situation, had hitherto escaped assessment for the supply of the
hostile armies, was at this time subjected to the surveillance of
Montrose, who despatched a party from Aberdeen into that country to
collect all the horses they could find for the use of his army, and
also to obtain recruits. About the same time the Marquis of Huntly,
who had been living in Strathnaver for some time, having heard of
the death of his eldest son, Lord Gordon, meditated a return to
his own country, intending to throw the influence of his name and
authority into the royal scale. But as he might be exposed to danger
in passing through countries which were hostile to the royal cause,
it was arranged between Montrose and Viscount Aboyne, who had just
been created an earl, that the latter should proceed to Strathnaver,
with a force of 2,000 men to escort his father south. This expedition
was, however, abandoned, in consequence of intelligence having been
brought to Montrose that the Covenanters were assembling in great
strength at Perth.
The parliament which, as we have seen, had left Edinburgh, and gone
to Stirling on account of the pestilence, had been obliged, in
consequence of its appearance in Stirling, to adjourn to Perth, where
it was to meet on the 24th of July; but before leaving Stirling, they
ordered a levy of 10,000 foot to be raised in the counties to the
south of the Tay; and to insure due obedience to this mandate, all
noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, were required to attend at Perth
on or before that day, well mounted, and to bring with them such
forces as they could raise, under a heavy penalty.[312]
On leaving Aberdeen, Montrose took up his quarters at Crabston,
situated a few miles from Aberdeen, between the rivers Don and Dee,
where he remained for some time in the expectation of being joined by
reinforcements from the Highlands under Major-general Macdonald, who
had been absent about two months from the army in quest of recruits.
As, however, these expected succours did not arrive within the time
expected, Montrose, impatient of delay, crossed the Dee, and marching
over the Grampians, descended into the Mearns, and pitched his camp
at Fordoun in Kincardineshire.
Proceeding on his march through Angus and Blairgowrie to Dunkeld,
Montrose had the good fortune to be successively joined by his
cousin, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, at the head of the brave
Athole Highlanders, and by Macdonald, his major-general, who brought
with him the chief of the Macleans, and about 700 of that clan, all
animated by a strong feeling of animosity against Argyle and his
partisans. He was also joined by John Muidartach, the celebrated
captain of the Clanranald, at the head of 500 of his men; by the
Macgregors and Macnabs, headed by their respective chieftains; by the
Clandonald, under the command of the uncles of Glengarry and other
officers, Glengarry himself, “who,” says Bishop Wishart, “deserves
a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to the
king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose,”[313] having never
left Montrose since he joined him at the time of his expedition
into Argyle. Besides all these, the Stewarts of Appin, some of the
Farquharsons of Braemar, and small parties of inferior clans from
Badenoch, rallied round the standard of Montrose.
Having obtained these reinforcements, Montrose now formed the design
of marching upon Perth, and breaking up the parliament which had
there assembled, and thereafter of proceeding to the south, and
dissipating the levies which were being raised beyond the Tay. But
the want of cavalry, in which he was constantly deficient, formed
a bar to this plan, and Montrose was, therefore, obliged to defer
his project till he should be joined by the Earls of Aboyne and
Airly, whom he expected soon with a considerable body of horse. In
the meantime, Montrose crossed the Tay at Dunkeld, and encamped at
Amulree. The covenanting army, with the exception of the garrison of
Perth, was then lying on the south side of the Earn, and a body of
400 horse was posted near the town, for the protection of the Estates
or parliament.
This movement, on the part of Montrose, created some alarm in the
minds of the Covenanters, which was greatly increased by a report
from their horse, stationed in the neighbourhood of the town, who,
seeing some of his scouts approach it, had fancied that he was going
to storm it. While this panic was at its height, Montrose, who had
no intention of attacking the town, raised his camp, and took up a
position in the wood of Methven, about five miles from Perth. During
this movement, the town was thrown into a state of the greatest
consternation, from an apprehension that Montrose was about to attack
it, and the nobility and the other members of the parliament were
earnestly solicited to secure their safety by a speedy flight, but
the Estates remained firm, and could not be persuaded to abandon
their posts. In order, if possible, still farther to increase the
panic in the town, Montrose advanced almost to the very gates
of Perth with his horse the following day, which, although not
exceeding 100, were made to appear formidable by the addition of
the baggage-horses, on which some musketeers were mounted. This act
of bold defiance magnified the fears of those who were in the town,
and made them imagine that Montrose was well provided in cavalry.
The covenanting troops, therefore, were afraid to venture beyond the
gates; and Montrose having thus easily accomplished his object, was
encouraged, still farther, to cross the Earn at Dupplin, when he
openly reconnoitred the enemy’s army on the south of that river, and
surveyed the Strath with great deliberation and coolness, without
interruption.
Both armies remained in their positions for several days without
attempting any thing, each waiting for reinforcements. During all
this time, the enemy had been deceived respecting the strength of
Montrose’s horse, but having learned his weakness in that respect,
and the deception which he had practised so successfully upon them,
and being joined by three regiments from Fife, they resolved to
offer him battle. Montrose, however, from his great inferiority of
numbers, particularly in horse, was not in a condition to accept the
challenge, and wisely declined it. Accordingly, when he saw the enemy
advancing towards him, he prepared to retreat among the neighbouring
mountains; but to deceive the enemy, and to enable him to carry off
his baggage, he drew out his army as if he intended to fight, placing
his horse in front, and securing the passes into the mountains with
guards. While making these dispositions, he sent off his baggage
towards the hills under an escort; and when he thought the baggage
out of danger, gave orders to his army to march off in close rank;
and to cover its retreat and protect it from the cavalry of the
enemy, he placed his horse, lined as usual with the best musketeers,
in the rear.
As soon as Baillie, the covenanting general, perceived that Montrose
was in full retreat, he despatched General Hurry with the cavalry in
pursuit of him; but from a most unaccountable delay on Hurry’s part
in crossing the Pow--so slow, indeed, had his movements been, that
Baillie’s foot overtook him at the fords of the Almond--Montrose had
almost reached the passes of the mountains before he was overtaken.
Chagrined at his easy escape, and determined to perform some striking
exploit before Montrose should retire into his fastnesses, a body of
300 of the best mounted covenanting cavalry set off at full gallop
after him, and attacked him with great fury, using at the same time
the most insulting and abusive language. To put an end to this
annoyance, Montrose selected twenty expert Highlanders, and requested
them to bring down some of the assailants. Accordingly these marksmen
advanced in a crouching attitude, concealing their guns, and having
approached within musket-shot, took deliberate aim, and soon brought
down the more advanced of the party. This unexpected disaster made
the assailants more cautious in their advances, and caused them to
resolve upon an immediate retreat; but the marksmen were so elated
with their success that they actually pursued them down into the
plain, “and resolutely attacked the whole party, who, putting spurs
to their horses, fled with the utmost precipitation, like so many
deer before the hunters.”[314] In this retreat Montrose did not lose
a single man.
After giving over this fruitless pursuit, the enemy returned to
Montrose’s camp at Methven, where, according to Wishart, they
committed a most barbarous act in revenge of their late affront, by
butchering some of the wives of the Highlanders and Irish who had
been left behind. Montrose took up his quarters at Little Dunkeld,
both because he was there perfectly secure from the attacks of the
enemy’s cavalry, and because it was a convenient station to wait for
the reinforcements of horse which he daily expected from the north
under the Earls of Airly and Aboyne. Although both armies lay close
together for several days, nothing was attempted on either side. The
covenanting general had become quite disgusted with the service in
consequence of the jealousies and suspicions which it was too evident
the committee entertained of him. His disgust was increased by the
sudden return to their country of the Fife men, who preferred their
domestic comforts to the vicissitudes of war, but who unfortunately
were, as we shall soon see, to be sacrificed at its shrine.
At length the Earl of Aboyne, accompanied by Sir Nathaniel Gordon,
arrived at Little Dunkeld, but with a force much inferior in numbers
to what was expected. They only brought 200 horse and 120 musketeers,
which last were mounted upon carriage horses. The smallness of
their number was compensated, however, in a great measure by their
steadiness and bravery. The Earl of Airly and his son, Sir David
Ogilvie, joined Montrose at the same time, along with a troop of 80
horse, consisting chiefly of gentlemen of the name of Ogilvie, among
whom was Alexander Ogilvie, son of Sir John Ogilvie of Innerquharity,
a young man who had already distinguished himself in the field.
[Illustration: Perth in the 17th century.--From Slezer’s _Theatrum
Scotiæ_ (1693).]
Never, at any former period of his eventful career, did the
probabilities of ultimate success on the side of Montrose appear
greater than now. His army, ardent and devoted to the royal cause,
now amounted to nearly 5,000 foot and about 500 horse, the greater
part of which consisted of brave and experienced warriors whom he
had often led to victory. A considerable portion of his army was
composed of some of the most valiant of the Highland clans, led by
their respective chiefs, among whom stood conspicuous the renowned
captain of clan Ranald, in himself a host. The clans were animated by
a feeling of the most unbounded attachment to what they considered
the cause of their chiefs, and by a deadly spirit of revenge for the
cruelties which the Covenanters under Argyle had exercised in the
Highlands. The Macleans and the Athole Highlanders in particular,
longed for an opportunity of retaliating upon the covenanting
partisans of Argyle the injuries which they had repeatedly received
at his hands, and thereby wiping out the stain which, as they
conceived, had been cast upon them. But fortunate as Montrose now
was in having such an army at his disposal, the chances in his
favour were greatly enhanced by the circumstance, that whereas in
his former campaigns he had to watch the movements of different
armies, and to fight them in detail, he was now enabled, from having
annihilated or dispersed the whole armies formerly opposed to him, to
concentrate his strength and to direct all his energies to one point.
The only bar which now stood in the way of the entire subjugation
of Scotland to the authority of the king, was the army of Baillie,
and the defeat or destruction of this body now became the immediate
object of Montrose. His resolution to attack the enemy was hastened
by the receipt of information that the Fife regiments had left
Baillie’s camp and returned home, and that the general himself was
so dissatisfied with the conduct of the covenanting committee, who
thwarted all his plans and usurped his authority, that he was about
to resign the command of the army.
Montrose, therefore, without loss of time, raised his camp, and
descending into the Lowlands, arrived at Logie Almond, where he
halted his foot. Thence he went out with his cavalry to reconnoitre
the enemy, and came in full view of them before sunset. They made no
attempt to molest him, and testified their dread of this unexpected
visit by retiring within their lines. Early next morning Montrose
again rode out to make his observations, but was surprised to learn
that the enemy had abandoned their camp at Methven during the
night, and had retired across the Earn, and taken up a position at
Kilgraston, near Bridge-of-Earn. Montrose immediately put his army
in motion towards the Earn, which he crossed by the bridge of Nether
Gask, about eight miles above Kilgraston. He then proceeded forward
as far as the Kirk of Dron, by which movement he for the first time
succeeded in throwing open to the operations of his army the whole
of the country south of the Tay, from which the enemy had hitherto
carefully excluded him. The enemy, alarmed at Montrose’s approach,
made every preparation for defending themselves by strengthening
the position in which they were intrenched, and which, from the
narrowness of the passes and the nature of the ground, was well
adapted for sustaining an attack.
Montrose was most anxious to bring the enemy to an engagement before
they should be joined by a large levy then raising in Fife; but they
were too advantageously posted to be attacked with much certainty
of success. As he could not by any means induce them to leave their
ground, he marched to Kinross for the double purpose of putting
an end to the Fife levies and of withdrawing the enemy from their
position, so as to afford him an opportunity of attacking them under
more favourable circumstances. This movement had the effect of
drawing Baillie from his stronghold, who cautiously followed Montrose
at a respectful distance. In the course of his march, Baillie was
again joined by the three Fife regiments. On arriving at Kinross in
the evening, Montrose learned from an advanced party he had sent out
to collect information through the country, under the command of
Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Sir William Rollock, that the people
of Fife were in arms, a piece of intelligence which made him resolve
immediately to retrace his steps, judging it imprudent to risk a
battle in such a hostile district. Although the men of Fife were
stern Covenanters, and were ready to fight for the Covenant on their
own soil, yet living for the most part in towns, and following out
the sober pursuits of a quiet and domestic life, they had no relish
for war, and disliked the service of the camp. Hence the speedy
return of the Fife regiments from the camp at Methven, to their own
country, and hence another reason which induced Montrose to leave
their unfriendly soil, viz., that they would probably again abandon
Baillie, should he attempt to follow Montrose in his progress west.
Accordingly, after remaining a night at Kinross, Montrose, the
following morning, marched towards Alloa, in the neighbourhood of
which he arrived in the evening, and passed the night in the wood of
Tullybody. The Irish plundered the town of Alloa, and the adjoining
lordship, which belonged to the Earl of Mar; but notwithstanding this
unprovoked outrage, the earl and Lord Erskine gave Montrose, the
Earl of Airly, and the principal officers of the army, an elegant
entertainment in the castle of Alloa. Montrose, however, did not
delay the march of his army while partaking of the hospitality of the
Earl of Mar, but immediately despatched Macdonald west to Stirling
with the foot, retaining only the horse to serve him as a body-guard.
In this route the Macleans laid waste the parishes of Muckhart and
Dollar, of which the Marquis of Argyle was the superior, and burnt
Castle Campbell, the principal residence of the Argyle family in the
lowlands, in requital of similar acts done by the marquis and his
followers in the country of the Macleans.[315]
As the pestilence was still raging in the town of Stirling, Montrose
avoided it altogether, lest his army might catch the infection. He
halted within three miles of the town, where his army passed the
night, and being apprised next morning, by one of Baillie’s scouts
who had been taken prisoner, that Baillie was close at hand with the
whole of his army, Montrose marched quickly up to the fords of Frew,
about eight miles above Stirling bridge, and there crossed the Forth.
Pursuing his march the following morning in the direction of Glasgow,
he made a short halt about six miles from Stirling, to ascertain
the enemy’s movements, and being informed that Baillie had not yet
crossed the Forth, he marched to Kilsyth, where he encamped. During
the day, Baillie passed the Forth by Stirling bridge, and marching
forwards, came within view of Montrose’s army, and encamped that
evening within three miles of Kilsyth.[316]
The covenanting army had, in its progress westward, followed exactly
the tract of Montrose through the vale of the Devon. The Marquis of
Argyle availing himself of this circumstance, caused the house of
Menstrie, the seat of the Earl of Stirling, the king’s secretary, and
that of Airthrie, belonging to Sir John Graham of Braco, to be burnt.
He, moreover, sent an insolent message to the Earl of Mar, notifying
to him, that, on the return of the army from the pursuit of Montrose,
he, the earl, might calculate on having his castle also burnt, for
the hospitality he had shown Montrose.[317]
The conjecture of Montrose, that the Fife regiments would not cross
the Forth, was not altogether without foundation. In fact, when they
arrived near Stirling, they positively refused to advance further,
and excused themselves by alleging, that they were raised on the
express condition that they should not be called upon to serve out
of their own shire, and that, having already advanced beyond its
limits, they would on no account cross the Forth. But their obstinacy
was overcome by the all-powerful influence of the ministers, who, in
addition to the usual scriptural appeals, “told them jolly tales that
Lanark, Glencairn, and Eglinton, were lifting an army to join them,
and therefore entreated that they would, for only one day more, go
out,” until that army approached, when they should be discharged.[318]
While the Fife regiments were thus persuaded to expose themselves
to the unforeseen destruction which unfortunately awaited them, an
incident occurred on the opposite bank of the Forth, which betokened
ill for the future prospects of the covenanting army. This will be
best explained by stating the matter in General Baillie’s own words.
“A little above the park (the king’s park at Stirling), I halted
until the Fife regiments were brought up, hearing that the rebels
were marching towards Kilsyth. After the upcoming of these regiments,
the Marquis of Argyle, Earl of Crawford, and Lord Burleigh, and,
if I mistake not, the Earl of Tulliebardine, the Lords Elcho and
Balcarras, with some others, came up. My lord marquis asked me what
next was to be done. I answered, the direction should come from his
lordship and those of the committee. My lord demanded what reason
was for this? I answered, I found myself so slighted in every thing
belonging to a commander-in-chief, that, for the short time I was
to stay with them, I would absolutely submit to their direction and
follow it. The marquis desired me to explain myself, which I did
in these particulars, sufficiently known to my lord marquis and
the other lords and gentlemen then present. I told his lordship,
(1.) Prisoners of all sorts were exchanged without my knowledge;
the traffickers therein received passes from others, and, sometimes
passing within two miles of me, did neither acquaint me with their
business, nor, at their return, where, or in what posture they had
left the enemy: (2.) While I was present, others did sometimes
undertake the command of the army: (3.) Without either my order or
knowledge, fire was raised, and that destroyed which might have
been a recompense to some good deserver, for which I would not be
answerable to the public. All which things considered, I should
in any thing freely give my own opinion, but follow the judgment
of the committee, and the rather because that was the last day of
my undertaking.”[319] It is here necessary to state, by way of
explanation, that Baillie had, in consequence of the previous conduct
of the committee, resigned his commission, and had only been induced,
at the earnest solicitation of the parliament, to continue his
services for a definite period, which, it appears, was just on the
point of expiring.
The differences between Baillie and the committee being patched up,
the covenanting army proceeded on the 14th of August in the direction
of Denny, and having crossed the Carron at Hollandbush, encamped, as
we have stated, about 3 miles from Kilsyth.
Before the arrival of Baillie, Montrose had received information
which made him resolve to hazard a battle immediately. The
intelligence he had obtained was to the effect, that the Earls
of Cassilis, Eglinton, and Glencairn, and other heads of the
Covenanters, were actively engaged in levying forces in the west
of Scotland, and that the Earl of Lanark had already raised a body
of 1,000 foot and 500 horse in Clydesdale, among the vassals and
dependents of the Hamilton family, and that this force was within 12
miles of Kilsyth.
Having taken his resolution, Montrose made the necessary arrangements
for receiving the enemy, by placing his men in the best position
which the nature of the ground afforded. In front of his position
were several cottages and gardens, of which he took possession.
Baillie, seeing the advantageous position chosen by Montrose,
would have willingly delayed battle till either the expected
reinforcements from the west should arrive, or till Montrose should
be induced to become the assailant; but his plans were over-ruled
by Argyle and the other members of the committee, who insisted
that he should immediately attack Montrose. Accordingly, early
in the morning he put his army in motion from Hollandbush, and
advanced near Auchinclogh, about two miles to the east of Kilsyth,
where he halted. As the ground between him and Montrose was full
of quagmires, which effectually prevented Montrose from attacking
him in front, he proposed to take up a defensive position without
advancing farther, and await an attack. But here again the committee
interposed, and when he was in the very act of arranging the stations
of his army, they advised him to take a position on a hill on his
right, which they considered more suitable. It was in vain that
Baillie remonstrated against what he justly considered an imprudent
advice--the committee were inexorable in their resolution, and
Baillie had no alternative but to obey. In justice, however, to Lord
Balcarras, it must be mentioned that he disapproved of the views of
the committee.
When Montrose saw the covenanting army approach from Hollandbush,
he was exceedingly delighted, as, from the excellent state of his
army, the courageous bearing of his men, and the advantage of his
position, he calculated upon obtaining a decisive victory, which
might enable him to advance into England and retrieve the affairs of
his sovereign in that kingdom. But while Montrose was thus joyfully
anticipating a victory which, he flattered himself, would be crowned
with results the most favourable to the royal cause, an incident
occurred which might have proved fatal to his hopes, had he not, with
that wonderful self-possession and consummate prudence for which he
was so distinguished, turned that very incident to his own advantage.
Among the covenanting cavalry was a regiment of cuirassiers, the
appearance of whose armour, glittering in the sun, struck such terror
into Montrose’s horse, that they hesitated about engaging with such
formidable antagonists, and, while riding along the line to encourage
his men and give the necessary directions, Montrose heard his cavalry
muttering among themselves and complaining that they were now for
the first time to fight with men clad in iron, whose bodies would
be quite impenetrable to their swords. When the terror of a foe has
once taken hold of the mind, it can only be sufficiently eradicated
by supplanting it with a feeling of contempt for the object of its
dread, and no man was better fitted by nature than Montrose for
inspiring such a feeling into the minds of his troops. Accordingly,
scarcely had the murmurings of his cavalry broken upon his ears,
when he rode up to the head of his cavalry, and (pointing to the
cuirassiers) thus addressed his men:--“Gentlemen, these are the
same men you beat at Alford, that ran away from you at Auldearn,
Tippermuir, &c.; they are such cowardly rascals that their officers
could not bring them to look you in the face till they had clad them
in armour; to show our contempt of them we’ll fight them in our
shirts.”[320] No sooner had these words been uttered, when, to add
to the impression they could not fail to produce, Montrose threw off
his coat and waistcoat, and, drawing his sword with the air of a
hero, stood before his men, at once an object of their wonder and a
model for their imitation. The effect was instantaneous. The example
thus set by Montrose was immediately followed by the whole army,
every man stripping himself to his shirt, and the cavalry, partaking
in the general enthusiasm, assured themselves of victory. As the day
was uncommonly hot and oppressive, the troops found great relief by
disburdening themselves of their clothes, and the infantry were,
in consequence, enabled to display greater agility in combat. The
extraordinary appearance of Montrose’s men after they had parted with
their clothes, excited the astonishment of the Covenanters, and as
they could only attribute such a singular preparation for battle to
a fixed determination on the part of the royalists to conquer or to
die, fearful doubts arose in their minds as to the probable result of
the contest in which they were just about to engage.
In moving to take up the new position which had been assigned to it
by the committee, the utmost disorder prevailed among the covenanting
army, which the general was unable to correct. Indeed, so unruly
had the troops become, that some regiments, instead of taking
the stations assigned to them by the commander, took up, at the
suggestion of Argyle, quite different ground, while others, in utter
disregard of Baillie’s instructions, actually selected positions
for themselves. Thus, at the moment the battle was about to begin,
Baillie found all his plans completely overruled, and as he now
saw how utterly impossible it would be for him to carry any of his
contemplated arrangements into effect, he was necessitated to engage
Montrose under the most unfavourable circumstances.
The covenanting general, however, might have so accommodated himself
in the unexpected dilemma in which he had been placed as to have
prevented the disastrous result which followed, had not his horse
regiments, from an impression that Montrose had begun a retreat,
rashly commenced the action before all the infantry had come up, by
attempting to carry the cottages and gardens in which the advanced
guard of Montrose was placed. Although they made a violent charge,
they were as warmly received by Montrose’s musketeers, who, being
protected by the dikes and enclosures, kept up such a galling fire
upon their assailants as to oblige them to retreat with precipitation
and some loss.
A body of about 1,000 Highlanders, who were posted next to Montrose’s
advanced guard, became so suddenly elated with this success that,
without waiting for orders from Montrose, they immediately ran up
that part of the hill where the main body of the covenanting army
was posted. Montrose was highly displeased with the Highlanders
for this rash act, which seemed to threaten them with instant
destruction; but there was no time for remonstrance, and as he saw
an absolute necessity for supporting this intrepid body, he stifled
his displeasure, and began to consider how he could most effectually
afford support. Owing to the tardy advance of the enemy’s rear,
it was some little time before the covenanting army attacked this
resolute body. At length three troops of horse and a body of about
2,000 foot were seen advancing against them, and in a short time both
parties closed upon each other. The Highlanders, as usual, displayed
great intrepidity, and firmly maintained their ground; but as it
was evident that they could not long withstand the overwhelming
force opposed to them, the Earl of Aboyne, who, with a select body
of horsemen, had been placed by Montrose at some distance from the
main army, taking with him 12 horsemen, rode forward to see if he
could render any assistance. Seeing the critical position in which
the rash Highlanders were placed, he sent back for the cavalry to
advance immediately, at the same time bravely shouting to the few
followers that were with him, “Let us go, Monsieurs, and assist
these our distressed friends, in so great hazard through the foolish
rashness of their commander. We shall, God willing, bring them off,
at least in some good order, so as they shall neither be all lost,
nor endanger the army by their sudden flight, whereto they may be
forced.”[321] He thereupon charged the enemy’s lancers, who, seeing
him make such a furious onset, retired to the left, thus putting the
foot between themselves and Aboyne. The latter, without halting,
charged forward upon the foot, until, when within pistol-shot, he
perceived them preparing to receive him upon their pikes. He then
nimbly turned a little to the left, and charged with such impetuosity
and suddenness a regiment of musketeers, that although they received
him with three volleys from the three first ranks, he broke right
through them, till he came out to where his distressed friends were
environed with horse and foot, and so sorely straightened as to be
crying out for quarter. His presence caused them to rally, and they
took heart as he cried with a lusty voice, “Courage, my hearts,
follow me, and let them have one sound charge.” “And this he gives
with such brave and invincible resolution, as he breaks, disperses,
and discourages both foot and horse, who seek no more to pursue, but
strive to retire in order, to the which their commanders often invite
them, but in vain.” They got into complete disorder, and began to
run for their lives. What had been begun by Aboyne, was completed by
the Earl of Airly, who, at the urgent request of Montrose, now came
up at the head of the Ogilvies to the assistance of the Highlanders.
Montrose had made several ineffectual attempts to induce different
parties of his army to volunteer in defence of the brave men who
were struggling for their existence within view of their companions
in arms, and, as a _dernier ressort_, appealed to his tried friend
the Earl of Airly, in behalf of the rash men who had thus exposed
themselves to imminent danger. This appeal to the chivalrous feelings
of the venerable earl met with a ready and willing response from him,
and after stating his readiness to undertake the duty assigned him,
he immediately put himself at the head of a troop of his own horse,
commanded by Colonel John Ogilvie of Baldavie, who had distinguished
himself in the Swedish service, and rode off with great speed towards
the enemy. He instantly ordered his squadron to charge the enemy’s
horse, who were so closely pressed that they got entangled among the
covenanting foot, whom they put into disorder.
As soon as Baillie perceived that his horse were falling back, he
endeavoured to bring up his reserve to support them; but this body,
which consisted chiefly of the Fife militia, became so alarmed at
the retreat of the horse, that they immediately abandoned their ranks
and fled. On the other hand, the rest of Montrose’s men, encouraged
by the success of the Ogilvies, could no longer restrain themselves,
and rushing forward upon the enemy with a loud shout, completed the
disorder. The wild appearance of the royalists, added to the dreadful
yells which they set up, created such a panic among the astonished
Covenanters, that, in an instant, and as if by a simultaneous
impulse, every man threw away his arms, and endeavoured to secure
his personal safety by flight. In the general rout which ensued, the
covenanting horse, in their anxiety to escape, galloped through the
flying foot, and trampled many of their companions in arms almost to
death.
In the pursuit which followed, Montrose’s men cut down the
defenceless Covenanters without mercy, and so great was the carnage,
that, out of a body of upwards of 6,000 foot, probably not more than
100 escaped with their lives. The royalists were so intent upon
hewing down the unfortunate foot, that a considerable part of the
cavalry effected their escape. Some of them, however, in the hurry of
their flight, having run unawares into a large morass, called Dolater
bog, now forming a part of the bed of the Forth and Clyde canal,
there perished, and, many years afterwards, the bodies of men and
horses were dug up from the bog, without any marks of decomposition;
and there is a tradition still current, that one man was found upon
horseback, fully attired in his military costume, in the very posture
in which he had sunk.[322] Very few prisoners were taken, and with
the exception of Sir William Murray of Blebo, James Arnot, brother
to Lord Burleigh, and Colonels Dyce and Wallace, and a few other
gentlemen, who received quarter, and, after being well treated by
Montrose, were afterwards released upon parole, all the officers of
the covenanting army escaped. Some of them fled to Stirling, and
took temporary refuge in the castle; others galloped down to the
south shore of the Frith of Forth. Among the latter, Argyle was the
most conspicuous, who, according to Bishop Guthry, “never looked
over his shoulder until, after 20 miles’ riding, he reached the
South Queensferry, where he possessed himself of a boat again.”[323]
Wishart sarcastically observes, that this was the third time that
Argyle had “saved himself by means of a boat; and, even then, he did
not reckon himself secure till they had weighed anchor and carried
the vessel out to sea.”[324]
The whole of the baggage, arms, and stores, belonging to the
covenanting army were captured by the royalists. The loss on the side
of Montrose was, as usual, extremely trifling, amounting, it is said,
only to six or eight men, three of whom were Ogilvies, who fell in
the charge which decided the fortune of the day.
The news of this disastrous and melancholy defeat, speedily spread
throughout the kingdom and filled it with mourning. The plague,
which had devastated some of the most populous of the covenanting
districts, was still carrying on its depopulating career, and
the spirits of the people, already broken and subdued under that
scourge, were reduced to a state almost bordering on despair, when
they received the afflicting intelligence of the utter annihilation
of an army on which their only hopes were placed. No alternative,
therefore, now remained for them but unconditional submission to the
conqueror, and accordingly, deputies were sent to him from different
parts of the kingdom, to assure him of the return of the people to
their allegiance to the king, to proffer their obedience to Montrose
as his lieutenant, and to offer him assistance in support of the
royal cause. The nobility and other persons of note who had hitherto
kept aloof, or whose loyalty had been questionable, also crowded
to the royal standard to congratulate Montrose upon the favourable
aspect of affairs and to offer their services.
While at Kilsyth, two commissioners, Sir Robert Douglas and Mr.
Archibald Fleming, commissary, arrived at Montrose’s camp on the part
of the inhabitants of Glasgow, to obtain favour and forgiveness,
by congratulating him upon his success, and inviting him to visit
their city. Montrose received these commissioners and the other
numerous deputations and individuals who afterwards waited on him,
not merely with courtesy but with kindness, and promised to bury all
past occurrences in perfect oblivion, but on the condition that they
should return to their allegiance and conduct themselves in future
as loyal subjects. “The whole country now,” says Wishart, “resounded
Montrose’s praise. His unparalleled magnanimity and bravery, his
happiness in devising his plan of operations, and his quickness in
executing them, his unshaken resolution and intrepidity, even in the
greatest dangers, and his patience in bearing the severest hardships
and fatigues; his faithfulness and strict observance of his promises
to such as submitted, and his clemency towards his prisoners; in
short, that heroic virtue which displayed itself in all his actions,
was extolled to the skies, and filled the mouths of all ranks of men,
and several poems and panegyrics were wrote upon this occasion.”[325]
It is believed, however, that there was little sincerity in these
professions.
This submission of the people was accelerated by the dispersion of
the Covenant nobility, an event that put a temporary end to the
government which they had established. Argyle, Crawford, Lanark, and
others, sought protection in Berwick, and Glencairn, and Cassilis
took refuge in Ireland.
Montrose might now have marched directly upon, and seized the
capital, where many of his friends were confined as prisoners; but he
considered it of more importance to march to the west and disperse
some levies which were there raising. Accordingly, after refreshing
his troops two days at Kilsyth, he dispatched a strong body under the
command of Macdonald, his major-general, into Ayrshire to suppress
a rising under the Earls of Cassilis and Glencairn; and with the
remainder of his army he proceeded towards Glasgow, which he entered
amidst the general acclamations of the citizens. Here Montrose
immediately commenced an inquiry into the conduct of the leading
Covenanters of the city, some of whom he put to death as a terror to
others. Montrose remained only a day in Glasgow, and encamped the
following day on Bothwell moor, about twelve miles from the city.
His object in doing so, was to put an end to some excesses on the
part of his Irish and Highland troops, whom, from the precarious
tenure of their services, and his inability to pay them, he could not
venture to control by the severities of martial law.[326] And as he
was apprehensive that some of his men might lurk behind, or visit the
city for the purpose of plunder, he allowed the inhabitants to form a
guard among themselves to protect it. The citizens, in gratitude for
the favour and clemency thus shown them, presented Montrose with the
sum of 10,000 merks.
In the meantime, Major-general Macdonald arrived in Ayrshire, where
he was received with open arms. The levies, which had been raised
in the west quietly dispersed; and, as above mentioned, the Earls
of Cassilis and Glencairn fled to Ireland. The Countess of Loudon,
whose husband had acted a conspicuous part against the king, received
Macdonald with great kindness at Loudon castle, embracing him in her
arms, and entertaining him with great splendour and hospitality; she
even sent a servant to Montrose to offer her respects to him.[327]
During Montrose’s stay at Bothwell, where he remained till the 4th
of September, he was waited upon by many of the nobility in person,
to congratulate him upon his recent victory, and to tender their
services. Others sent similar communications by their friends. The
Marquis of Douglas, the Earls of Linlithgow and Annandale, Lords
Seton, Drummond, Fleming, Maderty, Carnegie and Johnston, were
among the first who came forward. Deputations also arrived from the
counties of Linlithgow, Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr, and also from the
towns of Greenock, Ayr, and Irvine, to implore forgiveness for past
offences, and to give pledges for their future loyalty. Montrose
received them all very graciously, and relying upon their assurances,
granted them an amnesty.
Montrose expected that the city of Edinburgh, which had been the
focus of rebellion, would have followed the example of Glasgow and
the other towns; but whether from obstinacy or from the dread of
a refusal of pardon, the authorities did not send commissioners to
Montrose, and it was not until a body of the royalist horse appeared
within four miles of the city, that they resolved to proffer their
submission, and to throw themselves on the mercy of the conqueror.
After the battle of Kilsyth, Montrose dispatched his nephew,
Archibald, Master of Napier, and Nathaniel Gordon, with a select body
of horse, to summon Edinburgh to surrender, to secure its obedience
and fidelity, and to set at liberty the royalist prisoners, many of
whom were confined in the Tolbooth. Should the city refuse to submit,
it was to be subjected to fire and sword. On his way to Edinburgh,
Napier set at liberty his father and wife, Stirling of Keir, his
brother-in-law, and sisters, from the prison of Linlithgow. When
four miles from Edinburgh they came to a halt, and waited to see how
the citizens would conduct themselves. The inhabitants, so far from
having any intention of resisting the royal army, were in a state
of consternation and despair lest their submission should not be
accepted by Montrose, “accusing themselves as sacrilegious, perjured
and ungrateful traitors, unworthy of that clemency and forgiveness
for which they so ardently prayed.” In the most grovelling and humble
manner they besought the prisoners, whom not long before they had
treated with harshness and contempt, to intercede with Montrose on
their behalf, promising to submit to any conditions.
The citizens, having chosen deputies, selected from the prisoners two
of the most eminent and stanch royalists, Ludovic Earl of Crawford
and James Lord Ogilvie, the Earl of Airly’s son, to wait upon
Montrose and introduce the deputation, implore his pardon, and tender
the city’s humble submission. These two noblemen and the deputies
having joined Napier, the latter returned directly to his uncle
Montrose, who was unfeignedly delighted at the sight of his dear
friends Crawford and Ogilvie.
The city delegates, on being admitted to audience, “made a free
surrender to him of the town, and humbly deprecated his vengeance
and implored his pardon and forgiveness, promising, in name of the
whole inhabitants, an inviolable fidelity and obedience for the
future, and committing themselves and all their concerns to his
patronage and protection, which they humbly entreated he would grant
them. They promised also, immediately to release all the prisoners
in their custody, and desired him to assure himself that any thing
else he should desire of them should be instantly complied with. The
town, they said, had been almost depopulated by a dreadful plague,
so that no supplies of men could be expected from it; but they were
ready to contribute all they could to defray the expense of what
troops he might raise in other places. Above all, they most earnestly
implored him to intercede for them with their most gracious and
merciful king, to obtain his pity and pardon, and that he would not
condemn the whole city for the crime of rebellion, in which they had
been involved by the craft and example of a few seditious men, armed
with power and authority. Montrose gave them reason to hope for the
royal forgiveness; and the only conditions he required of them, were,
sacredly to observe their loyalty and allegiance to his majesty for
the future; to renounce all correspondence with the rebels, whether
within or without the kingdom: the castle of Edinburgh, which he well
knew was then in their power, he required they should surrender to
the king’s officers; and that, as soon as the delegates returned to
the city, all the prisoners should be immediately set at liberty, and
sent to his camp.”[328]
Although the commissioners agreed to these conditions, and promised
to perform them, the only one they ever fulfilled was that which
stipulated the release of the prisoners, who were immediately on
the return of the commissioners sent to Montrose’s camp. Indeed, it
was scarcely to be expected, from the character of the times, that
the citizens of Edinburgh, who had all along been warm partisans
of the covenanting interest, would show a readiness to comply with
stipulations which had been extorted from their commissioners under
the circumstances we have mentioned.
While at Bothwell, Montrose received various communications from
the king, who was then at Oxford. The most important of these were
two commissions under the great seal, one appointing Montrose
Captain-general and Lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and conferring
on him full powers to raise forces, punish state offenders, and make
knights, &c.; and the other authorising him to summon a parliament
to meet at Glasgow, to settle the affairs of the kingdom. The bearer
of these important documents was Sir Robert Spottiswood, formerly
president of the Court of Session, and who now acted as secretary of
state for Scotland. As a person so well known as Sir Robert could not
travel by any of the ordinary roads without risk of apprehension,
he took a circuitous route from Oxford, passing through Wales, and
thence crossing over to the Isle of Man, took shipping and landed
in the West Highlands. From Lochaber he proceeded down into Athole,
whence he was conducted by a party of Athole-men to Montrose, at
Bothwell Moor.
The instructions brought by Sir Robert Spottiswood, regarding the
holding of a parliament and the matters connected therewith, were
in the meantime superseded by orders from the king of a later date,
brought by a more direct route. By these he was directed to march
immediately to the borders, where he would, it was said, be joined
by the Earls of Roxburgh, Traquair, and Home, and the other royalist
nobility of the southern counties, at the head of their numerous
vassals and tenants, as well as by a body of horse which his majesty
would send from England; that, with these united forces, he should
watch the motions of General David Leslie, who was advancing to the
north with a body of 6,000 cavalry. In fact, Leslie, who had acquired
great celebrity by his conduct in the battle of Marston Moor, had
reached Berwick in the beginning of September, having been called
thither on his road to Hereford by the covenanting nobility, who had
taken refuge there after the battle of Kilsyth.
Montrose reviewed his army on the 3d of September, on which occasion
Sir Robert Spottiswood delivered to him the commission appointing
him his majesty’s Lieutenant-governor for Scotland and General of
all his majesty’s forces.[329] After this and the other commission
had been read, Montrose addressed his army in a short and feeling
speech, in the course of which he took occasion to praise their
bravery and loyalty, and expressed great affection for them. In
conclusion, addressing Macdonald, his major-general, he bestowed upon
him the tribute of his praise, and, by virtue of the power with which
he had been invested, conferred upon him the honour of knighthood,
in presence of the whole army. Little did Montrose imagine, that
the man whose services he was now so justly rewarding had resolved
immediately to abandon him, and, under the pretence of revenging some
injuries which his friends had sustained at the hands of Argyle four
years before, to quit for ever the service of his royal master.
Montrose’s ranks had, before the review alluded to, been thinned
by private desertions among the Highlanders, who carried off with
them all the booty they had been able to collect; but as soon as
Montrose announced his intention, in terms of the instructions he
had received from the king, to march south, the Highlanders in a
body demanded liberty to return home for a short time to repair
their houses, which had been reduced to ruins by the enemy, and to
provide a stock of provisions for their wives and families during
the ensuing winter. To induce Montrose to comply the more readily
with their request, they promised to return to his camp within
forty days, and to bring some of their friends along with them. As
Montrose saw that the Highlanders were determined to depart, and
that consequently any attempt to retain them would be unavailing,
he dissembled the displeasure he felt, and after thanking them in
the king’s name for their services, and entreating them to return
to him as soon as possible, he granted them leave of absence with
apparent goodwill. But when Sir Alaster Macdonald also announced his
intention to return to the Highlands, Montrose could not conceal his
chagrin, and strongly remonstrated against such a step. “Montrose,”
says Guthry, “dealt most seriously with him to have staid until they
had been absolute conquerors, promising then to go thither himself,
and be concurring with him in punishing them, (Argyle and his
party,) as they deserved; and withal told him that his separating
at this time must be the occasion of ruin to them both. But all was
to no purpose; he would needs be gone, and for a reason enlarged
himself in reckoning up the Marquis of Argyle’s cruelties against
his friends, who, as he said, did four years ago draw his father
and brother to Inverary upon trust, and then made them prisoners;
and since, (his friends having retired to the isles of Jura and
Rachlin for shelter,) sent Ardkinlass and the captain of Skipness to
the said isles to murder them, which, (said he,) they did without
mercy, sparing neither women nor children. With such discourses
he justified his departure, and would not be hindered.” Macdonald
accordingly, after returning thanks to Montrose in a formal oration
for the favours he had received, and pledging himself for the early
return of the Highlanders, departed for the Highlands on the day of
the review, accompanied by about 3,000 Highlanders, the _elite_ of
Montrose’s army, and by 120 of the best of the Irish troops, whom he
had selected as a body guard.
The desertion of such a large body of men, consisting of the flower
of his army, was a subject of the deepest concern to Montrose, whose
sole reliance for support against the powerful force of Leslie, now
depended upon the precarious succours he might obtain on his march
to the south. Under such circumstances a commander more prudent than
Montrose would have hesitated about the course to be pursued, and
would probably have either remained for some time in his position,
till the levies raising in the south should assemble, or retreat
across the Forth, and there awaited reinforcements from the north;
but the ardent and chivalrous feelings of Montrose so blinded him, as
to make him altogether disregard prudential considerations, and the
splendour of his victories had dazzled his imagination so much, as to
induce him to believe that he had only to engage the enemy to defeat
him.
Accordingly, on the day following the departure of the Highlanders,
viz., the 4th of September, Montrose began his march to the south;
but he had not proceeded far, when he had the mortification to find
himself also abandoned by the Earl of Aboyne, who not only carried
off the whole of his own men, but induced the other horsemen of the
north, who were not of his party, to accompany him. Sir Nathaniel
Gordon appears to have been the only individual of the name of Gordon
who remained behind. The cause of such a hasty proceeding on the part
of the Earl of Aboyne, is not very evident; but it seems probable,
that his lordship had taken some offence at Montrose, who, according
to a partisan of the Gordon family, arrogated to himself all the
honour of the victories which the earl had greatly contributed to
obtain.[330]
The army of Montrose was now reduced to a mere handful of men,
consisting only of about 200 gentlemen who had joined him at
Bothwell, and 700 foot, chiefly Irish.[331] Yet he resolved to
proceed on his march, and reached Cranstoun-Kirk in Mid-Lothian,
on Saturday the 6th of September, where he received intelligence
that General David Leslie had arrived at Berwick with a great body
of cavalry. He encamped at Cranstoun-Kirk with the intention of
remaining there over the Sunday, and hearing Dr. Wishart preach;
but having, the following morning, been put in possession of a
correspondence between Leslie and the heads of the Covenanters, at
Berwick, which developed their plans, he quickly raised his camp,
without waiting for sermon, and advanced into the district of the
Gala. A more imprudent step than this cannot be well conceived, as
Montrose threw his little band into the jaws of Leslie’s army, which
was lying ready to pounce upon him. In his march along Gala-water, he
was joined by the Marquis of Douglas and Lord Ogilvie at the head of
a small party, the remains of a larger body which had been diminished
by desertion. Montrose was waited upon at Galashiels by the Earl of
Traquair, who professed the most fervent attachment to the king, and
promised to obtain information for him respecting Leslie’s movements;
and in proof of his sincerity, sent his son Lord Linton with a troop
of well-mounted horse, who joined him the following day.
From Galashiels Montrose marched to Kelso, where he expected to be
joined by the Earls of Home and Roxburgh, and their vassals; but on
his arrival there, he was surprised to find that these two noblemen
had taken no measures to raise the levies they had promised. He,
therefore, resolved to pay them a visit, to compel them to fulfil
their engagements; but anticipating such a step, they had allowed
themselves to be made voluntary prisoners by a party of Leslie’s
horse and carried to Berwick. Roxburgh, whom Wishart calls “a cunning
old fox,” was the contriver of this artful scheme, which, while it
secured him and his colleague Home the favour of the Covenanters, was
intended to induce the king to believe that they were suffering for
their loyalty.
This act of perfidy opened the eyes of Montrose to the danger of his
situation, and made him instantly resolve to retrace his steps, so as
to prevent his retreat to the north being cut off by David Leslie,
who had by this time crossed the Tweed. He, therefore, marched from
Kelso westward to Jedburgh, and from thence to Selkirk, where he
arrived on the 12th of September, and encamped that night in a wood,
called Hareheadwood, in the neighbourhood of the town at the head of
a long and level piece of ground called Philiphaugh, on the north
bank of the Ettrick. Montrose himself, with his horse, took up his
quarters in the town.
The position thus selected by Montrose was well calculated to prevent
his being taken by surprise, as Leslie, from the direction in which
he had necessarily to advance, could only approach it by coming up
the open vale of Philiphaugh; but unfortunately, Montrose did not,
on this occasion, take those extraordinary precautions which he had
been accustomed to do. It had always been his practice hitherto, to
superintend in person the setting of the night watches, and to give
instructions himself to the sentinels, and to the scouts he sent
out, to watch the motions of the enemy; but having important letters
to write to the king, which he was desirous of sending off before
the break of day by a trusty messenger, he intrusted these details
to his cavalry officers, whom he exhorted to great vigilance, and
to take care that the scouts kept a sharp outlook for the enemy.
Montrose had the utmost confidence in the wisdom and integrity of his
officers, whose long experience in military affairs he had many times
witnessed; and as there seemed to be no immediate danger, he thought
that, for one night at least, he could safely leave the direction of
affairs to such men.
While occupied during the night preparing his dispatches for the
king, Montrose received several loose reports, from time to time,
respecting the alleged movements of the enemy, of which he sent due
notice to his officers, but he was as often assured, both by the
reports of his officers and of the scouts, that not a vestige of an
enemy was to be seen. Thus the night passed without any apparent
foundation for the supposition that the enemy was at hand, and to
make assurance doubly sure, some of the fleetest of the cavalry
were sent out at break of day to reconnoitre. On their return, they
stated that they had examined with care all the roads and passes for
ten miles round, and solemnly averred, that there was not the least
appearance of an enemy within the range they had just scoured. Yet
singular as the fact may appear, Leslie was lying at that very time
at Melrose, with 4,000 horse, within six miles of Montrose’s camp.
It appears that on the day of Montrose’s march from Jedburgh,
General Leslie, who had a few days before crossed the Tweed at
Berwick, held a council of war on Gladsmuir in East Lothian, at
which it was determined that he should proceed towards Stirling to
cut off Montrose’s retreat to the Highlands, whither it was supposed
that he meant instantly to retire, for the purpose of obtaining
reinforcements. But the council had scarcely risen, when letters were
brought to Leslie, acquainting him with the low and impaired state
of Montrose’s forces, and his design of marching into Dumfries-shire
to procure an accession of strength. On receiving this intelligence,
Leslie abandoned his plan of marching northward, and ordering his
army to turn to the left, he immediately marched to the south, and
entering the vale of Gala, proceeded to Melrose, where he took up
his quarters for the night, intending to attack Montrose’s little
band next morning, in the hope of annihilating it altogether.
Both Wishart and Guthry suspect that the Earl of Traquair was the
informant, and they rest their conjecture upon the circumstance
of his having withdrawn during the night, (without acquainting
Montrose,) the troop of horse under his son, Lord Linton; but this
is not sufficient, of itself, to warrant us in charging him with such
an act.
But the most extraordinary and unaccountable circumstance which
preceded the battle of Philiphaugh, was, that although Leslie was
within six miles of Montrose’s camp, neither the scouts nor the
cavalry, who are stated to have scoured the country for four miles
beyond the place where Leslie lay, could discover, as they reported,
any traces of him. Did the scouts deceive Montrose, or did they not
proceed in the direction of Leslie’s camp, or did they confine their
perambulations within a more limited range? These are questions which
it is impossible to answer with any degree of certainty. But what
is to be said of the cavalry who having made their observations at
day-break, and confessedly several miles beyond the enemy’s camp,
returned as luckless as the midnight scouts? The only plausible
answer that can be given to this question is, either that they had
not visited the neighbourhood of Melrose, or that a thick mist which
prevailed on the morning of the 13th of September, had concealed
the enemy from their view. However, be this as it may, certain it
is that owing to the thickness of the fog, Leslie was enabled to
advance, unobserved, till he came within half a mile of Montrose’s
head quarters. On the alarm occasioned by this sudden and unexpected
appearance of the enemy, Montrose instantly sprung upon the first
horse that came to hand, and galloped off to his camp. On his
arrival, he fortunately found that all his men, though the hour was
very early, had risen, but considerable disorder prevailed in the
camp in consequence of preparations they were making for an immediate
march into Dumfries-shire in terms of instructions they had received
the previous evening. The cavalry, however, were quite dismounted,
some of the officers were absent, and their horses were scattered
through the adjoining fields taking their morning repast. Short as
the time was for putting his small band in a defensive position,
Montrose acted with his accustomed presence of mind, and before
the enemy commenced his attack, he had succeeded in drawing up his
men in order of battle, in the position which they had occupied
the preceding night. Nothing but self-preservation, on which the
cause of the king, his master, was chiefly dependant, could have
justified Montrose in attempting to resist the powerful force now
about to assail him. With about 1,000 foot and 500 horse, the greater
part of which was composed of raw and undisciplined levies hastily
brought into the field, and lukewarm in the cause, he had to resist
the attack of a body of about 6,000 veteran troops, chiefly English
cavalry, who had distinguished themselves at the battle of Marston
Moor, and who, though they could make no addition to their laurels
by defeating such a handful of men, may be supposed to have been
especially desirous of annihilating the remains of an army which had
been so long formidable and victorious.
The covenanting general began the battle by charging Montrose’s right
wing, consisting of horse, with the great body of his cavalry; but so
firmly was the charge received by the brave cavaliers with Montrose
at their head, that the assailants were forced to retire with loss.
A second charge met a similar fate. Thus foiled in their attempts
on the right, they next attacked Montrose’s left wing, consisting
of foot, which, after a gallant resistance, retired a little up the
face of the hill, where it was posted, to avoid the attacks of the
cavalry. While this struggle was going on on the left, a body of
2,000 covenanting foot which had made a circuitous route, appeared
in the rear of the right wing, which they attacked. The right wing
not being able to resist this force, and apprehensive that a new
attack would be made upon them by the enemy’s cavalry, and that
they would thus be surrounded and perhaps cut to pieces, fled from
the field. The foot who had taken up a position on the side of the
hill, being thus abandoned to their fate, surrendered themselves as
prisoners of war after a slight resistance; but horrible to tell,
they were afterwards shot by orders of the covenanting general, at
the instigation, it is said, of some presbyterian ministers, who
declared that no faith should be kept with such persons.
Montrose was still on the field with about 30 brave cavaliers, and
witnessed the rout of one part of his army and the surrender of
another, with the most poignant feelings of regret. He might have
instantly retreated with safety, but he could not brook the idea of
running away, and, therefore, resolved not to abandon the post of
honour, but to fight to the last extremity, and to sell his life as
dearly as possible. It was not long before he and his noble band
were nearly surrounded by the enemy, who kept pressing so hard upon
him, and in such numbers, as almost to preclude the possibility of
escape. Yet they did not venture to attack Montrose and his brave
associates in a body, but in detached parties, every one of which was
successively repulsed with loss. As the enemy grew tired of attacking
him, and seemed to be more intent upon plundering his baggage than
capturing his person, Montrose saw that the danger was not so great
as he supposed, and therefore he began to reflect upon the folly
of sacrificing his life so long as a ray of hope remained. He had
lost a battle, no doubt; but in this there was no dishonour when
the disparity of his force with that of the enemy was considered.
Besides, he had lost few of his men, and the Highlanders, on whom
he chiefly relied, were still entire, and were ready to take the
field as soon as he appeared again among them. And as to the effect
which such a defeat might be supposed to have upon the adherents of
the king, who were still numerous and powerful, it could be easily
removed as soon as they saw him again at the head of a fresh force.
That he could only expect to retrieve the present state of affairs
by escaping from the present danger and raising new troops; but
that if he rashly sacrificed his life the king’s affairs might be
irretrievably ruined. These reflections being seconded by the Marquis
of Douglas and a few trusty friends, who implored him not to throw
away a life so valuable to the king and to the country, Montrose
resolved to consult his safety by an immediate flight. Putting
himself, therefore, at the head of his troop, he cut his way through
the enemy, without the loss of a single man. They were pursued by a
party of horse, some of whom they killed, and actually carried off
one Bruce, a captain of horse, and two standard-bearers, with their
ensigns, as prisoners. Montrose went in the direction of Peebles,
which he entered about sunset, and here he was joined by various
straggling parties of his men who had escaped.
Montrose lost in this engagement very few of his horse, but a
considerable part of his foot was destroyed. He carried off, as we
have seen, two of the enemy’s standards, and fortunately preserved
his own, two in number, from the enemy. That belonging to his
infantry was saved by an Irish soldier of great bravery, who, on
seeing the battle lost, and the enemy in possession of the field,
tore it from the pole, and, wrapping it round his body, which was
without any other covering, nobly cut his way through the enemy sword
in hand. He overtook Montrose at Peebles, and delivered the standard
into his hands the same night. Montrose rewarded him for his bravery
by appointing him one of his life-guard, and by committing the
standard to his future charge. The other was preserved and delivered
to Montrose by the Honourable William Hay, brother to the Earl of
Kinnoul, a youth of a martial and enterprising spirit.
Montrose passed the night at Peebles, where he was joined by most
of his horse and part of his infantry; but some of his officers
who had mistaken their way, or fled in a different direction, were
seized by the country people and delivered over to Leslie. Among
these were the Earl of Hartfell, Lords Drummond and Ogilvie, Sir
Robert Spottiswood, Sir Alexander Leslie of Auchintoul, Sir William
Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, the Honourable William Murray, brother
to the Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity,
Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Mr. Andrew Guthry, son of the bishop of
Murray.[332] Montrose left Peebles early the following morning, and,
crossing the Clyde at a ford shown him by Sir John Dalziel, where he
was, to his great joy, joined by the Earls of Crawford and Airly, and
other noblemen who had effected their escape by a different route, he
proceeded rapidly to the north, and entered Athole, after dispatching
the Marquis of Douglas and the Earl of Airly into Angus, and Lord
Erskine into Mar, to raise forces. Montrose then sent letters to Sir
Alexander Macdonald and the Earl of Aboyne, requesting them to join
him without delay, and to bring with them all the forces they could
muster, to enable him to enter on a new campaign.
As soon as the members of the Committee of Estates, who had taken
refuge in Berwick, heard of Montrose’s defeat at Philiphaugh, they
joined Leslie’s army, which they accompanied to Edinburgh, and there
concocted those measures of revenge against the unhappy royalists
who had fallen into their hands, which they afterwards carried
into execution. The first who suffered were Colonel O’Kean, to
whose distinguished bravery at the battle of Fyvie we have already
alluded, and Major Lauchlan, another brave officer. Both these were
hanged, without trial, upon the Castle-hill at Edinburgh. Perhaps the
circumstance of being Irishmen appeared a sufficient reason in the
eyes of their enemies for dispatching them so summarily; but they
were, nevertheless, the subjects of the king, and as fully entitled
to all the privileges of war as the other prisoners. This hatred of
the Irish by the Covenanters was not confined to the cases of these
individuals. Having in their march westward to Glasgow fallen in,
near Linlithgow, with a body of helpless Irish women and children,
who, in consequence of the loss of their husbands and fathers at
the battle of Philiphaugh, were now seeking their way home to their
own country, they were all seized by orders of the heads of the
Covenanters, and thrown headlong by the brutal soldiers over the
bridge of Avon into the river below. Some of these unfortunate
beings, who had sufficient strength left to reach the banks of the
river, were not allowed to save themselves from drowning, but after
being beaten on the head and stunned by blows from the butt ends of
muskets and by clubs, were pushed back into the stream, where they
all perished.[333] According to Gordon of Ruthven, many of the women
who were with child were ripped up and cut to pieces, “with such
savage and inhuman cruelty, as neither Turk nor Scythian was ever
heard to have done the like.”[334]
The covenanting army continued its march to Glasgow, where a
convention of the Estates was held, to determine upon farther
measures. To testify their gratitude to Leslie, they granted him a
present of 50,000 merks and a gold chain, and they also voted the sum
of 25,000 merks to Middleton, the second in command.[335]
FOOTNOTES:
[282] Guthry, p. 141.
[283] Idem.
[284] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 447.
[285] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 522.
[286] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 301.
[287] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 452.
[288] Vol. ii. p. 457.
[289] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 462.
[290] _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 61.
[291] _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 65.
[292] Wishart, p. 127.
[293] Wishart, p. 136.
[294] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 525.
[295] Idem.
[296] Spalding.
[297] Wishart.
[298] _Montrose Redivivus_, p. 73.
[299] Spalding, vol. ii., p. 473. _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 127.
[300] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 525.
[301] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 474.
[302] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 476.
[303] Spalding, vol. ii. p. 479.
[304] Wishart, p. 145.
[305] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 129.
[306] Wishart, p. 147.
[307] Wishart, p. 149.
[308] This incident is extremely doubtful; it appears to be mentioned
only in the _Red Book of Clanranald_, while no mention is made of it
in Gordon of Sallagh, Wishart, or Gordon of Ruthven.
[309] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 526.
[310] Idem.
[311] _Memoirs_, p. 132.
[312] Guthrie’s _Memoirs_, p. 150.
[313] _Memoirs_, p. 155.
[314] Wishart’s _Memoirs_, p. 159.
[315] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 151.
[316] Wishart, p. 156.
[317] Guthry, p. 153.
[318] Idem.
[319] General Baillie’s _Narrative_, Baillie’s _Letters_, vol. ii.
pp. 270, 271.
[320] Carte, vol. iv. p. 538. The author of _Britane’s Distemper_ (p.
139) says that Montrose ordered every man to put a white shirt above
his clothes. It is, however, highly probable that the narrative in
the text is substantially true. Wishart (_Montrose Redivivus_, p.
96,) says they were ordered to throw off their doublets and “affront
the enemy all in white, being naked unto the waist all but their
shirts.”
[321] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 140.
[322] Nimmo’s _General History of Stirlingshire_, p. 396.
[323] _Memoirs_, p. 154.
[324] _Memoirs_, p. 171.
[325] _Memoirs_, p. 174.
[326] Burnet’s _Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 276.
[327] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 155.
[328] Wishart.
[329] Idem.
[330] Gordon’s _Continuation_, p. 528.
[331] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 159.
[332] Guthry’s _Memoirs_, p. 161.
[333] Sir George Mackenzie’s _Vind._, vol. ii. p. 348. Gordon’s
_History of the Family of Gordon_, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491.
[334] _Britane’s Distemper_, p. 160.
[335] Guthry, p. 169.