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Transcriber's note:
The following typographical errors have been corrected:
In page 58 "He was was an alien, he was supported by the guns of alien
warships,..." 'was was' corrected to 'was'.
In page 226 "I liked the end of that yarn no better than the
begining." 'begining' amended to 'beginning'.
THE WORKS OF
ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON
SWANSTON EDITION
VOLUME XVII
_Of this SWANSTON EDITION in Twenty-five
Volumes of the Works of ROBERT LOUIS
STEVENSON Two Thousand and Sixty Copies
have been printed, of which only Two Thousand
Copies are for sale._
_This is No._ ..........
[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE BEACH OF FALESA AND NEIGHBOURING
COUNTRY]
THE WORKS OF
ROBERT LOUIS
STEVENSON
VOLUME SEVENTEEN
LONDON: PUBLISHED BY CHATTO AND
WINDUS: IN ASSOCIATION WITH CASSELL
AND COMPANY LIMITED: WILLIAM
HEINEMANN: AND LONGMANS GREEN
AND COMPANY MDCCCCXII
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
CONTENTS
A FOOTNOTE TO HISTORY
EIGHT YEARS OF TROUBLE IN SAMOA
CHAPTER PAGE
I. THE ELEMENTS OF DISCORD: NATIVE 5
II. THE ELEMENTS OF DISCORD: FOREIGN 15
III. THE SORROWS OF LAUPEPA (1883 _to September_ 1887) 27
IV. BRANDEIS (_September_ 1887 _to August_ 1888) 53
V. THE BATTLE OF MATAUTU (_September_ 1888) 70
VI. LAST EXPLOITS OF BECKER (_September--November_ 1888) 83
VII. THE SAMOAN CAMPS (_November_ 1888) 103
VIII. AFFAIRS OF LAULII AND FANGALII (_November--December_
1888) 112
IX. "FUROR CONSULARIS" (_December_ 1888 _to March_ 1889) 128
X. THE HURRICANE (_March_ 1889) 142
XI. LAUPEPA AND MATAAFA (1889-1892) 156
ISLAND NIGHTS' ENTERTAINMENTS
The Beach of Falesa:
I. A SOUTH SEA BRIDAL 193
II. THE BAN 206
III. THE MISSIONARY 228
IV. DEVIL-WORK 240
V. NIGHT IN THE BUSH 258
THE BOTTLE IMP 275
THE ISLE OF VOICES 311
A FOOTNOTE TO HISTORY
EIGHT YEARS OF TROUBLE IN SAMOA
PREFACE
An affair which might be deemed worthy of a note of a few lines in any
general history has been here expanded to the size of a volume or large
pamphlet. The smallness of the scale, and the singularity of the manners
and events and many of the characters, considered, it is hoped that, in
spite of its outlandish subject, the sketch may find readers. It has
been a task of difficulty. Speed was essential, or it might come too
late to be of any service to a distracted country. Truth, in the midst
of conflicting rumours and in the dearth of printed material, was often
hard to ascertain, and since most of those engaged were of my personal
acquaintance, it was often more than delicate to express. I must
certainly have erred often and much; it is not for want of trouble taken
nor of an impartial temper. And if my plain speaking shall cost me any
of the friends that I still count, I shall be sorry, but I need not be
ashamed.
In one particular the spelling of Samoan words has been altered; and the
characteristic nasal _n_ of the language written throughout _ng_ instead
of _g_. Thus I put Pango-Pango, instead of Pago-Pago; the sound being
that of soft _ng_ in English, as in _singer_, not as in _finger_.
R.L.S.
VAILIMA,
UPOLU,
SAMOA.
EIGHT YEARS OF TROUBLE IN SAMOA
CHAPTER I
THE ELEMENTS OF DISCORD: NATIVE
The story I have to tell is still going on as I write; the characters
are alive and active; it is a piece of contemporary history in the most
exact sense. And yet, for all its actuality and the part played in it by
mails and telegraphs and iron war-ships, the ideas and the manners of the
native actors date back before the Roman Empire. They are Christians,
church-goers, singers of hymns at family worship, hardy cricketers;
their books are printed in London by Spottiswoode, Truebner, or the Tract
Society; but in most other points they are the contemporaries of our
tattooed ancestors who drove their chariots on the wrong side of the
Roman wall. We have passed the feudal system; they are not yet clear of
the patriarchal. We are in the thick of the age of finance; they are in
a period of communism. And this makes them hard to understand.
To us, with our feudal ideas, Samoa has the first appearance of a land
of despotism. An elaborate courtliness marks the race alone among
Polynesians; terms of ceremony fly thick as oaths on board a ship;
commoners my-lord each other when they meet--and urchins as they play
marbles. And for the real noble a whole private dialect is set apart.
The common names for an axe, for blood, for bamboo, a bamboo knife, a
pig, food, entrails, and an oven are taboo in his presence, as the
common names for a bug and for many offices and members of the body are
taboo in the drawing-rooms of English ladies. Special words are set
apart for his leg, his face, his hair, his belly, his eyelids, his son,
his daughter, his wife, his wife's pregnancy, his wife's adultery,
adultery with his wife, his dwelling, his spear, his comb, his sleep,
his dreams, his anger, the mutual anger of several chiefs, his food, his
pleasure in eating, the food and eating of his pigeons, his ulcers, his
cough, his sickness, his recovery, his death, his being carried on a
bier, the exhumation of his bones, and his skull after death. To address
these demigods is quite a branch of knowledge, and he who goes to visit
a high chief does well to make sure of the competence of his
interpreter. To complete the picture, the same word signifies the
watching of a virgin and the warding of a chief; and the same word means
to cherish a chief and to fondle a favourite child.
Men like us, full of memories of feudalism, hear of a man so addressed,
so flattered, and we leap at once to the conclusion that he is
hereditary and absolute. Hereditary he is; born of a great family, he
must always be a man of mark; but yet his office is elective and (in a
weak sense) is held on good behaviour. Compare the case of a Highland
chief: born one of the great ones of his clan, he was sometimes
appointed its chief officer and conventional father; was loved, and
respected, and served, and fed, and died for implicitly, if he gave
loyalty a chance; and yet if he sufficiently outraged clan sentiment,
was liable to deposition. As to authority, the parallel is not so close.
Doubtless the Samoan chief, if he be popular, wields a great influence;
but it is limited. Important matters are debated in a fono, or native
parliament, with its feasting and parade, its endless speeches and
polite genealogical allusions. Debated, I say--not decided; for even a
small minority will often strike a clan or a province impotent. In the
midst of these ineffective councils the chief sits usually silent: a
kind of a gagged audience for village orators. And the deliverance of
the fono seems (for the moment) to be final. The absolute chiefs of
Tahiti and Hawaii were addressed as plain John and Thomas; the chiefs of
Samoa are surfeited with lip-honour, but the seat and extent of their
actual authority is hard to find.
It is so in the members of the state, and worse in the belly. The idea
of a sovereign pervades the air; the name we have; the thing we are not
so sure of. And the process of election to the chief power is a mystery.
Certain provinces have in their gift certain high titles, or _names_, as
they are called. These can only be attributed to the descendants of
particular lines. Once granted, each _name_ conveys at once the
principality (whatever that be worth) of the province which bestows it,
and counts as one suffrage towards the general sovereignty of Samoa. To
be indubitable king, they say, or some of them say,--I find few in
perfect harmony,--a man should resume five of these names in his own
person. But the case is purely hypothetical; local jealousy forbids its
occurrence. There are rival provinces, far more concerned in the
prosecution of their rivalry than in the choice of a right man for king.
If one of these shall have bestowed its name on competitor A, it will be
the signal and the sufficient reason for the other to bestow its name on
competitor B or C. The majority of Savaii and that of Aana are thus in
perennial opposition. Nor is this all. In 1881, Laupepa, the present
king, held the three names of Malietoa, Natoaitele, and Tamasoalii;
Tamasese held that of Tuiaana; and Mataafa that of Tuiatua. Laupepa had
thus a majority of suffrages; he held perhaps as high a proportion as
can be hoped in these distracted islands; and he counted among the
number the preponderant name of Malietoa. Here, if ever, was an
election. Here, if a king were at all possible, was the king. And yet
the natives were not satisfied. Laupepa was crowned, March 19th; and
next month, the provinces of Aana and Atua met in joint parliament, and
elected their own two princes, Tamasese and Mataafa, to an alternate
monarchy, Tamasese taking the first trick of two years. War was
imminent, when the consuls interfered, and any war were preferable to
the terms of the peace which they procured. By the Lackawanna treaty,
Laupepa was confirmed king, and Tamasese set by his side in the
nondescript office of vice-king. The compromise was not, I am told,
without precedent; but it lacked all appearance of success. To the
constitution of Samoa, which was already all wheels and no horses, the
consuls had added a fifth wheel. In addition to the old conundrum, "Who
is the king?" they had supplied a new one, "What is the vice-king?"
Two royal lines; some cloudy idea of alternation between the two; an
electorate in which the vote of each province is immediately effectual,
as regards itself, so that every candidate who attains one _name_
becomes a perpetual and dangerous competitor for the other four: such
are a few of the more trenchant absurdities. Many argue that the whole
idea of sovereignty is modern and imported; but it seems impossible that
anything so foolish should have been suddenly devised, and the
constitution bears on its front the marks of dotage.
But the king, once elected and nominated, what does he become? It may be
said he remains precisely as he was. Election to one of the five names
is significant; it brings not only dignity but power, and the holder is
secure, from that moment, of a certain following in war. But I cannot
find that the further step of election to the kingship implies anything
worth mention. The successful candidate is now the _Tupu o Samoa_--much
good may it do him! He can so sign himself on proclamations, which it
does not follow that any one will heed. He can summon parliaments; it
does not follow they will assemble. If he be too flagrantly disobeyed,
he can go to war. But so he could before, when he was only the chief of
certain provinces. His own provinces will support him, the provinces of
his rivals will take the field upon the other part; just as before. In
so far as he is the holder of any of the five _names_, in short, he is a
man to be reckoned with; in so far as he is king of Samoa, I cannot find
but what the president of a college debating society is a far more
formidable officer. And unfortunately, although the credit side of the
account proves thus imaginary, the debit side is actual and heavy. For
he is now set up to be the mark of consuls; he will be badgered to raise
taxes, to make roads, to punish crime, to quell rebellion: and how he is
to do it is not asked.
If I am in the least right in my presentation of this obscure matter, no
one need be surprised to hear that the land is full of war and rumours
of war. Scarce a year goes by but what some province is in arms, or sits
sulky and menacing, holding parliaments, disregarding the king's
proclamations and planting food in the bush, the first step of military
preparation. The religious sentiment of the people is indeed for peace
at any price; no pastor can bear arms; and even the layman who does so
is denied the sacraments. In the last war the college of Malua, where
the picked youth are prepared for the ministry, lost but a single
student; the rest, in the bosom of a bleeding country, and deaf to the
voices of vanity and honour, peacefully pursued their studies. But if
the church looks askance on war, the warrior in no extremity of need or
passion forgets his consideration for the church. The houses and gardens
of her ministers stand safe in the midst of armies; a way is reserved
for themselves along the beach, where they may be seen in their white
kilts and jackets openly passing the lines, while not a hundred yards
behind the skirmishers will be exchanging the useless volleys of
barbaric warfare. Women are also respected; they are not fired upon; and
they are suffered to pass between the hostile camps, exchanging gossip,
spreading rumour, and divulging to either army the secret councils of
the other. This is plainly no savage war; it has all the punctilio of
the barbarian, and all his parade; feasts precede battles, fine dresses
and songs decorate and enliven the field; and the young soldier comes to
camp burning (on the one hand) to distinguish himself by acts of valour,
and (on the other) to display his acquaintance with field etiquette.
Thus after Mataafa became involved in hostilities against the Germans,
and had another code to observe beside his own, he was always asking his
white advisers if "things were done correctly." Let us try to be as wise
as Mataafa, and to conceive that etiquette and morals differ in one
country and another. We shall be the less surprised to find Samoan war
defaced with some unpalatable customs. The childish destruction of
fruit-trees in an enemy's country cripples the resources of Samoa; and
the habit of head-hunting not only revolts foreigners, but has begun to
exercise the minds of the natives themselves. Soon after the German
heads were taken, Mr. Carne, Wesleyan missionary, had occasion to visit
Mataafa's camp, and spoke of the practice with abhorrence. "Misi Kane,"
said one chief, "we have just been puzzling ourselves to guess where
that custom came from. But, Misi, is it not so that when David killed
Goliath, he cut off his head and carried it before the king?"
With the civil life of the inhabitants we have far less to do; and yet
even here a word of preparation is inevitable. They are easy, merry, and
pleasure-loving; the gayest, though by far from either the most capable
or the most beautiful of Polynesians. Fine dress is a passion, and makes
a Samoan festival a thing of beauty. Song is almost ceaseless. The
boatman sings at the oar, the family at evening worship, the girls at
night in the guest-house, sometimes the workman at his toil. No occasion
is too small for the poets and musicians; a death, a visit, the day's
news, the day's pleasantry, will be set to rhyme and harmony. Even
half-grown girls, the occasion arising, fashion words and train choruses
of children for its celebration. Song, as with all Pacific islanders,
goes hand in hand with the dance, and both shade into the drama. Some of
the performances are indecent and ugly, some only dull; others are
pretty, funny, and attractive. Games are popular. Cricket-matches, where
a hundred played upon a side, endured at times for weeks, and ate up the
country like the presence of an army. Fishing, the daily bath,
flirtation; courtship, which is gone upon by proxy; conversation, which
is largely political; and the delights of public oratory, fill in the
long hours.
But the special delight of the Samoan is the _malanga_. When people form
a party and go from village to village, junketing and gossiping, they
are said to go on a _malanga_. Their songs have announced their approach
ere they arrive; the guest-house is prepared for their reception; the
virgins of the village attend to prepare the kava bowl and entertain
them with the dance; time flies in the enjoyment of every pleasure which
an islander conceives; and when the _malanga_ sets forth, the same
welcome and the same joys expect them beyond the next cape, where the
nearest village nestles in its grove of palms. To the visitors it is all
golden; for the hosts, it has another side. In one or two words of the
language the fact peeps slyly out. The same word (_afemoeina_) expresses
"a long call" and "to come as a calamity"; the same word (_lesolosolou_)
signifies "to have no intermission of pain" and "to have no cessation,
as in the arrival of visitors"; and _soua_, used of epidemics, bears the
sense of being overcome as with "fire, flood, or visitors." But the gem
of the dictionary is the verb _alovao_, which illustrates its pages like
a humorous woodcut. It is used in the sense of "to avoid visitors," but
it means literally "hide in the wood." So, by the sure hand of popular
speech, we have the picture of the house deserted, the _malanga_
disappointed, and the host that should have been quaking in the bush.
We are thus brought to the beginning of a series of traits of manners,
highly curious in themselves, and essential to an understanding of the
war. In Samoa authority sits on the one hand entranced; on the other,
property stands bound in the midst of chartered marauders. What
property exists is vested in the family, not in the individual; and of
the loose communism in which a family dwells, the dictionary may yet
again help us to some idea. I find a string of verbs with the following
senses: to deal leniently with, as in helping oneself from a family
plantation; to give away without consulting other members of the family;
to go to strangers for help instead of to relatives; to take from
relatives without permission; to steal from relatives; to have
plantations robbed by relatives. The ideal of conduct in the family, and
some of its depravations, appear here very plainly. The man who (in a
native word of praise) is _mata-ainga_, a race-regarder, has his hand
always open to his kindred; the man who is not (in a native term of
contempt) _noa_, knows always where to turn in any pinch of want or
extremity of laziness. Beggary within the family--and by the less
self-respecting, without it--has thus grown into a custom and a scourge,
and the dictionary teems with evidence of its abuse. Special words
signify the begging of food, of uncooked food, of fish, of pigs, of pigs
for travellers, of pigs for stock, of taro, of taro-tops, of taro-tops
for planting, of tools, of flyhooks, of implements for netting pigeons,
and of mats. It is true the beggar was supposed in time to make a
return, somewhat as by the Roman contract of _mutuum_. But the
obligation was only moral; it could not be, or was not, enforced; as a
matter of fact, it was disregarded. The language had recently to borrow
from the Tahitians a word for debt; while by a significant excidence, it
possessed a native expression for the failure to pay--"to omit to make a
return for property begged." Conceive now the position of the
householder besieged by harpies, and all defence denied him by the laws
of honour. The sacramental gesture of refusal, his last and single
resource, was supposed to signify "my house is destitute." Until that
point was reached, in other words, the conduct prescribed for a Samoan
was to give and to continue giving. But it does not appear he was at
all expected to give with a good grace. The dictionary is well stocked
with expressions standing ready, like missiles, to be discharged upon
the locusts--"troop of shamefaced ones," "you draw in your head like a
tern," "you make your voice small like a whistle-pipe," "you beg like
one delirious"; and the verb _pongitai_, "to look cross," is equipped
with the pregnant rider, "as at the sight of beggars."
This insolence of beggars and the weakness of proprietors can only be
illustrated by examples. We have a girl in our service to whom we had
given some finery, that she might wait at table, and (at her own
request) some warm clothing against the cold mornings of the bush. She
went on a visit to her family, and returned in an old tablecloth, her
whole wardrobe having been divided out among relatives in the course of
twenty-four hours. A pastor in the province of Atua, being a handy, busy
man, bought a boat for a hundred dollars, fifty of which he paid down.
Presently after, relatives came to him upon a visit and took a fancy to
his new possession. "We have long been wanting a boat," said they. "Give
us this one." So, when the visit was done, they departed in the boat.
The pastor, meanwhile, travelled into Savaii the best way he could, sold
a parcel of land, and begged mats among his other relatives, to pay the
remainder of the price of the boat which was no longer his. You might
think this was enough; but some months later, the harpies, having broken
a thwart, brought back the boat to be repaired and repainted by the
original owner.
Such customs, it might be argued, being double-edged, will ultimately
right themselves. But it is otherwise in practice. Such folk as the
pastor's harpy relatives will generally have a boat, and will never have
paid for it; such men as the pastor may have sometimes paid for a boat,
but they will never have one. It is there as it is with us at home: the
measure of the abuse of either system is the blackness of the individual
heart. The same man, who would drive his poor relatives from his own
door in England, would besiege in Samoa the doors of the rich; and the
essence of the dishonesty in either case is to pursue one's own
advantage and to be indifferent to the losses of one's neighbour. But
the particular drawback of the Polynesian system is to depress and
stagger industry. To work more is there only to be more pillaged; to
save is impossible. The family has then made a good day of it when all
are filled and nothing remains over for the crew of free-booters; and
the injustice of the system begins to be recognised even in Samoa. One
native is said to have amassed a certain fortune; two clever lads have
individually expressed to us their discontent with a system which taxes
industry to pamper idleness; and I hear that in one village of Savaii a
law has been passed forbidding gifts under the penalty of a sharp fine.
Under this economic regimen, the unpopularity of taxes, which strike all
at the same time, which expose the industrious to a perfect siege of
mendicancy, and the lazy to be actually condemned to a day's labour, may
be imagined without words. It is more important to note the concurrent
relaxation of all sense of property. From applying for help to kinsmen
who are scarce permitted to refuse, it is but a step to taking from them
(in the dictionary phrase) "without permission"; from that to theft at
large is but a hair's-breadth.