A.D. 1650-1660.
Commonwealth, 1649-1660.
Arrival of Charles II.--Cromwell invades Scotland--Attacks
the Scotch army near Edinburgh--His further movements--The
Dunfermline Declaration--Retreat of Cromwell--Battle of
Dunbar--Declaration and Warning of the kirk--Flight of the
king from Perth--Insurrections in the Highlands--Proceedings
of Cromwell--Conduct of the western army--Cromwell marches
north--Enters Perth--Scotch army invades England--Battle of
Worcester--Operations of Monk in Scotland--Administration of
affairs committed to him--Earl of Glencairn’s insurrection in the
Highlands--Chiefs of the insurrection submit to Monk--Cameron of
Lochiel--State of the country--Restoration of Charles II.
Having arranged with the commissioners the conditions on which he was
to ascend the Scottish throne, Charles, with about 500 attendants,
left Holland on the 2d of June, in some vessels furnished him by
the Prince of Orange, and after a boisterous voyage of three weeks,
during which he was daily in danger of being captured by English
cruizers, arrived in the Moray frith, and disembarked at Garmouth, a
small village at the mouth of the Spey, on the 23d of that month.
Before landing, however, Charles readily gave his signature to the
Covenant, which subsequent events showed he had no intention of
observing longer than suited his purpose.
The news of the king’s arrival reached Edinburgh on the 26th of June.
The guns of the castle were fired in honour of the event, and the
inhabitants manifested their joy by bonfires and other demonstrations
of popular feeling. The same enthusiasm spread quickly throughout the
kingdom, and his majesty was welcomed with warm congratulations as he
proceeded on his journey towards Falkland, which had been fixed upon
by parliament as the place of his residence. The pleasure he received
from these professions of loyalty was, however, not without alloy,
as he was obliged, at the request of the parliament, to dismiss from
his presence some of his best friends, both Scotch and English,
particularly the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Lauderdale, and
other “engagers,” who, by an act passed on the 4th of June against
“classed delinquents,” were debarred from returning to the kingdom,
or remaining therein, “without the express warrant of the Estates
of parliament.”[424] Of the English exiles the Duke of Buckingham,
Lord Wilmot, and seven gentlemen of the household were allowed to
remain with him.[425] In fact, with these exceptions, every person
even suspected of being a “malignant,” was carefully excluded from
the court, and his majesty was thus surrounded by the heads of the
Covenanters and the clergy. These last scarcely ever left his person,
watched his words and motions, and inflicted upon him long harangues,
in which he was often reminded of the misfortunes of his family.
The rulers of the English commonwealth, aware of the negotiations
which had been going on between the young king and the Scots
commissioners in Holland, became apprehensive of their own stability,
should a union take place between the Covenanters and the English
Presbyterians, to support the cause of the king, and they therefore
resolved to invade Scotland, and by reducing it to their authority
extinguish for ever the hopes of the king and his party. Fairfax
was appointed commander-in-chief, and Cromwell lieutenant-general of
the army destined for this purpose; but as Fairfax considered the
invasion of Scotland as a violation of the solemn league and covenant
which he had sworn to observe, he refused, notwithstanding the most
urgent entreaties, to accept the command, which in consequence
devolved upon Cromwell.
The preparations making in England for the invasion of Scotland were
met with corresponding activity in Scotland, the parliament of which
ordered an army of 30,000 men to be immediately raised to maintain
the independence of the country. The nominal command of this army was
given to the Earl of Leven, who had become old and infirm; but David
Leslie his relative, was in reality the commander. The levies went on
with considerable rapidity, but before they were assembled Cromwell
crossed the Tweed on the 22d of July at the head of 16,000 well
appointed and highly disciplined troops. On his march from Berwick
to Musselburgh a scene of desolation was presented to the eyes of
Cromwell, far surpassing anything he had ever before witnessed. With
the exception of a few old women and children, not a human being was
to be seen, and the whole country appeared as one great waste over
which the hand of the ruthless destroyer had exercised its ravages.
To understand the cause of this it is necessary to mention, that,
with the view of depriving the enemy of provisions, instructions
had been issued to lay waste the country between Berwick and the
capital, to remove or destroy the cattle and provisions, and that
the inhabitants should retire to other parts of the kingdom under
the severest penalties. To induce them to comply with this ferocious
command, appalling statements of the cruelties of Cromwell in Ireland
were industriously circulated among the people; that he had given
orders to put all the males between 16 and 60 to death, to cut
of the right hands of all the boys between 6 and 16, and to bore
with red-hot irons the breasts of all females of age for bearing
children.[426] Fortunately for his army Cromwell had provided a fleet
in case of exigency, which kept up with him in his march along the
coast, and supplied him with provisions.
The English general continued his course along the coast till he
arrived at Musselburgh, where he established his head-quarters. Here
he learnt that the Scots army, consisting of upwards of 30,000 men,
had taken up a strong position between Edinburgh and Leith, and
had made a deep entrenchment in front of their lines, along which
they had erected several batteries. Cromwell reconnoitered this
position, and tried all his art to induce the Scots to come to a
general engagement; but as Leslie’s plan was to act on the defensive,
and thus force Cromwell either to attack him at a considerable
disadvantage, or to retreat back into England after his supply
of provisions should be exhausted, he kept his army within their
entrenchments.
As Cromwell perceived that he would be soon reduced to the
alternative of attacking the Scots in their position, or of retracing
his steps through the ruined track over which his army had lately
passed, he resolved upon an assault, and fixed Monday the 29th of
July for advancing on the enemy. By a singular coincidence, the
king, at the instigation of the Earl of Eglinton, but contrary to
the wish of his council and the commanders, visited the army that
very day. His presence was hailed with shouts of enthusiasm by the
soldiers, who indulged in copious libations to the health of their
sovereign. The soldiers in consequence neglected their duty, and
great confusion prevailed in the camp;[427] but on the approach of
Cromwell sufficient order was restored, and they patiently waited his
attack. Having selected the centre of the enemy’s position, near a
spot called the Quarry Holes, about half-way between Edinburgh and
Leith, as appearing to him the most favourable point for commencing
the operations of the day, Cromwell led forward his army to the
assault; but after a desperate struggle he was repulsed with the
loss of a considerable number of men and horses.[428] Cromwell
renewed the attack on the 31st, and would probably have carried
Leslie’s position but for a destructive fire from some batteries
near Leith. Cromwell retired to Musselburgh in the evening, where
he was unexpectedly attacked by a body of 2,000 horse and 500 foot,
commanded by Major-General Montgomery, son of the Earl of Eglinton,
and Colonel Strachan, which had been despatched at an early part
of the day by a circuitous route to the right, for the purpose of
falling on Cromwell’s rear. If Balfour is to be credited, this party
beat Cromwell “soundlie,” and would have defeated his whole army
if they had had an additional force of 1,000 men; but an English
writer informs us, that the Scots suffered severely.[429] According
to the first-mentioned author the English had 5 colonels and 500 men
killed, while the latter states the loss of the Scots to have been
about 100 men, and a large number of prisoners. On the following day,
Cromwell, probably finding that he had enough of mouths to consume
his provisions, without the aid of prisoners, offered to exchange all
those he had taken the preceding day, and sent the wounded Scots back
to their camp.
These encounters, notwithstanding the expectations of the ministers,
and the vaunts of the parliamentary committee of their pretended
successes, inspired some of Leslie’s officers with a salutary dread
of the prowess of Cromwell’s veterans. An amusing instance of this
feeling is related by Balfour in the case of the earl of W. (he
suppresses the name) who “being commandit the nixt day (the day
after the last mentioned skirmish) in the morning, to marche out one
a partey, saw he could not goe one upone service untill he had his
brackefaste. The brackefaste was delayed above four hours in getting
until the L. General being privily advertissed by a secrett frind,
that my Lord was peaceably myndit that morning, sent him expresse
orders not to marche, to save his reputation. One this, the gallants
of the army raissed a proverbe, ‘That they wold not goe out one a
partey until they gate ther brackefaste.’”[430]
For several days Cromwell remained inactive in his camp, during which
the parliamentary committee subjected the Scots army to a purging
operation, which impaired its efficiency, and, perhaps, contributed
chiefly to its ruin. As the Solemn League and Covenant was considered
by the Covenanters a sacred pledge to God, which no true Christian
could refuse to take, they looked upon those who declined to
subscribe it as the enemies of religion, with whom it would be
criminal in the eye of Heaven to associate. Before the purgation
commenced, the king received a hint, equivalent to a command, from
the heads of the Covenanters to retire to Dunfermline, an order which
he obeyed “sore against his own mind,”[431] by taking his departure
on Friday the 2d of August, after spending the short space of two
hours at a banquet, which had been provided for him by the city of
Edinburgh. No sooner had the king departed than the purging process
was commenced, and on the 2d, 3d, and 5th of August, during which
the committee held their sittings, no less than 80 officers, all men
of unquestionable loyalty, besides a considerable number of common
soldiers, were expelled from the army.[432]
Cromwell retired with his army to Dunbar on the 5th of August. Here
he found the few inhabitants who had remained in the town in a state
of starvation. Touched with commiseration, he generously distributed
among them, on his supplies being landed, a considerable quantity of
wheat and pease.[433]
While the ministers were thanking God “for sending the sectarian army
(for so they designated the Independents) back the way they came, and
flinging such a terror into their hearts, as made them fly when none
pursued,”[434] Cromwell suddenly re-appeared at Musselburgh, and thus
put an end to their thanksgivings.
Seeing no hopes of the Scots army leaving its entrenchments, and
afraid that farther delay might be injurious to him, Cromwell made a
movement on the 13th of August to the west, as far as the village of
Colinton, three miles south-west from Edinburgh, where he posted the
main body of his army. The Scottish general thinking that Cromwell
had an intention of attacking him in his rear, raised his camp and
marched towards Corstorphine, about two miles north from Colinton,
where he drew out his army. Both armies surveyed each other for
several days, but neither attempted to bring the other to action. As
he could not, from the nature of the ground which lay between the
two armies, attack his opponents with any probability of success,
Cromwell again returned to Musselburgh with his army on a Sunday,
that he might not be harassed in his march by the Covenanters, who
never fought but on the defensive on that day.
Although the king before his landing had subscribed the Solemn League
and Covenant, and although they had purged the army to their heart’s
content, still Argyle and his party were not satisfied, and they,
therefore, required his majesty to subscribe a declaration “for the
satisfaction of all honest men.” On the 16th of August, after some
hesitation and with slight modification of the terms, Charles was
induced to sign a most humiliating declaration, which reflected upon
the conduct of his father, lamented the “idolatry” of his mother,
pledged him to renounce the friendship of all who were unfriendly to
the Covenant, establish Presbyterianism in England, in short, made
him a mere tool in the hands of the extreme Covenanters.
Although every sober and judicious person must have perceived that
there was little probability that such a declaration would be
regarded by the young monarch when released from his trammels, yet so
greatly important was his majesty’s subscription to the instrument
considered by the Covenanters, that they hailed it with the most
lively emotions of joy and gratitude; and the ministers who, only two
days before, had denounced the king from the pulpits as the root of
malignancy, and a hypocrite, who had shown, by his refusal to sign
the declaration, that he had no intention to keep the Covenant, were
the first to set the example. The army, excited by the harangues of
the ministers during a fast, which they proclaimed to appease the
anger of heaven for the sins of the king and his father, longed to
meet the enemy, and it required all the influence and authority of
General Leslie to restrain them from leaving their lines and rushing
upon the “sectaries;” but, unfortunately for the Covenanters, their
wish was soon to be gratified.
It does not appear that the chiefs of the Covenanters were actuated
by the same enthusiasm as the ministers and the common soldiers,
or that the generals of the army were very sanguine of success.
They were too well aware of the composition of Cromwell’s veteran
host, to suppose that their raw and undisciplined levies, though
numerically superior, could meet the enemy in the open field; and
hence they deemed it a wise course of policy to act on the defensive,
and to harass them by a desultory warfare as occasion offered. This
system had been so successful as to embarrass Cromwell greatly, and
to leave him no alternative but a retreat into England--a course
which he was obliged to adopt more speedily, perhaps, than he would
otherwise have done, in consequence of extensive sickness in his
army. No indications of any movement had appeared up to the 29th
of August, as on that day the Committee of Estates adjourned the
meeting of parliament, which was to have then assembled, till the
10th of September, “in respecte that Oliver Cromwell and his armey
of sectaries and blasphemers have invadit this kingdome, and are now
laying within the bosome thereof.”[435]
On the 30th of August, however, Cromwell collected his army at
Musselburgh, and having put all his sick on board his fleet, which
lay in the adjoining bay, he gave orders to his army to march next
morning to Haddington, and thence to Dunbar. He made an attempt to
obtain the consent of the Committee of Estates to retire without
molestation, promising never again to interfere in the affairs
of Scotland; but they refused to agree to his proposal, as they
considered that they would be able to cut off his retreat and compel
him to surrender at discretion.
Next morning Cromwell’s army was in full retreat towards Haddington.
The Scots army followed in close pursuit, but with the exception
of some slight skirmishing between the advanced guard of the Scots
and Cromwell’s rear, nothing important took place. Cromwell halted
during the night at Haddington, and offered battle next day; but
as the Scots declined, he continued his retreat to Dunbar, which
he reached in the evening. With the intention of cutting off his
retreat, Leslie drew off his army to the south towards the heights
of Lammermuir, and took up a position on Doon hill. Having at the
same time secured an important pass called the Peaths, through which
Cromwell had necessarily to pass on his way to Berwick, the situation
of the latter became extremely critical, as he had no chance of
escape but by cutting his way through the Scots army, which had
now completely obstructed his line of retreat. Cromwell perceived
the danger of his situation, but he was too much of an enthusiast
to give way to despair; he deliberately, and within view of the
enemy, shipped off the remainder of his sick at Dunbar, on the 2d
of September, intending, should Providence not directly interpose
in his behalf, to put his foot also on board, and at the head of
his cavalry to cut his way through the Scots army.[436] But as, in
an affair of such importance, nothing could be done without prayer,
he directed his men to “seek the Lord for a way of deliverance and
salvation.”[437] A part of the day was accordingly spent in prayer,
and at the conclusion, Cromwell declared, that while he prayed he
felt an enlargement of heart and a buoyancy of spirit which assured
him that God had hearkened to their prayers.[438]
While Cromwell and his men were employed in their devotional
exercises, a council of war was held by the Scottish commander to
deliberate upon the course to be pursued in the present crisis. As
Leslie considered himself perfectly secure in his position, which
could not be assailed by the enemy without evident risk of a defeat,
and as he was apprehensive of a most formidable and desperate
resistance should he venture to attack the brave and enthusiastic
Independents, who were drawn out within two miles of his camp; he
gave as his opinion that the Scottish army should not only remain
in its position, but that Cromwell should be allowed to retire
into England on certain easy conditions. The officers of the army
concurred in the views of the general, but this opinion was overruled
by the Committees of the Estates and kirk, who, anxious to secure
their prey, lest by any possibility it might escape, insisted that
the army should descend from the heights and attack the “army of
sectaries and blasphemers,” which they fully expected the Lord would
deliver into their hands.
In pursuance of the orders of the Committees to attack Cromwell
early the following morning, Leslie drew down his men on the evening
of the 2d of September from the heights which they occupied to the
level ground below, that he might be ready to commence the attack
before the enemy should be fully on their guard. But nothing could
escape the penetrating eye of Cromwell, who, though pondering
with solicitude upon the difficulties of his situation, was not
inattentive to the enemy, whose motions he personally watched with
the utmost vigilance and assiduity. He was about retiring for the
night, when looking through his glass for the last time that evening,
he perceived, to his infinite joy, the Scottish army in motion
down the hill. The object of this movement at once occurred to
him, and in a rapture of enthusiasm he exclaimed, “They are coming
down;--the Lord hath delivered them into our hands.” A strong spirit
of religious enthusiasm had in fact seized both armies, and each
considered itself the peculiar favourite of heaven.
Unfortunately for the Scots their movements were considerably impeded
by the state of the weather, which, during the night, became very
rainy and tempestuous. Confident in their numbers, they seem to have
disregarded the ordinary rules of military prudence, and such was the
slowness of their movements, that they found themselves unexpectedly
attacked at the dawn of day before the last of their forces had
left the hill where they had been stationed. Cromwell had, during
the night, advanced his army to the edge of a deep ravine which
had separated the advanced posts of both parties, along which his
troops reposed waiting in deep silence the order for attack. As soon
as Cromwell was enabled by the approach of day to obtain a partial
view of the position selected by the Scots, he perceived that the
Scottish general had posted a large body of cavalry on his right wing
near to a pass on the road from Dunbar to Berwick, with the evident
intention of preventing the English from effecting an escape. To this
point, therefore, Cromwell directed his attack with the main body
of his horse, and some regiments of foot, with which he endeavoured
to obtain possession of the pass; but they were charged by the
Scottish lancers, who, aided by some artillery, drove them down the
hill. Cromwell, thereupon, brought up a reserve of horse and foot
and renewed the attack, but was again repulsed. He still persevered,
however, and the cavalry were again giving way, when just as the sun
was emerging from the ocean, and beginning, through the mist of the
morning, to dart its rays upon the armour of the embattled hosts, he
exclaimed with impassioned fervour,--“Let God arise, let his enemies
be scattered.” In a moment Cromwell’s own regiment of foot, to whom
his exclamation had been more particularly addressed, advanced with
their pikes levelled, the cavalry rallied, and the Scottish horse, as
if seized with a panic, turned their backs and fled, producing the
utmost confusion among the foot, who were posted in their rear.
As soon as the Scots perceived the defeat and flight of their
cavalry, they were seized with a feeling of consternation, and
throwing away their arms, sought their safety in flight. They were
closely pursued by Cromwell’s dragoons, who followed them to the
distance of many miles in the direction of Edinburgh, and cut them
down without mercy. Out of a force of 27,000 men, who, a few hours
before, had assured themselves of victory, not more than 14,000
escaped. 3,000 of the Scots lay lifeless on the fertile plains of
East Lothian, and about 10,000 were taken prisoners, of whom not
less than 5,000 were wounded.[439] All the ammunition, artillery,
and baggage of the Scots army fell into the hands of the conquerors.
The loss on the side of Cromwell was trifling, not amounting to more
than 30 men killed. The battle of Dunbar took place on the 3d of
September, 1650, and was long familiarly known among the Scots by the
name of “the Tyesday’s chase.”
Cromwell spent the following day at Dunbar writing despatches to
the parliament. He ordered all the wounded to be taken particular
care of, and after their wounds were dressed they were released on
their parole. The remainder of the prisoners were sent to England,
where about 2,000 of them died of a pestilential disease, and the
rest were sent as slaves to the English plantations in the West
Indies. Cromwell, of course, now abandoned his intention of returning
to England. In furtherance of his design to subject Scotland to
his authority, he marched to Edinburgh, which he entered without
opposition.
In the meantime, the Scottish horse and the few foot which had
escaped from the slaughter of Dunbar were collected together at
Stirling. Here the Commissioners of the General Assembly held
a meeting on the 12th of September, at which they drew up a
“declaration and warning to all the congregations of the kirk of
Scotland,” exhorting the people to bear the recent disaster with
becoming fortitude, and to humble themselves before God that he might
turn away his anger from them; at the same time ordaining a “soleme
publicke humiliatione upone the defait of the armey,” to be kept
throughout the kingdom.
It is probable that this “declaration and warning” had little effect
upon the minds of the people, whose enthusiasm had been somewhat
cooled by Cromwell’s success, and although they did not, perhaps,
like their unfortunate countrymen, who were taken captives on the
3d of September and sent into England, curse the king and clergy
for insnaring them in misery, as Whitelock observes, they could
not but look upon the perpetual meddling of the ministers with the
affairs of the State, as the real source of all the calamities which
had recently befallen the country. As to the king he had become so
thoroughly disgusted with the conduct of the Argyle faction, whose
sole object seemed to be to use him as a tool for their own purposes,
that he regarded the recent defeat of the Covenanters in the light
of a triumph to his cause, which, by destroying the power of Argyle,
would pave the way for the due exercise of the royal authority.
The king now entertained the idea of forming a party for himself
among the numerous royalists in the Highlands, for which purpose he
opened up a correspondence with Huntly, Moray, and Athole, and other
chiefs; but before matters were fully concocted, the negotiation
was disclosed to Argyle, who took immediate means to defeat it.
Accordingly, on the 27th of September, the Committee of Estates
ordered the whole cavaliers who still remained about the king’s
person, with the exception of three, one of whom was Buckingham, to
quit the court within 24 hours, and the kingdom in 20 days.
As Charles was to be thus summarily deprived of the society and
advice of his friends, he took the resolution of leaving Perth, and
retiring to the Highlands among his friends. Accordingly, under the
pretence of hawking, he left Perth about half-past one o’clock in the
afternoon of the 4th of October, accompanied by five of his livery
servants, and rode at full gallop, until he arrived at Dudhope near
Dundee, which he did in an hour and a half. He then proceeded to
Auchter-house along with Viscount Dudhope, whence he was conveyed by
the Earl of Buchan and the Viscount to Cortuquhuy, the seat of the
Earl of Airly. After partaking of some refreshment he proceeded the
same night up the glen, under the protection of 60 or 80 Highlanders,
to a poor cottage, 42 miles from Perth, belonging to the laird of
Clova. Fatigued by such a long journey, he threw himself down on an
old mattress, but he had not enjoyed many hours repose when the house
was entered, a little before break of day, by Lieutenant-Colonel
Nairne, and Colonel Baynton, an Englishman, who had been sent by
Colonel Montgomery in quest of him. Shortly after Montgomery himself
appeared, accompanied by the laird of Scotscraig, who had given him
information of the place of his Majesty’s retreat, and Sir Alexander
Hope bearing one of the king’s hawks. This party advised the king to
get on horseback, offered to attend him, and promised to live and die
with him if necessary.
Perceiving their intention to carry him back to Perth, the king told
Montgomery that he had left Perth in consequence of information
he had received from Dr. Fraser, his physician, that it was the
intention of the Committee of Estates to have delivered him up to
the English, and to hang all his servants: Montgomery assured his
Majesty that the statement was false, and that no person but a
traitor could have invented it. While this altercation was going on,
Dudhope and the Highlanders who attended the king strongly advised
him to retire instantly to the mountains, and they gave him to
understand that a force of 2,000 horse and 5,000 foot was waiting for
him within the distance of five or six miles ready to execute his
orders; but before his Majesty had come to any resolution as to the
course he should adopt, two regiments of covenanting horse appeared,
on observing which, says Balfour, “Buchan, Dudhope and ther begerly
guard begane to shecke ther eares, and speake more calmley, and in
a lower strain.” The king thereupon gave his consent to return to
Perth, whither he was accordingly conducted by Montgomery at the head
of his horse.[440]
This attempt of the king to escape (familiarly known by the name
of “the Start”) produced a salutary effect upon the Committee of
Estates, and they now began to treat him with more respect, admitting
him to their deliberations, and even suspending the act they had
issued ordering the English cavaliers to leave the kingdom.
As a considerable part of the Highlands was now up in arms to
support the king, the committee induced him to write letters to the
chief leaders of the insurrection desiring them to lay down their
arms, which correspondence led to a protracted negotiation. An act
of indemnity was passed on the 12th of October, in favour of the
people of Athole, who had taken up arms; but as it was couched in
language which they disliked, and contained conditions of which they
disapproved, the Earl of Athole and his people presented a petition
to his majesty and the committee, craving some alteration in the
terms.
In order to enforce the orders of the king to the northern royalists,
to lay down their arms, Sir John Brown’s regiment was despatched to
the north; but they were surprised during the night of the 21st of
October, and defeated by a party under Sir David Ogilvie, brother
to Lord Ogilvie. On receiving this intelligence, General Leslie
hastened to Perth from Stirling, and crossed the Tay on the 24th,
with a force of 3,000 cavalry, with which he was ordered to proceed
to Dundee and scour Angus. At this time General Middleton was lying
at Forfar, and he, on hearing of Leslie’s advance, sent him a letter,
inclosing a copy of a “bond and oath of engagement” which had been
entered into by Huntly, Athole, Seaforth, Middleton, and other
individuals, by which they had pledged themselves to join firmly and
faithfully together, and neither for fear, threatening, allurement,
nor advantage, to relinquish the cause of religion, of the king and
of the kingdom, nor to lay down their arms without a general consent;
and as the best undertakings often did not escape censure and malice,
they promised and swore, for the satisfaction of all reasonable
persons, that they would maintain the true religion, as then
established in Scotland, the National Covenant, and the Solemn League
and Covenant; and defend the person of the king, his prerogative,
greatness, and authority, and the privileges of parliament, and the
freedom of the subject. Middleton stated that Leslie would perceive
from the terms of the document inclosed, that the only aim of himself
and friends was to unite Scotsmen in defence of their common rights,
and that the grounds on which they had entered into the association
were precisely the same as those professed by Leslie himself. As the
independence of Scotland was at stake, and as Scotsmen should unite
for the preservation of their liberties, he proposed to join Leslie,
and to put himself under his command, and he expressed a hope that
Leslie would not shed the blood of his countrymen, or force them to
the unhappy necessity of shedding the blood of their brethren in
self-defence.[441] The negotiation thus begun was finally concluded
on the 4th of November at Strathbogie, agreeably to a treaty between
Leslie and the chief royalists, by which the latter accepted an
indemnity and laid down their arms.
Cromwell did not follow up his success as might have been expected,
but contented himself with laying siege to the castle of Edinburgh,
and pushing forward his advanced posts as far as Linlithgow.
Among the leading Covenanters both in parliament and the church,
there were some whose political ideas were pretty similar to those
of Cromwell, respecting monarchical government, and who had not
only approved of the execution of the late king, but were desirous
of excluding his son from the crown of Scotland. This party, though
a minority, made up for its numerical inferiority, by the talents,
fanaticism, and restless activity of its partisans; but formidable
as their opposition in parliament was, they found themselves unable
effectually to resist the general wish of the nation in favour of
the king, and yielded to the force of circumstances. By excluding,
however, the royalists from the camp, and keeping the king in a state
of subjection to their authority, they had succeeded in usurping the
government, and had the disaster of Dunbar not occurred, might have
been enabled to carry their designs against the monarchy into effect;
but notwithstanding this catastrophe, they were not discouraged, and
as soon as they had recovered from the temporary state of alarm into
which the success of Cromwell had thrown them, they began to concert
measures, in accordance with a plan they now contemplated, for making
themselves altogether independent of parliament. For this purpose,
under the pretence of opposing the common enemy, they solicited and
obtained permission from the Committee of Estates to raise forces in
the counties of Dumfries, Galloway, Wigton, Ayr, and Renfrew, the
inhabitants of which were imbued with a sterner spirit of fanaticism,
and therefore more ready to support their plans than those of any
other parts of Scotland. By bringing in the exhortations of Gillespie
and others of the more rigid among the ministers to their aid, they
succeeded in a short time in raising a body of nearly 5,000 horse,
over which Strachan, Kerr, and two other colonels, all mere tools of
the party, were placed.
As soon as the leaders of this faction, of whom Johnston of
Warriston, the clerk-register, was chief, had collected these levies,
they began to develop the plan they had formed of withdrawing
themselves from the control of the Committee of Estates by raising
a variety of objections against the line of conduct pursued by
the Committee, and, till these were removed, they refused to unite
“the western army,” as this new force was called, with the army
under Leslie. Cromwell, aware of this division in the Scottish
army, endeavoured to widen the breach by opening a correspondence
with Strachan, who had fought under him at Preston, the consequence
being that Strachan soon went over to the English army with a body
of troopers. Leslie complained to the Estates of the refusal of the
western forces to join him, and solicited to be recalled from his
charge; but they declined to receive his resignation, and sent a
deputation, consisting of Argyle, Cassilis, and other members to the
western army, “to solicit unity for the good of the kingdom.”[442]
So unsuccessful, however, was the deputation in bringing about this
desired “unity,” that, on the 17th October, an elaborate paper,
titled, “the humble Remonstrance of the Gentlemen-Commanders, and
Ministers attending the forces in the west,” addressed to the
Committee of Estates, was drawn up and presented by Sir George
Maxwell to them at Stirling, on the 22d. The compilers of this
document proposed to remove from the presence of the king, the
judicatories and the armies, the “malignants,” whom many of the
committee were accused of having received “into intimate friendship,”
admitting them to their councils, and bringing in some of them to
the parliament and committees, and about the king, thereby affording
“many pregnant presumptions,” of a design on the part of some of the
Committee of Estates, “to set up and employ the malignant party,”
or, at least, giving “evidences of a strong inclination to intrust
them again in the managing of the work of God.”[443] The Committee
of Estates paid no regard to this remonstrance, a circumstance which
gave such umbrage to Warriston and the leaders of the western army,
that they drew up another, couched in still stronger language, on
the 30th of October, at Dumfries, whither they had retired with
the army on a movement made by Cromwell to the west. In this fresh
remonstrance the faction declared that as it was now manifest that
the king was opposed to the work of God and the Covenants, and
cleaving to the enemies of both, they would not regard him or his
interest in their quarrel with the invaders; that he ought not to be
intrusted in Scotland with the exercise of his power till he gave
proofs of a real change in his conduct; and that an effectual course
ought to be taken for preventing, in time coming, “his conjunction
with the malignant party,” and for investigating into the cause of
his late flight; and that the malignants should be rendered incapable
in future of hurting the work and people of God.[444]
A petition having been presented to the Committee of Estates on
the 9th of November, requiring a satisfactory answer to the first
remonstrance, a joint declaration was issued by the king and the
committee on the 25th, declaring “the said paper, as it related to
the parliament and civil judicatories, to be scandalous and injurious
to his majesty’s person, and prejudicial to his authority.” The
commission of the General Assembly having been required to give their
opinion upon the remonstrance, in so far as it related to religion
and church judicatories, acknowledged that, although it contained
“many sad truths,” nevertheless, the commission declared itself
dissatisfied with the remonstrance, which it considered apt to breed
division in kirk and kingdom.[445] This declaration of the commission
was not only approved of by the General Assembly, but what was of
equal importance, that venerable body passed a resolution declaring
that in such a perilous crisis all Scotsmen might be employed to
defend their country. An exception of persons “excommunicated,
forfeited, notoriously profane, or flagitious, and professed enemies
and opposers of the Covenant and cause of God,”[446] was no doubt
made, but this exemption did not exclude _all_ the “malignants.” A
breach was now made in the unity of the Scottish church, and the
nation was split into two parties--a division which paved the way for
the subjugation of Scotland by Cromwell. The party which adhered to
the king was distinguished by the name of _Resolutioners_, and the
other was denominated _Protesters_, a distinction which was kept up
for several years.
Nothing could be more gratifying to Cromwell than to see the Scots
thus divided among themselves, and keeping up two distinct armies
in the field, mutually opposed to each other. He had by negotiation
and intrigue contributed to increase the irritation between the two
parties, and had even succeeded in sowing the seeds of dissension
among the leaders of the western army itself. Strachan, his old
friend, had resigned the command which had been conferred on Kerr,
who was by no means hearty in the cause. In this situation of matters
Cromwell resolved, in the meantime, to confine his attention to the
operations of the western army, with the intention, if he succeeded
in defeating it, of marching north with the whole of his forces, and
attacking the royal army. As the castle of Edinburgh was still in
the hands of the Covenanters, Cromwell could only spare a force of
about 7,000 horse, which he accordingly sent west about the end of
November, under Lambert, to watch Kerr’s motions. Intelligence of
this movement was received by the parliament then sitting at Perth,
on the 30th of November, in consequence of which Colonel Robert
Montgomery was despatched with three regiments to support the western
army, the command of which he was requested by the parliament to
take; and, to enforce this order, the committee on military affairs
was directed to send a deputation to the western forces to intimate
to them the command of the parliament. Before the arrival however,
of Montgomery, Kerr was defeated on the 1st of December, in an
attack he made on Lambert at Hamilton, in which he himself was taken
prisoner, and the whole of his forces dispersed.[447] This victory
gave Cromwell quiet possession of the whole of Scotland, south of
the Clyde and the Forth, with the exception of Stirling, and a small
tract around it; and as the castle of Edinburgh surrendered on the
24th of December, Stirling castle was the only fortress of any note,
south of the Forth, which remained in the possession of the royalists
at the close of the year.
A considerable time, however, elapsed before Cromwell found himself
in a condition to commence his intended campaign beyond the Forth.
His inactivity is to be ascribed partly to an ague with which he was
seized in February, 1651, and which had impaired his health so much
that in May he obtained permission to return to England to recruit
his debilitated constitution; but a sudden and favourable change
having taken place in the state of his health, he gladly remained
with the army, which he put in motion towards Stirling on the 3d of
July.
The Scottish parliament was fully aware of the impending danger, and
made the necessary preparations to meet it, but the Engagers and the
party of Argyle did not always draw together; yet the king had the
address, by his accommodating and insinuating behaviour, to smooth
down many differences, and thus prepared the way for that ascendency
which his friends, the Hamiltons, afterwards obtained. The coronation
of the king took place at Scone, on the 1st of January, 1651, in
pursuance of an order of the parliament. His conduct on that occasion
added greatly to his growing popularity. The first trial of strength,
to borrow a modern parliamentary phrase, which took place in the
parliament, was on the 23d of December, 1650, on the nomination
of colonels to the different horse and foot regiments then in the
course of being raised. A list of them had been submitted to the
house on the 20th, which contained about an equal number of royalists
and Covenanters. This gave rise to a long debate, but the list was
finally approved of.
Among the colonels of foot, were the Earls of Athole and
Tulliebardine, and the Master of Gray for Perth; the lairds of
Maclean and Ardkinlass for Argyle and Bute; the laird of Grant and
the sheriff of Moray for Nairne, Elgin, and “Grant’s Lands;” the
lairds of Pluscardine, Balnagowan, the master of Lovat, and the laird
of Lumlair, for Inverness and Ross; Lord Sutherland and Henry Mackay
of Skowrie, for Sutherland and Strathnaver; the master of Caithness
for Caithness; and Duncan Macpherson for Badenoch. The clans in
the Highlands and the Isles were to be commanded respectively by
Macdonald, the tutor of Macleod, Clanranald, the tutor of Keppoch,
the laird of Lochaber, the tutor of Maclean, Lochiel, Macneil of
Barra, Lauchlane Mackintosh, and the laird of Jura.[448]
Argyle and his party made several attempts, afterwards, to check the
rising influence of the Hamiltons, by opposing the different plans
submitted to the parliament for rendering the army more efficient,
but they were outvoted. The finishing blow was given to their hopes
by the appointment of the king to the chief command of the army, and
by the repeal of the “act of classes,” which excluded the royalists
from having any share in the administration of the affairs of the
kingdom, and from serving their country.
In expectation of Cromwell’s advance, the Scots had raised, during
the spring, strong fortifications along the fords of the river
Forth, to obstruct his passage, and had entrenched themselves at the
Torwood, having the town of Stirling at their back, in which position
Cromwell found them when he advanced west in July. As he considered
it dangerous to attempt to carry such a strong position in the face
of an army of about 20,000 men, (for such it is said was the number
of the Scots), he endeavoured, by marches and countermarches, to draw
them out; but although they followed his motions, they took care not
to commit themselves, by going too far from their lines of defence.
Seeing no chance of bringing them to a general engagement, Cromwell
adopted the bold plan of crossing the Frith of Forth at Queensferry,
and of throwing himself into the rear of the Scottish army. While
therefore, he continued, by his motions along the Scottish lines, to
draw off the attention of the Scottish commanders from his plan, he,
on the 20th of July, sent over Lambert, with a large division of his
army in a number of boats which had been provided for the occasion.
He landed without opposition, and proceeded immediately to fortify
himself on the hill between the North Ferry and Inverkeithing.
General Holburn was immediately despatched with a large force to keep
Lambert in check, and though the Scots fought with great bravery,
they were defeated. A body of Highlanders particularly distinguished
themselves. The loss of the Scots was considerable; and among the
slain were the young chief of Maclean and about 100 of his friends
and followers. This victory opened a free passage to Cromwell to the
north of Scotland. He immediately, therefore, crossed the Forth with
the remainder of his army, and proceeded to Perth, of which he took
possession on the 2d of August.
While the Scottish leaders were puzzled how to extricate themselves
from the dilemma into which they had been thrown by the singular
change which had lately taken place in the relative position of the
two armies, the king alone seemed free from embarrassment, and at
once proposed to his generals, that, instead of following Cromwell,
or waiting till he should attack them, they should immediately invade
England, where he expected to be joined by numerous royalists, who
only required his presence among them at the head of such an army, to
declare themselves. Under existing circumstances, the plan, though
at once bold and decisive, was certainly judicious, and, therefore,
it is not surprising that it should have received the approbation of
the chiefs of the army. Having obtained their concurrence, the king
immediately issued a proclamation on the 30th of July, to the army,
announcing his intention of marching for England the following day,
accompanied by such of his subjects as were willing to give proofs
of their loyalty by sharing his fortunes. This appeal was not made
in vain, and Charles found himself next morning in full march on
the road to Carlisle, at the head of 11,000, or, as some accounts
state, of 14,000 men. Argyle, as was to be expected, excused himself
from accompanying the army, and obtained permission to retire to his
castle.[449]
Although Cromwell was within almost a day’s march of the Scottish
army, yet, so sudden and unexpected had been its departure, and so
secretly had the whole affair been managed, that it was not until
the 4th of August that he received the extraordinary intelligence
of its departure for England. Cromwell was now as much embarrassed
as the Scottish commander had lately been, for he had not the most
distant idea, when he threw himself so abruptly into their rear,
that they would adopt the bold resolution of marching into England.
As soon, however, as he had recovered from the surprise into which
such an alarming event had thrown him, he despatched letters to the
parliament, assuring them of his intention to follow the Scottish
army without delay, and exhorting them not to be discouraged, but
to rely on his activity. He also sent Lambert with a force of 3,000
cavalry to harass the rear of the Scottish army, and forwarded orders
to Harrison, who was then at Newcastle, to press upon their flank
with a similar number; and, in a few days, he himself crossed the
Forth with an army of 10,000 men, and proceeded along the eastern
coast, in the direction of York, leaving Monk behind him with a force
of 5,000 horse and foot to complete the reduction of Scotland.
The Scottish army reached Worcester on the 22d, and on being mustered
the king found that he had at his command only 14,000 men, 2,000
of whom were Englishmen. To attack this force, large bodies of
parliamentary troops were concentrated at Worcester, and on the
28th of August, when Cromwell arrived to take the command, the army
of the republic amounted to upwards of 30,000 men, who hailed the
presence of their commander with rapture. The two armies met on the
3d of September, the anniversary of the battle of Dunbar, and the
disastrous result is well known, it being out of place here to enter
into details. The king himself, at the head of the Highlanders,
fought with great bravery: his example animated the troops, and had
he been supported by Leslie’s cavalry, as was expected, the issue of
the struggle might have been different. As it was, the royal army was
completely defeated, and the king had to provide for his personal
safety by flight.
This battle, which Cromwell admits “was as stiff a contest for
four or five hours as ever he had seen,” was very disastrous
to the royalists, 3,000 of whom were killed on the spot, and a
considerably larger number taken prisoners, and even the greater
part of the cavalry, who escaped from the city, were afterwards
taken by detachments of the enemy. The Duke of Hamilton was mortally
wounded in the field of battle; the Earls of Derby, Lauderdale,
Rothes, Cleveland and Kelly, Lords Sinclair, Kenmure and Grandison,
and Generals Leslie, Middleton, Massey and Montgomery, were made
prisoners after the battle. When the king considered himself free
from immediate danger, he separated, during the darkness of the
night, from the body of cavalry which surrounded him, and with a
party of 60 horse proceeded to Whiteladies, a house belonging to
one Giffard a recusant and royalist, at which he arrived at an
early hour in the morning, after a ride of 25 miles. After a series
of extraordinary adventures and of the most singular hair-breadth
escapes, he landed in safety at Fecamp in Normandy, on the 17th of
October.
While Cromwell was following the king through England, Monk proceeded
to complete the subjugation of Scotland. He first laid siege to
Stirling castle, into which he threw shells from batteries he had
raised, the explosion of which so alarmed the Highlanders who
composed the garrison, that they forced the governor to surrender.
All the records of the kingdom, the royal robes, and part of the
regalia, which had been locked up in the castle as a place of perfect
security, fell into the hands of the captors, and were sent by Monk
to England. He next proceeded to Dundee, which was strongly fortified
and well garrisoned, and contained within it an immense quantity of
costly furniture and plate, besides a large sum of money, all of
which had been lodged in the town for safety. Monk, hearing that the
Committees of the Estates and of the kirk were sitting at Alyth in
Angus, sent a company of horse, who surprised the whole party and
made them prisoners.
When the necessary preparations for an assault had been completed,
Monk sent a summons to Lumsden, the governor of Dundee, to surrender,
but he rejected it with disdain. The obstinacy of Lumsden exasperated
Monk, who ordered his troops to storm the town, and to put the
garrison and all the inhabitants, without regard to age or sex, to
the sword. The town was accordingly carried by assault on the 1st of
September, and was followed by all the horrors which an infuriated
soldiery could inflict upon a defenceless population. The townsmen
gave no aid to the garrison, and when the republican troops entered
the town, they found the greater part of them lying drunk in the
streets. The carnage was stayed, but not until 800 males, including
the greater part of the garrison, and about 200 women and children,
were killed. Among the slain, was Lumsden the governor, who, although
he had quarter given him by Captain Kelly, was nevertheless shot dead
by Major Butler as Kelly was conducting him along the street to Monk.
Besides the immense booty which was in the town, about 60 ships which
were in the harbour of Dundee with their cargoes, fell into the hands
of the English.[450]
The capture of Dundee was immediately followed by the voluntary
surrender of St. Andrews, Montrose and Aberdeen. Some of the
Committee of Estates who had been absent from Alyth, held a meeting
at Inverury, to deliberate on the state of matters, at which the
Marquis of Huntly presided, and at which a motion was made, to invest
him with full authority to act in the absence of the king, but the
meeting broke up on hearing of Monk’s approach. The committee retired
across the Spey, but Huntly went to Strathdon along with his forces.
Monk did not proceed farther north than Aberdeen at this time.
The Marquis of Argyle, who had given great offence to Cromwell, by
his double dealing, seeing now no chance of opposing successfully the
republican arms, made an attempt at negotiation, and sent a letter by
a trumpeter to Monk, proposing a meeting at some convenient place,
“as a means to stop the shedding of more Christian blood.” The only
answer which Monk gave to the messenger, who arrived at Dundee on the
19th of October, was, that he could not treat without orders from the
parliament of England. This refusal on the part of Monk to negotiate,
was a sore disappointment to Argyle, as it disappointed the hopes he
entertained of getting the English government to acknowledge a debt
which he claimed from them.[451]
Monk now turned his whole attention to the state of matters in
the North, where some forces were still on foot, under the command
of the Marquis of Huntly and Lord Balcarras. With the former he
concluded an agreement on the 21st of November, under which Huntly
consented to disband his men; and on the 3d of December, a similar
treaty was entered into between Balcarras and Colonels Overton
and Lilburn. Shortly after the English army crossed the Spey and
entered Inverness, where they planted a garrison; so that before
the end of the year, the whole of the Lowlands and a part of the
Highlands had submitted to the arms of the republic.[452] To complete
the destruction of the independence of Scotland, a destruction
accomplished less by the power of her enemy than by the perversity
of her sons, and to reduce it to a province of England, the English
army was augmented to 20,000 men, and citadels erected in several
towns, and a long chain of military stations drawn across the country
to curb the inhabitants. All the crown lands were declared public
property by the English parliament, and the estates of all persons
who had joined in the English invasions, under the king and the Duke
of Hamilton, were confiscated by the same authority. A proclamation
was issued, abolishing all authority not derived from the English
parliament: all persons holding public appointments, whose fidelity
to the new order of things was suspected, were dismissed, and their
places supplied by others of more subservient principles; the supreme
courts of justice were abolished, and English judges appointed to
discharge the judicial functions, aided by a few natives.[453]
As several bodies of Highlanders still remained under arms in the
interior of the Highlands, Monk directed three distinct parties to
cross the mountains, simultaneously, in the summer of 1652. While
Colonel Lilburn advanced from Inverness towards Lochaber on one side,
General Dean led his troops from Perth in the same direction on the
other, and Colonel Overton landed in Kintyre with a force from Ayr.
But they were all obliged speedily to retrace their steps, amid the
jeers and laughter of the Highlanders.[454]
The administration of the affairs of Scotland was committed to
Monk, than whom a more prudent person, and one better calculated
to disarm the indignant feelings of the Scots at their national
degradation, could not have been selected. But as it was evident that
order could not be restored, or obedience enforced, as long as the
clergy were allowed to continue their impertinent meddling in state
affairs, he prohibited the meetings of the General Assembly, and,
in one instance, dispersed that body by a military force. In doing
so, it was afterwards admitted by some of the clergy themselves,
that he had acted wisely, as the shutting up of the assembly tended
greatly to allay those fierce contentions between the protesters and
resolutioners, which, for several years, distracted the nation, and
made them attend more to the spiritual concerns of their flocks.[455]
The spirit of dissension was not, however, confined to the clergy,
but extended its withering influence to many of the laity, who, to
gratify their revenge, accused one another of the most atrocious
crimes before the newly constituted tribunal. The English judges were
called to decide upon numerous acts alleged to have been committed
twenty or thirty years before, of which no proofs were offered, but
extorted confessions in the kirk, and no less than sixty persons were
brought before them accused of witchcraft, who had been tortured into
an admission of its practices. All these cases were dismissed, and
the new judges administered the laws throughout with an equity and
moderation which was almost unknown before in Scotland, and which
formed a singular contrast with the disregard of justice, and the
extreme violence which had of late disgraced the Scottish tribunals.
[Illustration: William, Ninth Earl of Glencairn.]
With a short interruption, occasioned by an insurrection, under
the Earl of Glencairn, in the Highlands, Scotland now enjoyed
tranquillity till the restoration of Charles II., and comparative
prosperity and happiness, a compensation in some degree for the loss
of her liberties. The interruption alluded to took place in the year
1653, on the departure of Monk from Scotland to take the command of
the English fleet.
In the month of August, 1653, a meeting was held at Lochearn,
which was attended by Glencairn, the Earl of Athole, Lord Lorn,
eldest son of the Marquis of Argyle, Glengarry, Lochiel, Graham
of Duchray, Donald Macgregor tutor of Macgregor, Farquharson of
Inverey, Robertson of Strowan, Macnaughton of Macnaughton, and
Colonel Blackadder of Tullyallan. At this meeting, which continued
several days, it was ultimately agreed that the persons present
should assemble their vassals and dependents with as little delay
as possible, and place themselves under the command of Glencairn,
who was to wait in the neighbourhood of Lochearn till the different
parties should collect and bring together their respective forces.
Six weeks were, however, allowed to expire before any assemblage
took place, during all which time Glencairn roamed through the
neighbouring mountains, attended only by one companion and three
servants. The first who made his appearance was Graham of Duchray,
at the head of 40 men. He was followed, in two or three days, by the
tutor of Macgregor, and 80 of that clan. With this force he went to
Duchray house, in Stirlingshire, near Loch Ard, where he was joined
by Lord Kenmure, and about 40 horsemen, and by Colonel Blackadder,
with 30 more from Fife. The Laird of Macnaughton also arrived with 12
horse, and a party of between 60 and 80 lowlanders, under the command
of Captain Hamilton, brother to the laird of Milntown. The earl’s
force thus amounted to nearly 300 men.
On hearing of the assemblage of this body, Colonel Kidd, the governor
of Stirling castle, at the head of the greater part of a regiment
of foot, and a troop of horse, marched towards Aberfoyle, which was
within three miles of Glencairn’s camp; but having received notice
of his approach, the earl took care to secure the adjoining pass.
He posted his foot to the best advantage on both sides, and he drew
up the horse under Lord Kenmure in the centre. Although Kidd must
have perceived the great risk he would run in attempting to carry the
pass, he nevertheless made the attempt, but his advance was driven
back at the first charge by the lowlanders and Duchray’s men, with
whom they first came in contact, with the loss of about 60 men. The
whole of Kidd’s party, thereupon, turned their backs and fled. They
were hotly pursued by Glencairn’s horse and foot, who killed about 80
of them.
The news of Kidd’s defeat, trifling as it was, raised the hopes of
the royalists, and small parties of Highlanders flocked daily to
Glencairn’s standard. Leaving Aberfoyle, he marched to Lochearn, and
thence to Loch Rannoch, where he was met by several of the clans.
Glengarry brought 300, Lochiel 400, and Macgregor about 200 men.
The Earl of Athole appeared at the head of 100 horse, and brought
also a regiment of foot, consisting of about 1,200 men, commanded by
Andrew Drummond, brother to Sir James Drummond of Mechaney, as his
lieutenant-colonel. Sir Arthur Forbes and some officers, with about
80 horsemen, also joined the royal army.
Having despatched some officers to the lowlands, with instructions
to raise forces, Glencairn marched north to join Farquharson of
Inverey, who was raising a regiment in Cromar. In the course of his
march, several gentlemen of the adjoining country joined him. Morgan,
the English general, who was lying at the time in Aberdeen, being
apprised of Farquharson’s movements, collected a force of 2,000 foot
and 1,000 horse, with which he advanced, by forced marches, towards
Cromar, and a brisk attack upon the outposts of Glencairn’s army was
the first intelligence they received of Morgan’s approach. In the
situation in which Glencairn thus found himself unexpectedly placed,
he had no remedy but an immediate retreat through a long and narrow
glen leading to the forest of Abernethy, which he was enabled to
reach chiefly by the bravery of Graham of Duchray, who, at the head
of a resolute party of 40 men, kept in check a body of the enemy who
had entered the glen before the royalists, and prevented them from
securing the passes. Morgan pursued the fugitives through the glen
very closely, and did not desist till prevented by the darkness of
the night. He thereafter returned to Aberdeen.
Glencairn passed about five weeks in Cromar and Badenoch, waiting for
additional reinforcements; and as Lord Lorn had not yet joined him,
he despatched Lord Kenmure with 100 horse into Argyleshire to urge
him to hurry forward the levies in that quarter. Lorn soon arrived in
Badenoch with 1,000 foot and about 50 horse; but he had not remained
above a fortnight in the field when, on some pretence or other, he
(January 1st, 1654) clandestinely left the army, and carried off
his men along with him, taking the direction of Ruthven castle,
which was then garrisoned by English troops. Glencairn was greatly
exasperated at Lorn’s defection, and sent a party of horse, under the
command of Glengarry and Lochiel, with instructions either to bring
him and his men back to the army, or, in case of refusal, to attack
them. Glengarry followed the Campbells so hard that he came up with
them within half a mile of the castle. Lord Lorn escaped, and was
followed by his horse, of whom about 20 were brought back by a party
sent in pursuit by Glengarry; the foot halted on a hill, and offered
to return to the camp. Glengarry, who had had a great antipathy to
the whole race of the Campbells ever since Montrose’s wars, would,
contrary to his instructions, have attacked them; but Glencairn
fortunately arrived in time to prevent bloodshed, and having ordered
Graham of Duchray to acquaint them that he could not receive any
proposals from them with arms in their hands, they delivered them
up. Glencairn, along with some officers, then rode up to them, and
having addressed them on the impropriety of their conduct, they all
declared their willingness to serve the king and to obey him as their
commander, a declaration which both officers and men confirmed with
an oath. Their arms were then restored to them, but they all deserted
within a fortnight.[456]
About this time Glencairn was joined by a small party of English
royalists, under Colonel Wogan, an enterprising officer, who had
landed at Dover, and having raised a body of volunteers in London,
traversed England under the banners of the commonwealth, and entered
Scotland by Carlisle.
Notwithstanding the desertion of the Campbells, Glencairn’s army was
so increased by daily accessions of force that he considered himself
in a condition to cope with the enemy, and, by the advice of his
officers, resolved to descend into Aberdeenshire, and beat up the
quarters of the English. Another reason which urged him to leave
the Highlands was a scarcity of provisions in the districts which
had been occupied by his army, and which could no longer afford to
support such a large body of men. Descending by Balveny, he took up
his quarters at Whitelums, near the castle of Kildrummie, belonging
to the Earl of Mar, then garrisoned by the English. After lying about
a fortnight at Whitelums unmolested, Glencairn raised his camp,
and marching into Morayshire, took possession of Elgin, where he
established his head quarters. Here he was joined by the Marquis of
Montrose, Lord Forrester, and some country gentlemen.
After spending a month at Elgin, where, according to Graham of
Duchray’s narrative, the army had “very good quarters, and where
they made themselves merry,” the earl received letters from General
Middleton, who had some time before made his escape from the tower of
London, where he had been imprisoned after the battle of Worcester,
announcing his arrival in Sutherland, with a commission from the
king, appointing him generalissimo of all the royal forces in
Scotland. Some dissensions had existed among the royalists respecting
the chief command of the army, which had been finally conceded to
Glencairn; but neither he nor the nobility who were with him, were
prepared to expect that the king would have appointed, to such
an important charge, a man so much their inferior in station as
Middleton. The intelligence was accordingly received with discontent;
but, as the king’s commission could not, without serious injury to
the royal cause, be disputed, in the present juncture they stifled
their displeasure, and Glencairn, in terms of the instructions he
had received from Middleton to march north, put his army in motion.
Morgan, the English commander, having drawn together a body of
troops, followed Glencairn, between whose rear and Morgan’s advanced
guard many warm skirmishes took place.
Glencairn and his men crossed the river Ness, eight miles above
Inverness. The earl having placed guards along the northern bank of
the river to watch the approach of the enemy, hastened to Dornoch
to meet Middleton. In a few days a grand muster of the army took
place, when it was found to amount to 3,500 foot, and 1,500 horse.
Glencairn then resigned the command to Middleton, in presence of the
army, and, riding along the lines, acquainted the troops that he was
no longer their general, and expressed a hope that they would find
themselves happy in serving under such a commander as Middleton. The
troops expressed great dissatisfaction at this announcement by their
looks, and some, “both officers and soldiers, shed tears, and vowed
that they would serve with their old general in any corner of the
world.”[457]
After the review, the earl gave a sumptuous entertainment to
Middleton and the principal officers of the army, at which an
occurrence took place which soured the temper of the officers, and
sowed the seeds of new divisions in the camp. On the cloth being
removed, Glencairn proposed the health of the commander-in-chief,
whom he thus addressed:--“My lord general, you see what a gallant
army these worthy gentlemen here present and I have gathered
together, at a time when it could hardly be expected that any number
durst meet together: these men have come out to serve his majesty,
at the hazard of their lives and all that is dear to them: I hope,
therefore, you will give them all the encouragement to do their duty
that lies in your power.” Scarcely had these words been uttered
when Sir George Munro, who had come over with Middleton from France
to act as his lieutenant-general, started up from his seat, and
addressing himself to the earl, swore by G-- that the men he had
that day seen were nothing but a number of thieves and robbers, and
that ere long he would bring a very different set of men into the
field. These imprudent observations called up Glengarry, but he was
restrained by Glencairn, who said that he was more concerned in
the affront put upon the army by Munro than he was, and, turning
to Munro, he thus addressed him:--“You, Sir, are a base liar; for
they are neither thieves nor robbers, but brave gentlemen and good
soldiers.” A meeting took place in consequence early next morning
between Glencairn and Munro, about two miles to the south of Dornoch,
when the latter was severely wounded. The parties then returned to
head-quarters, when Glencairn was put under arrest in his chamber, by
orders of Middleton, and his sword taken from him.
The partiality thus shown to Munro, who was the aggressor, and who
had sent the challenge to Glencairn, was exceedingly mortifying to
the earl, which being followed by another affair which soon took
place, and in which the same partiality was displayed, made him
resolve to retire from the army. The occurrence was this:--A dispute
having taken place on the merits of the recent quarrel between a
Captain Livingston, a friend of Munro, and a gentleman of the name
of Lindsay, who had accompanied Lord Napier from the continent, in
which Livingston maintained that Munro had acted properly, and the
contrary insisted upon by Lindsay; mutual challenges were given, and
the parties met on the links of Dornoch to decide the dispute by the
sword. Lindsay, being a superior swordsman, run Livingston through
the heart at the first thrust, and he expired immediately. Lindsay
was immediately apprehended, and although Glencairn, backed by other
officers, used every exertion to save him, he was brought to trial
before a court-martial, by order of Middleton, and condemned to be
shot at the cross of Dornoch, a sentence which was carried into
execution the same day.
These unfortunate disputes divided the officers of the army into two
parties, and afforded but a sorry prognostic of the prospects of the
royalists. Glencairn, no longer able to curb his displeasure, slipped
off about a fortnight after Lindsay’s death, with his own troop of
horse, and a few gentlemen volunteers--100 horse in all--and took the
direction of Assynt. The laird of Assynt, who had betrayed Montrose,
on the arrival of Glencairn’s party on his lands, offered to assist
him to secure the passes, so as to prevent him from being overtaken
that night, of which offer Glencairn, though distrustful of Macleod,
agreed to accept. Middleton indeed sent a party in pursuit, but they
did not come up with Glencairn, who reached Kintail the following
day, where he was well received by the Earl of Seaforth’s people. He
remained there a few days, and afterwards traversed the Highlands
till he arrived at Killin, at the head of Loch Tay, where he was
successively joined by Sir George Maxwell, the Earl of Selkirk,
and Lord Forrester, each of whom brought a small party of horse
along with him, by which additions his force was increased to 400
horsemen. The earl now appears, for the first time, to have seen the
impropriety of his conduct in withdrawing from the army; but as he
could not endure the idea of returning himself, he endeavoured to
make some reparation by sending this body north to join Middleton,
and sought a retreat with the laird of Luss at his castle of Rosedoe,
when he despatched some officers to raise men in the lowlands for the
king’s service.
In the meantime Monk had returned to Scotland, and had brought along
with him a strong reinforcement of troops from England, with which he
joined Morgan in the north, and marched directly into the Highlands
in search of Middleton. It was the intention of the latter to have
remained for some time in the Highlands, to have collected all the
forces he possibly could, to make occasional descents upon the
lowlands, and by marches and countermarches to have distracted the
enemy; but the advance of Monk into the very bosom of the Highlands,
with a large army, frustrated his design. Middleton soon found
himself sorely pressed by his able adversary, who brought forward his
army in separate divisions, yet not so isolated as not to be able
to support each other in case of attack. In an attempt to elude his
pursuers, Middleton was surprised in a defile near Lochgarry, by one
of these divisions under the command of Morgan. His men were either
slain or dispersed, and he himself escaped with difficulty. The
chiefs of the insurrection immediately made their peace with Monk,
who treated them with great lenity.[458]
There was one chief, however, whom Monk could neither bribe, cajole,
nor threaten into submission; this was the brave and intractable Sir
Ewen or Evan Cameron of Lochiel in the north-west of Argyleshire, now
about 25 years of age. Having been left an orphan, he was brought
up till his 18th year under the care of the Marquis of Argyle, who,
endeavouring to instil into him the unsavoury principles of the
Covenanters, put him to school at Inverary under the guardianship of
a gentleman of his own principles. “But young Lochiel preferred the
sports of the field to the labours of the school,” and Argyle finding
him totally intractable and utterly disgusted with covenanting
principles, allowed him to return to Lochaber, to head his clan in
the 18th year of his age. In 1651, Charles II. having written to
Lochiel inviting him and his clan to take arms and come to the aid
of his country and his sovereign, he, early in spring 1652, was the
first to join Glencairn’s expedition.
Monk left no method untried to induce Lochiel to submit, but, in
spite of his friends’ entreaties, he refused to lay down his arms.
Monk, finding all his attempts useless, resolved to plant a garrison
at Inverlochy, (now Fort William,) in order to keep the country in
awe and the chief at home. Lochiel resolved that Monk should find it
no easy matter to accomplish his task, and took up his station at
Achdalew, 3 miles west of Inverlochy, on the north side of Loch Eil.
He kept spies in and around the garrison, who informed him of all
that was going on. Lochiel, having been informed that the governor
was about to despatch 300 of his men, in two vessels, westward, to
cut down wood and carry off cattle, resolved that they “should pay
well for every tree and every hide.” He had at the time only 38 men
beside him, the rest having been sent off to secure their cattle and
other goods. In spite of the disparity of numbers, he resolved to
watch and attack the governor’s men at a favourable opportunity.
“The Camerons being some more than 30 in number, armed partly with
musquets, and partly with bows, kept up their pieces and arrows
till their very muzzles and points almost touched their enemies’
breasts, when the very first fire took down above 30. They then
laid on with their swords, and laid about with incredible fury. The
English defended themselves with their musquets and bayonets with
great bravery, but to little purpose. The skirmish continued long
and obstinate: at last the English gave way, and retreated towards
the ship, with their faces to the enemy, fighting with astonishing
resolution. But Lochiel, to prevent their flight, commanded two or
three of his men to run before, and from behind a bush to make a
noise, as if there was another party of Highlanders to intercept
their retreat. This took so effectually, that they stopped, and
animated by rage, madness, and despair, they renewed the skirmish
with greater fury than ever, and wanted nothing but proper arms to
make Lochiel repent of his stratagem. They were at last, however,
forced to give way, and betake themselves to their heels; the
Camerons pursued them chin deep in the sea; 138 were counted dead of
the English, and of the Camerons only 5 were killed.
[Illustration: Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel.--From a rare print in the
collection of W. F. Watson, Esq., Edinburgh.]
“In this engagement, Lochiel himself had several wonderful escapes.
In the retreat of the English, one of the strongest and bravest
of the officers retired behind a bush, when he observed Lochiel
pursuing, and seeing him unaccompanied with any, he leaped out,
and thought him his prey. They met one another with equal fury. The
combat was long, and doubtful. The English gentleman had by far
the advantage in strength and size; but Lochiel exceeding him in
nimbleness and agility, in the end tript the sword out of his hand:
upon which, his antagonist flew upon him with amazing rapidity; they
closed, and wrestled till both fell to the ground in each other’s
arms. The English officer got above Lochiel, and pressed him hard;
but stretching forth his neck by attempting to disengage himself,
Lochiel, who by this time had his hands at liberty, with his left
hand seized him by the collar, and jumping at his extended throat,
he bit it with his teeth quite through, and kept such a hold of his
grip, that he brought away his mouth full; this, he said, was the
sweetest bite he ever had in his life time. Immediately afterwards,
when continuing the pursuit after that encounter was over, he found
his men chin deep in the sea; he quickly followed them, and observing
a fellow on deck aiming his piece at him, plunged into the sea,
and escaped, but so narrowly that the hair on the back part of his
head was cut, and a little of the skin ruffled. In a little while
a similar attempt was made to shoot him: his foster-brother threw
himself before him, and received the shot in his mouth and breast,
preferring his chief’s life to his own.”[459]
[Illustration: CAMERON OF LOCHIEL. (Tartan)]
After Lochiel had joined General Middleton, he heard that the
governor of Inverlochy, taking advantage of his absence, was cutting
down the woods and collecting all the provisions he could lay hold
of. Middleton allowed him to return to Lochaber, but with only 150
men. He soon found that the information was quite correct, and in
order to obtain revenge, on the day after his arrival, he posted his
men in different parts of a wood, about a mile from the garrison, to
which the soldiers resorted every day, to cut down and bring in wood.
Lochiel soon observed upwards of 400 approaching the wood, and at the
most favourable moment gave his men the signal of attack. A terrible
slaughter ensued among the governor’s men; 100 fell on the spot,
and the pursuit was carried on to the very walls of the garrison.
The officers were the only persons who resisted, and not one of them
escaped.
Lochiel, in this manner, continued for a long time to harass the
garrison, frequently cutting off small detachments, partly by
stratagem and partly by force, until the garrison became so wary
that they ultimately gave him few opportunities of pouncing upon
them. Even after Middleton and the other chiefs had capitulated and
come to terms, Lochiel refused to give in. At last, however, after
long cajoling, the obstinate chief was induced to come to terms, the
Marquis of Argyle becoming his surety. He was asked simply to give
his word of honour to live in peace, on which condition, he and his
clan were allowed to keep their arms as before the war broke out.
Reparation was to be made to Lochiel and his tenants, for whatever
losses they had sustained from the garrison, and an indemnity was
granted for all past offences. In fact, the treaty was a very liberal
bribe to Lochiel to be quiet. All that was demanded of Lochiel was,
that he and his clan should lay down their arms in the name of
Charles II., before the governor of Inverlochy, and take them up in
the name of the Commonwealth, no mention being made of the Protector;
promising at the same time to do his best to make his clan behave
themselves.[460]
It would be out of place in a History of the Highlands to enter into
a detailed account of the general history of Scotland during the
Commonwealth, and of the various intrigues for the restoration of
Charles II. There appears to have been no events of any importance
during this period in the Highlands, which at that time were so
remote and inaccessible as to be almost beyond the influence of the
many wise measures introduced by Cromwell for the government of
Scotland, as well as the by no means beneficial strictness of the
presbyterian clergy. Baillie[461] thus sadly describes the state of
some of the noble families of Scotland about this time: “The country
lies very quiet; it is exceeding poor; trade is nought; the English
has all the moneys. Our noble families are almost gone: Lennox has
little in Scotland unsold; Hamilton’s estate, except Arran and the
Baronrie of Hamilton, is sold; Argyle can pay little annual rent for
seven or eight hundred thousand merks; and he is no more drowned in
debt than public hatred, almost of all, both Scottish and English;
the Gordons are gone; the Douglasses little better; Eglintoun and
Glencairn on the brink of breaking; many of our chief families
estates are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any human relief
for the time. What is become of the king and his family we do not
know.” Nicoll[462] writes in the same strain: “The condition of this
nation of Scotland yet remains sad, by reason of poverty and heavy
burdens.” “At the same time,” says Dr. Chambers,[463] “that so great
poverty prevailed, there was such a protection to life and property
as had never before been known. It was not we believe without cause,
that the famous Colonel Desborough, in a speech in the House of
Commons (March 17th, 1659), made it a boast for his party, that a man
may ride over all Scotland, with a switch in his hand and a hundred
pounds in his pocket, which he could not have done these five hundred
years.” In some of the letters sent home by the English soldiery,
we get a slight glimpse into the condition of the Highlands at this
time, which shows that the people generally had made but little
advance in civilization. Their houses, we are told, were built of
earth and turf, and were so low that the horsemen sometimes rode over
them; the people generally, both men and women, wore plaids about
their middles; they were “simple and ignorant in the things of God,”
and some of them as brutish as heathens; nevertheless “some did hear
the English preachers with great attention and groaning.”[464]
By the tact and management of General Monk, who gradually detached
himself from the cause of the parliament, and espoused that of the
exiled king, and a few other royalists, the Long Parliament, now
reduced to a “Rump,” after having sat nineteen years and a half,
dissolved itself by its own act, on the 16th of March, 1660. A new
parliament, in which the cavaliers and moderate presbyterians had the
majority, met on the 25th of April, and carried out the wishes of
the nation, by inviting his majesty to come and take possession of
his inheritance. The king was not long in obeying the invitation. He
was received at Dover by Monk, at the head of the nobility, whence
he proceeded to London, which he entered on the 29th of May, 1660,
amidst the acclamations of the citizens.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 42.
[425] Idem, p. 77.
[426] Whitelock, p. 465.
[427] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 86.
[428] Idem, p. 88.
[429] Whitelock.
[430] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 87.
[431] Balfour.
[432] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 89.
[433] Whitelock.
[434] Idem, p. 483.
[435] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 96.
[436] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 97.
[437] _Cromwelliana_, p. 89.
[438] Burnet’s _Own Times_, vol. i. p. 54.
[439] Whitelock, p. 471.
[440] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 115.
[441] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 129.
[442] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 123.
[443] Idem, p. 152.
[444] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 136.
[445] Idem, p. 175.
[446] Woodrow, _Introduction_, iii.
[447] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 193-195.
[448] Balfour, vol. iv. pp. 210-212.
[449] Leicester’s _Journal_, p. 110. Whitelock, p. 501. Clarendon,
vol. iii. p. 397.
[450] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 315. Echard, p. 698.
[451] Heath, pp. 304, 308, 310, 313. Whitelock, pp. 514, 534, 543.
[452] Balfour, vol. iv. p. 345. Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 561.
[453] Whitelock, pp. 528, 542. Leicester’s _Journal_, p. 129.
_Journals_, Nov. 19.
[454] Alluding to Lilburn’s expedition, Balfour says, “The Frassers
came in to them, and condiscendit to pay them cesse; bot Glengarey
stood out, and in effecte the heighlandmen fooled them home againe to
the lowlandes; some with faire wordes; others stoode to ther defence;
and the Inglishe finding nothing amongest them save hunger and
strokes, were glad, (ther bisquet and cheesse being all spent, and
ther clothes worne, with ther horsses out-tyred,) to returne, cursing
the heighlandes, to ther winter quarters.” He says that General Dean
“lost some few men and horsses in viewing of the heighlanders.” But
Overton encountered the greatest danger; for, says the same writer,
“If my Lord Marquesse of Argyle had not protected him, he and all
that wes with him had gottin ther throttes cutte. So, weill laughin
at by the heighlanders, he wes forced to returne with penurey
aneuche, werey glade all of them that ther lives were saved.”--Vol.
iv. pp. 349-50.
[455] “And I verily believe there were more souls converted to
Christ in that short period of time, than in any season since the
Reformation, though of treeple its duration. Nor was there ever
greater purity and plenty of the means of grace than was in their
time. Ministers were painful, people were diligent; and if a man hade
seen one of their solemn communions, where many congregations mett
in great multitudes, some dozen of Ministers used to preach, and the
people continued, as it were, in a sort of trance, (so serious were
they in spiritual exercises,) for three days at least, he would have
thought it a solemnity unknown to the rest of the world.”--_Kirkton._
“It is not to be forgotten, that from the year 1652 to the year 1660,
there was great good done by the preaching of the Gospell in the west
of Scotland, more than was observed to have been for twenty or thirty
years before; a great many brought in to Christ Jesus by a saving
work of conversion, which occasioned through ministers preaching
nothing all that tyme but the gospell, and had left off to preach up
parliaments, armies, leagues, resolutions, and remonstrances, which
was much in use before, from the year 1638 till that time 52, which
occasioned a great number of hypocrytes in the church, who, out of
hope of preferment, honour, riches, and worldly credit, took on the
forme of godliness, but wanted the power of it.”--_Law’s Memorials._
[456] Graham of Deuchrie’s Account of Glencairn’s Expedition.
[457] Graham.
[458] Duchray’s _Narrative_.
[459] Pennant’s _Tour in Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 353-355.
[460] Pennant’s _Tour in Scotland_, vol. i. Appendix.
[461] _Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 387.
[462] Quoted in Chambers’s _Domestic Annals_, vol. ii. p. 248.
[463] _Dom. Annals_, vol. ii. p. 249.
[464] Idem, vol. ii. p. 218. Whitelocke’s _Memorials_.