Argyle having completed his
arrangements, was to leave Stirling for Perth on the 29th of January,
with his whole army. The councillors of the Chevalier were dismayed
at this intelligence, but it had quite an opposite effect upon the
mass of the army. Nothing was to be heard in the Jacobite camp but
the voice of joy and rejoicing, and congratulations, on the expected
happy result of an encounter with the enemy, were exchanged on all
sides--between the officers and gentlemen volunteers, and the common
soldiers and clansmen. While the former were pledging each other in
their cups and drinking to “the good day,” so near at hand, as they
thought, which was to crown the Chevalier’s arms with victory, the
latter, amid the din of the warlike bagpipe, were to be seen giving
each other a cordial shake of the hand as if fully assured of
success.
Whilst these congratulatory exhibitions were going on, the
councillors of the Chevalier were deliberating upon the course they
should pursue; but although they sat during the whole night they
could come to no decided resolution. When the irresolution of the
council became generally known, the men could not restrain their
indignation, and a general opinion began to prevail among them that
they had been betrayed. Impressed with this feeling, they became
mutinous, and carried their insubordination so far as to insult the
officers, whom they supposed had betrayed them, in the streets, and
to load them with reproachful epithets. The gentlemen volunteers
also participated in the same sentiments; and one of them from the
higher parts of Aberdeenshire was heard to declare before a group
of malcontents assembled in the streets, that the clans should take
the person of the Chevalier out of the hands of the weak councillors
who surrounded him, adding that he would find 10,000 gentlemen in
Scotland who would hazard their lives for him, if he was equally
ready as a prince to risk his own life in vindicating his right to
the crown. A friend of the Earl of Mar, after remonstrating with this
party, asked what they wished their officers to do.--“Do,” replied
a Highlander, “what did you call us to take arms for? Was it to run
away? What did the king come hither for? Was it to see his people
butchered by hangmen, and not strike a stroke for their lives? Let us
die like men and not like dogs.”[737]
Amid the confusion and perplexity occasioned by such a state of
things, Mar convened another meeting of the council on the evening of
the 29th, at which a resolution to retreat was entered into chiefly
at Mar’s suggestion. His reasons for advising an abandonment of the
enterprise for the present, were, 1st, the failure of the Duke of
Ormond’s attempt to invade England; 2dly, the great accession of
force which Argyle had received from abroad; and, lastly, the reduced
state of the Jacobite forces, which did not exceed 4,000 men, and
of whom only about 2,500 were properly armed.[738] Besides these
there were, according to the Master of Sinclair, other reasons of a
private nature which influenced Mar to give the advice he did, the
chief of which, says the above-named authority, was that the Earl
of Seaforth, the Marquis of Huntly, and other Jacobites who were in
treaty with the government, had basely resolved to deliver up the
Chevalier to the Duke of Argyle, that they might procure better terms
for themselves than they could otherwise expect. This odious charge,
which is not corroborated by any other writer, must be looked upon as
highly improbable.
Before communicating to the army the resolution to retreat, a general
meeting of all the officers was held at Scone on the following day,
when they were informed of the determination of the previous evening,
and of the reasons which had led to it. It was then secretly resolved
that the Chevalier and his principal officers should take shipping at
Montrose for France, and that the army should be disbanded as soon
as it reached the Highlands, or as soon as circumstances permitted;
but to save appearances with the men, it was given out, that as Perth
was untenable, it became necessary to retire to a stronger position,
where they could not only defend themselves, but keep up a more
secure and direct communication with their friends in the north. At
this time there were three ships lying in the Tay off Dundee, which
had lately arrived with supplies from France; and to secure these for
the conveyance of the Chevalier and his followers, a French officer
and clergyman were despatched to Dundee with orders to send them down
the coast to Montrose, there to wait his arrival.[739]
On the return of the officers to the camp, they promulgated the order
to retreat to their men, and, as might have been anticipated, it was
received with scorn and contempt. Among the Jacobite inhabitants of
the town who had shown themselves very zealous in the cause of the
Chevalier, the intelligence caused nothing but dismay, as from the
prominent and decided part they had taken, they had incurred the
penalties of treason against the government. The morning of the 31st
of January was fixed upon for the retreat, but a body of about 800
Highlanders, disliking the aspect of affairs, and displeased with the
conduct of the principal officers, quitted Perth the preceding night
for the Highlands by way of Dunkeld. Preparatory to his departure,
the Chevalier went from Scone to Perth in the evening, and took up
his residence in the house of Hay the provost, a stanch Jacobite,
where he supped and passed the night. At ten o’clock next morning the
rebels began their march across the Tay, which was covered with ice
of extraordinary thickness. About noon the whole army had passed, and
was on the march to Dundee along the Carse of Gowrie.
Meanwhile, the Duke of Argyle was advancing upon Perth as fast as
the nature of the difficulties he had to contend with would admit
of. He had left Stirling on the 29th of January, and marched to
Dunblane. Next day he advanced as far as Auchterarder, which had
been entirely burnt by the rebels. Here they passed the night
upon the snow without “any other covering than the fine canopy of
heaven.”[740] On the following day a detachment of 200 dragoons and
400 foot, which had been sent forward to protect the country people
who were engaged in clearing away the snow, took possession of the
castle of Tullibardine, the garrison of which had capitulated. The
Duke of Argyle had resolved to take up his quarters for the night in
this fortress; but receiving intelligence that the rebels had retired
from Perth that morning, he ordered a party of 400 dragoons and 1,000
foot to hasten forward to take possession of that town. The duke,
at the head of the dragoons, arrived at Perth about two o’clock in
the morning of the 1st of February; but the foot, who were greatly
fatigued, did not come up till ten o’clock. The remainder of the
duke’s army reached Perth that evening.
The distance from Stirling to Perth is only 34 miles, yet such was
the obstruction that Argyle’s army met with from the snow, that their
march occupied three entire days. The difficulties of the march and
the privations which his men had suffered by resting two nights on
the snow, exposed to all the severities of the weather, had so
exhausted his men, that it was not till the day after his arrival
at Perth that the duke could muster a force sufficiently strong to
pursue the enemy.
On the 2d of February Argyle left Perth at the head of six squadrons
of dragoons, three battalions of foot, and 800 Highlanders. He
stopped at Errol that night, and entered Dundee next day. Having
learned that the Chevalier had left Dundee the preceding day on
his way to Montrose, the duke sent forward a detachment towards
Arbroath, and being joined by the remainder of his army on the 4th
of February, he despatched on the same day three battalions of foot,
500 of his own Highlanders, and 50 dragoons, towards Arbroath, and
another detachment of 300 foot, and 50 dragoons, in the direction
of Brechin; but their march was retarded for some time by the snow.
On the 5th the duke followed with the remainder of the army; and
while he himself, at the head of the cavalry, took the high road to
Brechin, General Cadogan with the infantry marched in the direction
of Arbroath.
[Illustration: Second Duke of Argyle.]
During the retreat to Montrose, suspicions began to be entertained
in the Chevalier’s army, that it was his intention to embark for
France, notwithstanding the assurances of the principal officers to
the contrary. The unusual route along the sea-coast gave credence
to the rumour; but when they approached Montrose, and saw some
French vessels lying at anchor off the shore, their suspicions were
confirmed, and the men began to manifest symptoms of discontent.
The insurgent army arrived at Montrose on the 3d of February, where
it was intended they should pass the night; but the Chevalier’s
advisers, alarmed at the murmurings of the troops, ordered them to
march the same night towards Aberdeen, where it was given out they
meant to make a stand till succours should arrive from abroad. This
assurance had the desired effect upon the troops, who accordingly
began their march in the expectation that the Chevalier would follow
them. To prevent suspicion, his horses were ordered to be brought
before the door of the house where he lodged at the hour appointed
for the march, and his guards were ordered to mount, and to hold
themselves in readiness to accompany him.
Meanwhile the Chevalier was busily employed in making the necessary
preparations for his approaching departure. To relieve his memory
from the imputation of having voluntarily abandoned the brave men
who had taken up arms in his cause, it is due to him to state that
he had been all along opposed to such a step, and it was not until
he had been repeatedly and earnestly urged by his friends that he
could be prevailed upon to give his consent to retire beyond seas.
He said he was ready to suffer every hardship, and expose himself
to every danger, rather than abandon those who had risked their all
in his service; but being assured by his friends, that the course
they advised might be ultimately beneficial to both, he reluctantly
yielded to their entreaties. His principal motive for acceding
to their wishes was the consideration that, if relieved from his
presence, the government might be disposed to give better terms to
his followers than they would be otherwise disposed to grant.[741]
Before his departure he ordered a commission to be drawn up, by which
he appointed General Gordon commander-in-chief, with all necessary
powers, and particularly with authority to treat with the enemy. He
wrote, at the same time, a paper containing his reasons for leaving
the kingdom, and along with which he delivered to the general all the
money in his possession, (excepting a small sum which he reserved
for defraying the expenses of himself and suite,) with instructions,
after paying the army, to apply the residue in indemnifying the
inhabitants of the villages[742] which had been burned, for the
losses sustained by them. At the same time the Chevalier put the
following letter to the Duke of Argyle, which he dictated to
a secretary, into the hands of General Gordon, respecting the
appropriation of the money so left. It is an interesting document,
and exhibits the humanity of the prince in a favourable point of
view:--
“FOR THE DUKE OF ARGYLE.
“_Montrose, 4th February, 1716._
“It was the view of delivering this my ancient kingdom from the
hardship it lay under, and restoring it to its former happiness
and independency, that brought me into this country; and all
hopes of effectuating that at this time being taken from me, I
have been reduced much against my inclination, but by a cruel
necessity, to leave the kingdom with as many of my faithful
subjects as were desirous to follow me, or I able to carry
with me, that so at least I might secure them from the utter
destruction that threatens them, since that was the only way left
me to show them the regard I had for, and the sense I had of
their unparalleled loyalty.
“Among the manifold mortifications I have had in this unfortunate
expedition, that of being forced to burn several villages, &c.,
as the only expedient left me for the publick security, was not
the smallest. It was indeed forced upon me by the violence with
which my rebellious subjects acted against me, and what they, as
the first authors of it, must be answerable for, not I: however,
as I cannot think of leaving this country without making some
provision to repair that loss, I have, therefore, consigned to
the magistrates of ---- the sum of ----, desiring and requiring
of you, if not as an obedient subject, at least as a lover of
your country, to take care that it be employed to the designed
use, that I may at least have the satisfaction of having been
the destruction and ruin of none, at a time I came to free all.
Whether you have yet received my letter,[743] or what effect it
hath had upon you, I am as yet ignorant of; but what will become
of these unhappy nations is but too plaine. I have neglected
nothing to render them a free and prosperous people; and I fear
they will find yet more than I the smart of preferring a foreign
yoak to that obedience they owe me; and what must those who have
so obstinately resisted both my right and my clemency have to
answer for? But however things turn, or Providence is pleased
to dispose of me, I shall never abandon my just right, nor the
pursuits of it, but with my life; and beseech God so to turn at
last the hearts of my subjects, as that they may enjoy peace and
happiness by submitting to what their interest and duty equally
require of them. As for your own particular, you might, if you
had pleased, joined interest and greatness in your own person;
but, though you have refused to do that, I must earnestly request
of you to do at least all in your power to save your country from
utter ruin, and to be just at least to them, since you are it not
to me.
“[744]I thought to write this in my own hand, but had not time.
“JAMES R.”
This letter was accompanied by a note of the following letter to
General Gordon, written in the Chevalier’s own hand:--
“General Gordon is hereby empowered, as soon as he has no
other further occasion for the money left in his hands for the
subsistence of the troops, to forward, if he thinks fitt, the
enclosed letter to the duke of Argil, and to fill up the blanks
of my letter with the name of the town where he shall leave the
money, and the summ he shall leave.
“JAMES R.”
It was not until the eve of his departure, that James thought of
selecting the persons he wished to accompany him in his flight,
but the near approach of the enemy, of whose motions he had just
received intelligence, and the murmurings and jealousies of his
troops compelling him to hasten his departure, he was narrowed in
his choice, as some of the friends, whose presence he desired, were
at some distance from Montrose. The first individual he pitched upon
was Mar; but the earl begged that he might be left behind with the
army. The Chevalier, however, insisted that he should go; and on
representing to him that reasons almost equally strong existed for
Mar’s departure as for his own, that his friends would make better
terms with the government without him than with him, and that his
services could be of no use in Scotland under existing circumstances,
he gave his consent.
Matters being adjusted, the Chevalier left his lodgings privately
about nine o’clock on the evening of the 4th of February, accompanied
only by one of his domestics, and having met Mar at his lodgings,
they both proceeded by a private way to the beach, where a boat was
lying in readiness to receive them, which carried them on board a
small French vessel that lay at a little distance from the shore. The
boat was immediately sent back, and returned in about a quarter of an
hour with the Earl of Melfort, Lord Drummond, and the remainder of
the Chevalier’s suite. Being favoured with a fresh breeze from the
west-south-west, the vessel stood directly out to sea, and after a
voyage of five days, arrived in safety at Waldam, near Gravelines in
French Flanders.
The insurgents, under General Gordon, marched to Aberdeen, which they
entered on the morning of the 6th of February. Here he communicated
to his men the paper of instructions he had received from the
Chevalier, which, he informed them, he had been ordered not to open
till their arrival at Aberdeen. In this writing the prince complained
of the disappointments he had met with, particularly from abroad,
and informed the army of the necessity he was under, for his own
preservation, to leave the country. He thanked them for having
entered so cheerfully into his service, and imputed the failure of
the enterprise to the apathy of others, who had not seconded their
efforts as they had promised to do. He advised them to consult their
own safety by keeping together in a body under General Gordon till
he should order them to disperse, and concluded by encouraging them
to hope for better times. After reading this document, the General
notified to his men that their pay would cease after that day.
General Cadogan arrived at Montrose on the afternoon of the 5th
of February with three regiments of foot, and 600 of Argyle’s
Highlanders, and the duke reached Brechin with the dragoons the same
night. The whole royalist forces continued their march the following
day towards Aberdeen, but they could not overtake the insurgents,
who were nearly two days’ march in advance. The latter left Aberdeen
on the 7th, and the Duke of Argyle entered it the following day at
the head of 400 dragoons. The main body of the insurgents, chiefly
foot, marched in the direction of Old Meldrum, but a party of about
200 horse, among whom were many officers and gentlemen-volunteers,
took the route to Peterhead, where some vessels were lying to carry
them to France. The Duke of Argyle, without waiting for the coming up
of the rest of his army, immediately sent 200 dragoons, and a party
of foot under Major-General Evans, to cut off the retreat of the
latter, but he did not overtake them. Upwards of 100 of the gentlemen
composing this party escaped to France.
Meanwhile the insurgents continued their march westwards into Moray,
and after marching through Strathspey, retired into Badenoch, where
they quietly dispersed. During their retreat, however, many, whose
houses lay contiguous to their route, gradually withdrew from the
ranks, so that before their arrival in Badenoch a considerable
reduction had taken place in their numbers. Though closely pursued
by Argyle’s troops, the insurgents did not lose 100 men during the
whole retreat, so well and orderly was it conducted by the Jacobite
commander.
After the dispersion of the insurgents, about 160 officers and
gentlemen-volunteers who had followed the army into the Highlands,
hearing that two French frigates, destined to receive on board such
of the adherents of the Chevalier as might be inclined to retire
abroad, had arrived off the Orkney coast, sallied from the hills on
horseback, and crossing the low country of Moray embarked in boats at
Burgh-head, and landed in Caithness. From Caithness they proceeded
to the Orkney islands, where they had the good fortune to reach the
French ships, which carried them to Gottenburg. Among this party were
Lord Duffus, who, being a seaman, entered into the naval service of
the King of Sweden, Sir George Sinclair, Sir David Threipland of
Fingask, and General Eckline. Most of these refugees entered into the
Swedish army then about to invade Norway.
Thus ended an enterprise badly contrived, and conducted throughout
with little judgment or energy. Yet notwithstanding the disadvantages
under which it was attempted, it might have succeeded, if the efforts
of the Scottish Jacobites had been seconded by the Jacobites of
England; but the latter, though decidedly hostile to the House of
Brunswick, were not inclined to risk their lives and fortunes in a
doubtful contest, in support of the pretensions of a prince known
to them only by name, and to whose religion many of them felt a
deep-rooted repugnance.
FOOTNOTES:
[722] Burton’s _Scotland_ (1689-1748), vol. ii. p. 151.
[723] Burton’s _Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 188, 189.
[724] Rae, p. 294. _Life of Argyle_, p. 187.
[725] It must be remembered that these dates are according to the Old
Style of reckoning, and that to make them accord with the New Style,
eleven days must be added: thus, the 10th of November O. S. is the
same as the 21st N. S.
[726] MS. referred to in Lord John Russell’s _History of Europe_, p.
345. Jacobite Official Account of the battle, printed at Perth, 1715.
[727] “The muir is a hill, but a very gentle one; and it has the
peculiarity of being a regular curve, presenting in all parts a
segment of a sphere, or rather an oblate spheroid. There are no
rapid declivities and no plains. Hence, in every part of the hill,
there is a close sky line, caused by the immediate curve, and where
there is so much of the curve, as will reach a perpendicular of
some eight feet between two bodies of men, they cannot see each
other.”--Burton’s _Scotland_ (1689-1748), vol. ii. p. 193.
[728]
“There’s some say that we wan, and some say that they wan,
And some say that nane wan at a’ man;
But one thing I’m sure, that at Sherramuir
A battle there was that I saw, man.
And we ran, and they ran, and they ran, and we ran,
But Florence[729] ran fastest of a’ man.”
_The Battle of Sheriffmuir_ in Hogg’s _Jacobite Relics_.
[729] Marquis of Huntly’s horse.
[730] Colonel Harrison’s account.
[731]
“Rob Roy there stood watch on a hill, for to catch
The booty, for ought that I saw, man;
For he ne’er advanc’d from the place he was stanc’d,
Till no more was to do there at a’ man.”
_Battle of Sheriffmuir._
“A short time previous to the Earl of Mar’s rising, their (the
Macgregors’) depredations in the Lennox, and on the lower banks of
Lochlomond, had been carried to such an extremity, that the military
force of the west country was raised against them, and all the
warriors of the clan seem to have been driven from their country,
and to have retreated to the north, even as far as the mountains
of Loch-Arkaig and Glengarry. Accordingly we find Rob Roy there in
September and October 1715.
“From thence he came down with the rest of the clans, and joined
general Gordon in Strathfillan. He was with the clans before
Inverary, and was active in making some reprisals both by carrying
off cattle on the banks of Loch-Fyne, and capturing ships that lay at
anchor in the loch.
“He marched with the clans to Ardoch, and was present at the
battle of Sheriffmuir, but kept a shy distance, thereby weakening
that wing of the army to which the Macgregors were placed as a
corps-de-reserve, on what principle it is not easy to determine, if
it was not, as the bard suggests, to watch who gained the day, and
then assist them in disposing of the booty.
“Before the friends of the Stuarts, however, could be properly
brought to a head, Rob performed a very signal service to many of
them by an act worthy of his character, and exactly in his own way.
At the great hunting of Brae Mar, it has been mentioned what a number
of noblemen and chiefs signed the bond of faith and mutual support.
By the negligence of a chieftain to whose charge this important and
dangerous document was committed, it fell into the hands of Captain
Campbell, then at Fort William; and when it became known that a man
of such determined Whig principles held this bond, those who signed
it were seriously alarmed, and various plans were suggested for
recovering it. Rob Roy Macgregor, who was at this clan meeting, had
also affixed his name; but on his own account he was indifferent, as
he regarded neither king nor government. He was, however, urged by
several chiefs, particularly his patron, to exert himself, and if
possible to recover the bond. With this view he went to Fort William
in disguise, not with his usual number of attendants, and getting
access to Captain Campbell, who was a near relation of his own, he
discovered that, out of revenge for the contemptuous manner in which
the chieftains now treated the captain, he had put the bond into
the possession of the governor of the garrison, who was resolved
to forward it to the privy council; and Rob, learning by accident
the day on which it was to be sent, took his leave, and went home.
The despatch which contained the bond was made up by Governor Hill,
and sent from Fort William, escorted by an ensign’s command, which
in those countries always accompanied the messages of government.
On the third day’s march, Rob and 50 of his men met this party in
Glendochart, and ordering them to halt, demanded their despatches.
The officer refused; but Rob told him, that he would either have
their lives and the despatches together, or the despatches alone.
The ferocious looks and appearance of Rob and his men bespoke no
irresolution. The packet was given up; and Rob, having taken out the
bond he wanted, begged the officer would excuse the delay he had
occasioned, and wishing him a good journey, left the military to
proceed unmolested. By this manœuvre many chieftains kept on their
heads, and the forfeiture of many estates was prevented.
“The following notices are from Mr. Moir’s MSS.
“One of the causes of the repulse of part of Mar’s forces was the
part which Rob Roy acted; this Rob Roy, or Red Robert, was uncle
to the laird of Macgregor, and commanded that clan in his nephew’s
absence; but on the day of battle he kept his men together at some
distance, without allowing them to engage, though they showed all the
willingness imaginable; and waited only an opportunity to plunder,
which was it seems the chief design of his coming there. This clan
are a hardy rough people, but noted for pilfering, as they lie upon
the border of the Highlands, and this Rob Roy had exercised their
talents that way, pretty much in a kind of thieving war he carried on
against the Duke of Montrose, who had cheated him of a small feudal
estate.
“The conduct of this gentleman (who was wont, as occasion served,
to assume the name of Campbell, his own being prohibited by act of
parliament) was the more surprising, as he had ever been remarked for
courage and activity. When desired by one of his own officers to go
and assist his friends, he remarked, ‘If they cannot do it without
me, they cannot do it with me.’ It is more than probable, however,
that his interference would have decided the day in favour of his
own party. He continued in arms for some years, and committed great
depredations in the shires of Dumbarton and Lennox, particularly on
the Duke of Montrose’s lands, defeating several detachments sent to
reduce him.”--_Jacobite Relics_, vol. ii. pp. 248-251.
[732] _Journal of Mar’s proceedings_, printed at Paris.
[733] “The coincidence in time, of this achievement, with the
reduction of Preston, and the battle of Sheriffmuir, is remarkable,
and was much dwelt on at the time. But perhaps the day of the capture
of Inverness not being exactly known--though it was certainly about
the middle of November--it is not unlikely that the coincidence
may have created a tendency to assign it to the 13th.”--Burton’s
_Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 189 (note).
[734] _Annals of 2d year of George I._, p. 189.
[735] _A true account of the proceedings at Perth_, by a Rebel.
[736] This officer appears to have been very suspicious of Argyle’s
motives, and did not hesitate to communicate his opinion to his
superiors. In a letter to the Duke of Marlborough, he says: “Argyle
grows so intolerably uneasy, that it is almost impossible to live
with him any longer; he is enraged at the success of the expedition,
though he and his creatures attribute to themselves the honour of
it. When I brought him the news of the rebels having ran from Perth,
he seemed thunderstruck; and was so visibly concerned, that even
the foreign officers that were in the room took notice of it....
Since the rebels quitting Perth, he (Argyle) has sent 500 or 600 of
his Argyleshire men, who go before the army a day’s march, to take
possession of the towns the enemy have abandoned, and to plunder
and destroy the country, which enrages our soldiers, who are forbid
under pain of death to take the value of a farthing, though out of
the rebels’ houses. Not one of these Argyle-men appeared whilst
the rebels were in Perth, and when they might have been of some
use.”--Cox’s _Marlborough_, vol. iii. p. 612.
[737] _True Account of the Proceedings at Perth_, by a Rebel.
[738] Mar’s _Journal_.
[739] _True Account of the Proceedings at Perth._
[740] _Annals of George I._, vol. ii. p. 222.
[741] Mar’s _Journal_.
[742] Dunning, Auchterarder, Blackford, Crieff, Muthil.
[743] It is presumed this is the letter alluded to in a conversation
between Lockhart of Carnwath and Captain Dougall Campbell, who is
represented by him as “a person of great worth and loyalty, and a
bosome friend of Argyle’s.” “Being with me (says Lockhart) at my
country house, he (Campbell) asked me if I heard Argyle blam’d for
having received and given no answer to a letter writt to him by the
king whilst he was at Perth. I told him I had, but could not agree
with those who censured him, for I had such an abhorrence of breach
of trust, that had I been the duke’s adviser, it should have been
to doe as he did; for tho there was nothing I so much desired as
to see him engaged in the king’s cause, I wisht it done in a way
consistent with his honour. Captain Campbell smiled and told me,
he was to acquaint me of a secret which he must previously have my
solemn word I would communicate to none, which he had given when it
was revealed to him, having however obtained liberty afterwards to
speak of it to me. After giving him the assurance he demanded, he
told me that the letter was not delivered to the duke, for in his
late Highland progress, he saw it and another to Lord Isla in the
hands of the person to whose care they were committed, (but who that
person was he would not tell me), who receiving them unseal’d, did
not, after perusal, think it for the king’s service to deliver them,
that to the duke being writt in a style by no means to be approved
of; ‘and, indeed,’ added Campbell, ‘when I read them, I was entirely
of the same mind, and could not but think that Mar or some other
person, with a view of rather widening than healing the breaches,
had prevail’d with the king to write after that manner.’ The letter
to Isla was writt as to a man of business, insisting on the unhappy
state of Scotland, and that nothing but a dissolution of the union
by the king’s restoration, could prevent the utter ruin of that
country. That to the duke did invite him to return to his loyalty
and duty, threatening him, if he neglected, with revenge and the
utter extirpation of his family, for what he and his predecessors had
done in this and the last century. I doe not pretend to narrate the
precise words of this letter, nor did Campbell mention them as such
to me; however, I have narrated what he said was the aim and purport
of the letter.”--_Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15.
[744] What follows is in the Chevalier’s own handwriting. The
original document is in the Fingask family; of course, it had never
been delivered to the duke.