The two Dublin workhouses had been opened upwards of twelve months, and

the guardians had attended to the administration of relief and the union

business generally, in a very exemplary manner. Before the houses were

thoroughly completed and organized, the closing of the Dublin mendicity

institution threw a sudden pressure upon these establishments,

especially upon that of the South Dublin union, as many as 500 poor

persons having been admitted there in one week, and 1,473 within the

first month, a great majority of whom had been previously supported in

the Dublin Mendicity. Such an influx could hardly fail of causing

embarrassment and confusion, and it may be regarded as a proof of the

efficiency of the workhouse system, that notwithstanding the want of

preparation which necessarily prevailed, and the inexperience of the

guardians and union officers, so large an admission was provided for,

and order speedily established. Even after the first influx of mendicity

paupers had ceased, there was great pressure for admission, on which

account a cautionary letter was addressed to the guardians, recommending

that from the numerous applicants they should at one time select such a

moderate number only “as could be conveniently cleansed, classified,

placed in their proper wards, and registered in course of that and the

following day;” and likewise, that the visiting committee should report

as to the condition of the inmates, and whether they had been disposed

of in accordance with the regulations, previous to further admissions

taking place on the days fixed for the purpose. In the absence of strict

discipline, the workhouse will, they are told, become a place to which

the idle would resort to the exclusion of those who are real objects of

charity; and this was the more to be apprehended in the Dublin unions,

from the circumstance of their workhouses being open while no relief was

given in the neighbouring unions, and were consequently attracting from

the surrounding country those poor persons who needed or who professed

to need such relief. The number of inmates in the South Dublin workhouse

on the 25th of March was 2,080, and in the North Dublin the number was

1,837.

[Sidenote: The Cork union.]

The case of Cork differed materially from the two Dublin unions. These

had each a capacious workhouse in which classification could be

established and order be enforced; but the Cork house was small,

ill-arranged, and altogether insufficient for these purposes; and it was

not without considerable misgiving, that in compliance with the wishes

of the guardians, it had been permitted to be used as the temporary

workhouse of the union, until the new house should be ready.[102] The

inconvenience was certainly less felt than might be expected, the

guardians having made the most of the old building, and established a

tolerable degree of order among the inmates under circumstances

extremely unfavourable for the purpose. The number of inmates on the

25th of March was 1,844, nearly the half of whom were former inmates of

the old house of industry. This number was much beyond what could be

properly accommodated, but owing to the severity of the winter and the

high price of provisions there had been much distress among the poor,

and the pressure for admission had consequently been very great. When

relief shall be administered in the neighbouring unions, the pressure

upon Cork may be expected to subside. The new house is calculated for

2,000 inmates, and will it is considered, when completed, be sufficient

to meet the wants of the union.

-----

[102]

Ante, p. 251.

-----

The foregoing account of the proceedings in the Cork and Dublin unions,

exhibits the actual working of the Poor Law in the only unions in which

it had been in operation sufficiently long for showing any definite

result. In each of these unions workhouse relief had been administered

for upwards of a year, and the boards of guardians and other executives

had mostly held office for double that period. The circumstances under

which they had to act, were moreover peculiarly trying. These unions may

therefore be regarded as average examples of the working of the law, and

might be appealed to in proof of its sufficiency for the objects

contemplated in its enactment. There was no doubt still in these three

unions much to adjust and regulate, which it required time and

watchfulness to effect. But the general establishment of the law

throughout Ireland might now, it was considered, be looked forward to

with confidence, nothing having hitherto occurred to raise a doubt as to

its applicability; but on the contrary, all the proceedings had served

to show that the system was suitable to the circumstances of the

country, and adequate for the relief of the destitute poor.

By the _123rd section_ of the Relief Act it is directed, that an account

of the expenditure upon the relief of the poor during the year, and the

total number of persons relieved, in each union on the 1st of January,

shall be annually laid before parliament, together with the

commissioners’ General Report. On the 1st of January 1841, the returns

showed that the expense of relief in the previous year, and the numbers

relieved in the four unions then in operation, were as follows—

No. in the workhouse

on the 1st Jan. 1841.

Cork £12,453 8 0 1,549

North Dublin 10,407 12 7 1,601

South Dublin 12,732 3 8 1,987

Londonderry (two months) 1,464 4 5 331

————————————— ————

£37,057 8 8 Total 5,468

[Sidenote: Education and training of workhouse children.]

The education of the children maintained in the workhouse, was from the

very outset felt to be a matter of the utmost importance. In the North

Dublin workhouse there were 500 children under sixteen years of age, and

in the South Dublin workhouse there were 635. That these children should

be trained up in moral and religious habits, and be fitted by education

and by instruction in useful branches of industry for earning their own

living, all must admit to be necessary; and for these purposes a

protestant and a Roman catholic chaplain, and a schoolmaster and

schoolmistress, were appointed to each workhouse. The girls were taught

sewing, and were employed in the domestic work of the house, so as to

fit them for service. The boys were taught tailoring, shoemaking,

carpentering, and some were set to work in the garden: but the various

employments to which boys reared in the workhouse are likely in after

life to betake themselves, hardly admit of their being specifically

trained for them, and little more can be done in the way of preparation

than to send them forth imbued with habits of industry, their frames

strengthened and inured to labour, their tempers and mental faculties

duly cultivated, and above all with their minds duly impressed with a

sense of their moral and religious duties. When thus prepared, they will

be best fitted for entering upon the duties incidental to their

position, on the right performance of which their future condition in

life must depend. The earnest attention of the Dublin boards was given

to this subject, and arrangements were made with the Commissioners of

National Education for inspecting the workhouse schools, and for

supplying them with books and other requisites on the most favourable

terms. The Board likewise took advantage of every opportunity for

impressing upon the guardians and union officers the great importance of

attending to the education and training of these children, and of

getting them out into service and other occupations as soon as they were

fitted for it.

[Sidenote: Mendicancy.]

Shortly after the opening of the Dublin workhouses, a marked decrease

was observed in the number of beggars, and persons before adverse to the

Poor Law were then heard to speak in its favour. Many of the beggars had

in fact entered the workhouses, and thus the public were relieved from

their solicitations; but the relief was short-lived, for others soon

flocked in from the neighbouring districts, and many who had entered the

workhouses experimentally as it were, or through fear that their

vocation might be suddenly put a stop to, again left them and resumed

their former practice of begging; and thus after a time, the streets and

suburbs of Dublin were as full of beggars as before. This circumstance

appears to have produced a very general conviction, not in Dublin only

but throughout the country, of the necessity for suppressing mendicancy,

and Lord Morpeth[103] introduced a bill for the purpose, which however

was not proceeded with. The commissioners nevertheless again

emphatically declared “that a law for the repression of mendicancy was

essential to the well-working of the Poor Relief Act in Ireland.”

-----

[103]

Then secretary for Ireland.

-----

[Sidenote: The valuations.]

Much attention was given to the valuations of the rateable property in

the several unions, and such advice and assistance as appeared to be

necessary were afforded on the occasion. The valuations were said to be

complete in fifty of the unions, and were in progress in most of the

others; and notwithstanding that they were said to be too low, “there

was on the whole reason to be satisfied with the manner in which this

very important duty had been performed, although in so large an

operation, entered upon under such a variety of circumstances, there

must be variances and imperfections requiring time and experience to

rectify.” It was at this time proposed to found the parliamentary

franchise upon the Poor Law valuations, and the author’s opinion was

asked as to their accuracy, and whether the commissioners possessed

sufficient power for securing their correctness in future. A good deal

of communication took place on the subject, and the author stated that

he considered no further powers to be necessary—that strictly speaking

the valuation was only applicable to one rate, and was constantly open

to revision as the value of property changed, or as circumstances

required it; so that supposing the valuations not to be accurate then,

as provision was made for successive revisions, it could hardly be

doubted that after a few rates had been levied, they would be made to

approximate very closely to what was contemplated by the Act, and would

also be kept in that state by the self-corrective principle with which

they were imbued. With respect to any consequences likely to arise from

basing the parliamentary or the municipal franchise upon the Poor Law

valuations, if either should be determined on, he thought “that whatever

influence such a connexion might have, must tend to raise the

valuations; and as these were now confessedly too low, the effect would

be so far beneficial.”

[Sidenote: Election of guardians.]

Many irregularities had occurred in the election of guardians, and there

had likewise been instances of improper interference with the

distribution and collection of the voting papers. An inquiry was

therefore instituted with a view to ascertain whether it might not be

expedient to make some change in these respects. Under the Municipal

Corporation Act, the suffrages are required to be given at

polling-places appointed for the purpose, while by the Board’s order for

the election of guardians they are directed to be given by means of

voting papers; and of the two modes, many persons thought the former

best suited to the state of Ireland. But although irregularities and

improper influence had no doubt in some cases interfered with the

distribution and collection of the voting papers, intimidation and undue

influence of another kind might, it was thought, be as effectually

practised, and in a more turbulent manner, when the electors proceed to

polling-places to record their votes; and to make so important a change

at the then early stage of the proceedings, unless it were absolutely

necessary, would tend to weaken public confidence—on all which accounts,

and after much consideration, it was determined to adhere to the mode of

conducting the elections then established—endeavouring however at the

same time to improve the details, and as far as possible to guard

against irregularities and improper influences of every kind. Elections

had taken place in 99 unions, and in 25 of these the guardians were

returned without a contest. The other 74 unions comprised 1,234

electoral divisions, and ten divisions which were subdivided into 54

wards, making in all 1,288 election districts, in 254 of which contests

took place, whilst in 1,034 the guardians were returned without a

contest. These results seemed to augur well for the future elections

under the existing order. A tabular statement showing the particulars of

all these elections, with the names of the several returning officers,

is given in the Appendix to the Annual Report.

[Sidenote: The medical charities.]

A limited inquiry into the state of a few of the medical charities had

been made in the previous year, but a more extended inquiry under the

provisions of the Poor Relief Act appearing to be desired, and the time

indicated by the 46th section for commencing such inquiry, namely “so

soon as conveniently may be after the formation of the unions,” having

arrived, it was determined that the whole of the medical charities

should forthwith be examined, and a series of instructions were

accordingly prepared for the purpose.[104] At the date of the

commissioners’ third Annual Report the medical charities within 53 of

the unions had been examined and reported upon, and as these were spread

over every part of the country, and comprised every variety of

circumstance usually connected with such institutions, they might be

considered as presenting a fair sample of the wants, and of the actual

state and condition of the whole. It was therefore thought that a

sufficient amount of information had been obtained for reporting the

same to government, and suggesting such corrective measures as appeared

to be called for, although the inquiry had not been completed in all the

unions; and this was soon afterwards accordingly done.

-----

[104]

The gentlemen to whom this very important duty was confided were Mr.

Phelan who had been specially appointed with a view to this object,

and Dr. Corr afterwards temporarily employed for the like purpose; and

to them was joined the assistant-commissioner in charge of the

district within which the particular inquiry took place.

-----

[Sidenote: Vaccination.]

_The 3rd and 4th Vict., cap. 29_, ‘to extend the practice of

vaccination,’ had been passed in the year preceding, and no time was

lost in bringing the Act into operation in Ireland, so far as depended

on the Poor Law executive. Letters were addressed to the unions,

advising and instructing the guardians as to the steps to be taken by

them on the occasion, and furnishing them with the necessary forms of

contract &c. for carrying the law into effect. These were generally

found sufficient for the purpose, and ninety of the unions had already

contracted in the form and on the terms proposed; and the others would,

it was expected, do the same, when their organization became

sufficiently advanced. The rate of remuneration recommended for the

medical practitioners, was a shilling for each case of successful

vaccination treated during the year up to 200, and sixpence for each

such case beyond that number; but the guardians were not restricted to

these rates, if in any case they should appear to them to be unsuitable.

[Sidenote: Union agricultural societies.]

It had always been considered that the union machinery would afford

facilities for the introduction of local improvements in Ireland.

Hitherto there had been a want of means for carrying any such object

into effect. But the Union authorities now afforded the means, and

possessed sufficient local influence for setting on foot and supporting

whatever local measures might be necessary for promoting the comfort and

well-being of the people. I had frequent communications on this

interesting subject with persons residing in different parts of the

country, and I omitted no opportunity of adverting to the important

considerations which it involved. Agriculture is the chief staple of

Ireland, on which the welfare, and it may be said the very existence of

its inhabitants depended. Yet agriculture was, with few exceptions,

confessedly in a very backward state; and it appeared to me likely that

this backwardness might to some extent be remedied by the establishment

of union agricultural societies—that is, associations for promoting

improvements in agriculture within the limits of the respective unions;

but of course to be in no way connected with the administration of the

Poor Law. Efforts were accordingly made for accomplishing this object,

and with considerable success, several such associations having been

formed at the date of the third Report, the Ballinasloe union under its

chairman Lord Clancarty being the first, and others likewise being in

course of formation, with every prospect of beneficial results.

[Sidenote: Prevalence of distress.]

The prices of provisions were high during nearly the whole of last year

(1840), and there was a good deal of distress in some districts.

Applications for assistance were as usual made to government on the

approach of summer in the present year, and these being referred to the

Dublin Board, were in every instance fully inquired into. It was evident

that much pressure prevailed in some parts of the country, owing to the

exhaustion or short supply and consequent dearness of the potato; but

“it did not appear that the pressure was so great, or the distress in

any district so urgent, as to call for extraordinary interference on the

part of the government.” The distress which usually took place in the

western parts of Ireland between the months of June and September, from

a failure of the old and pending the incoming of the new crop, will it

may be feared continue more or less to prevail, so long as the potato

continues to be the chief or nearly sole food of the population. The

intensity of the distress is always in proportion to the length of the

interval between the exhaustion of one crop and the maturity of the

other; and this interval under ordinary circumstances can only be

reduced by the exercise of forethought and prudential considerations by

the people themselves. These qualities happily appear to be increasing

and becoming more general, the pressure of the preceding year having

been sustained, not only without the usual aid from government, but with

less suffering and privation than had prevailed in former years,

although the last year’s crops were considerably under an average. The

people therefore must have been more careful in husbanding their means,

and were likewise, it may be presumed, better informed with regard to

their social position, and the duties which it imposed upon them.

Perhaps a portion of this improvement may be attributed to the frequent

discussions with reference to the Poor Law question during the last five

or six years, partly also to the organization of unions latterly in

progress throughout the country, and partly likewise to the spread of

temperance which had happily taken place of late.

[Sidenote: 1842.

Fourth report of proceedings in Ireland.]

The Report for 1842 brings the account of proceedings down to the 1st of

May, instead of ending at the 25th of March, as in the case of the three

preceding Reports. This was done in order to assimilate the dates of the

English and Irish Reports, the statements of proceedings in each now

terminating at the same period.

[Sidenote: Unions declared.]

At the date of the preceding Report, the unions had all been declared

excepting three, for the declaring of which the preliminary arrangements

had all been made, and these were declared shortly afterwards.[105] The

whole of Ireland must now therefore be regarded as being divided into

unions, with the extent of each union defined, and its population and

other circumstances ascertained and recorded. In each union likewise, an

administrative body had been formed on a broad representative principle,

and there could be no doubt that the boards of guardians so elected

would possess the confidence of the people. A complete return of the 130

unions, with their area and population, the number of electoral

divisions, the number of guardians elected and ex-officio, and the date

of declaration of each union, is given in the Appendix to the Report.

-----

[105]

Ante, p. 259.

-----

[Sidenote: The workhouses.]

Next in order to the formation of the unions, and it may be added next

also in importance, is the erection of the workhouses; and to a

description of the steps taken in carrying forward this extensive

operation, several pages are devoted in the fourth Report, at the date

of which, all the workhouses had been built, or were in progress of

building, and 81 had been declared fit for the reception of destitute

poor. In all of these, excepting a few of the last finished, relief was

being then administered, and by the end of the summer it was expected

that at least 100 of the workhouses would be completed and opened, and

the others far advanced towards completion. A hope is also expressed

that by the end of the following spring, “or at latest by midsummer,”

the workhouses throughout Ireland would be all in operation. This it is

observed was perhaps as much as could be expected under the most

favourable circumstances; but the prevalence of wet weather during the

last three years had greatly impeded the progress of the buildings, and

much increased the labour and difficulty of superintendence. Even in

favourable seasons, it would not be a light task to superintend and

direct extensive buildings, proceeding simultaneously in every part of

the country; but with such weather as had prevailed in the last three

years, and with a hundred of these buildings in progress at one time,

all requiring constant attention, the labour and the difficulty must

obviously have been increased. The builders likewise were sufferers from

the same cause, which made them lose much time, as well as incur much

additional expense. Generally however the buildings were well finished,

and the several contractors evinced, with few exceptions, an honest

determination to fulfil their engagements, although this was in some

instances done to their own loss.

[Sidenote: Workhouse loans.]

The money required for providing the workhouses, being under the

provisions of the Relief Act, and with consent of government, advanced

by the exchequer-bill loan commissioners, arrangements had been made for

its reception, safe custody, and correct appropriation, through the

medium of the Bank of England and the Bank of Ireland. A separate loan

was in the first instance granted to each union, and as the money was

successively required to pay for land purchased, or to pay the

stipulated instalments to the contractor, the amount was transmitted to

the Bank of Ireland for the credit of the person to whom it was payable

in Dublin; and thus these loans passed from her Majesty’s exchequer into

the hands of the parties severally entitled to receive them, without

ever departing from the custody of one or other of the two great

national banks, and consequently without risk, or the possibility of

malversation. On the completion of the buildings, and after the accounts

had been duly examined and certified, they were together with all the

original documents laid before the boards of guardians, in order that

every step which had been taken in the matter might be distinctly seen

by them—the amount claimed, the amount deducted, and the quantity and

price on which the deduction was founded or the claim allowed, all

appeared on the face of the accounts; and a statement was at the same

time delivered showing in detail the amount of the several receipts from

the loan, and the expenditure on account of the union, and exhibiting

the excess if there were a balance in hand, or the deficiency if there

was not enough to cover the expenditure, in which case a further order

to the guardians to raise or borrow the sum deficient was necessarily

issued.

[Sidenote: Cost of the workhouses.]

It was originally estimated that the cost of the workhouses would not

exceed a million sterling, and provision had been at the outset made to

that extent: but as the buildings advanced, it became evident that this

amount would not be sufficient, and application was made for a further

loan of 150,000_l._. One cause of the excess was, that it had not been

originally proposed to finish and fit up the workhouses in so expensive

a way as was afterwards found to be necessary. As the general condition

of the people with respect to their habitations and mode of living, was

inferior to that of the corresponding classes in England, it was thought

that the workhouses might properly be of a somewhat less finished and

costly character, and the arrangements for the buildings were framed in

accordance with this view. Further experience however showed it to be

necessary that the Irish workhouses should be made in all respects as

complete as those in England. Indeed the guardians very generally wished

that the finishing and fittings should be more costly and complete than

was the case in the English houses; and if the prevalent desire on this

point had been complied with, the workhouses in Ireland would have been

finished and fitted up after the model and with all the appliances of an

hospital or infirmary. This will account for much of the excess beyond

the original estimate in providing the Irish workhouses.

[Sidenote: Workhouse employment.]

In connexion with the workhouses, the difficulty of always finding

suitable employment for the inmates requires to be noticed. That pauper

labour is unprofitable, was generally admitted; and if it were so in

England where there is a constant demand for labour, it could not fail

of being so in Ireland where the labour market was for the most part

overcharged. All that had hitherto been done in this respect in the

Irish workhouses, was to keep the inmates occupied as far as possible in

employments of the commonest kind. The aged and infirm of both sexes who

constituted a great majority of the inmates, were generally employed in

oakum-picking, in the picking carding and spinning of wool, in knitting,

and some few in making and mending the clothes belonging to the

establishment. There were scarcely any able-bodied men in the

workhouses, although there were many partially disabled, who were mostly

occupied in the kitchen or doing the rougher work about the yards, and

where this did not afford sufficient occupation they were employed in

breaking stones. The able-bodied women were employed in household work,

and there were not always a sufficient number of these to clean and keep

the house in proper order; but where the number was greater than could

be so employed, they were set to work with the needle, or in carding

spinning or knitting. With regard to the children of both sexes, when

not at school, they are employed in occupations suited to their age and

strength—the girls under the matron in household work, or in working

with their needle; the boys working in the yards, or in the garden, or

at some trade in the house, thus accustoming their hands to labour, and

fitting them for the everyday occupations of life. Much difficulty had

always been found in getting young persons out into service or other

occupation in Ireland. The better the workhouse children are trained and

educated however, the better will be their chance in this respect. With

the boys there will probably be less difficulty than the girls.

Emigration would seem to be the suitable remedy for an excess of numbers

in either case; but emigration, contrary to what was originally

intended, was by the _51st section_ of the Relief Act made a charge upon

the electoral division. The board of guardians collectively had no power

to deal with it. And hence, although there were a number of friendless

young persons, mostly females, the residuum of a former system, in the

workhouses of the two Dublin unions, and at Cork, Waterford, Limerick,

and Belfast, for whom no employment could be found, the money necessary

for defraying the expense of their emigration could not be raised, and

they continued a burden upon the unions instead of becoming useful as

colonists.

[Sidenote: Sanitary state of the workhouses.]

The sanitary condition of the workhouses had generally been good,

although they were in some instances much crowded during the winter.

This was especially the case with the Dublin and Cork houses. Yet the

inmates had on the whole been remarkably healthy, and fewer deaths

occurred than might have been expected, looking at the advanced age and

generally depressed physical condition of a large proportion of the

individuals admitted. But the absence of all exciting influences, the

regular hours, due supplies of food and clothing, and the warmth and

ventilation which are found in a workhouse in a superior degree to what

can be obtained by the same class out of it, no doubt conduce to the

preservation of the health, and the extension of the life of its

inmates. Such is not always the case however with respect to children.

In the Dublin workhouses, a large proportion of the infants were in a

diseased or extremely emaciated state when admitted, and very many of

them in their then condition could hardly be expected to live. The

mortality which took place was accordingly so considerable as to lead to

an inquiry being instituted, the result of which showed—“that although

the mortality among the infants under two years of age in the workhouse

was large, it yet had not exceeded, but rather fallen short of the

average mortality among infants of the same age and class in foundling

hospitals and other like institutions, or even at large under the care

of their parents.”

[Sidenote: Audit of the accounts.]

The accounts of the unions in which workhouses were in operation were

severally audited by the assistant-commissioners, and duly reported

upon. These reports showed the working of the system in all its details,

pointing out and commenting upon the good and bad parts of the

administration, and exhibiting and explaining the general results. The

audit reports are in fact calculated to afford a complete view of the

working of the Poor-law, wherever the administration of relief under its

provisions had been brought into operation. Several of these were

appended to the fourth annual Report.

[Sidenote: Amount of expenditure and number relieved.]

The expenditure on relief of the poor during the previous year, and the

numbers relieved on the 1st of January, in the four unions then in

operation, of which an account has been given,[106] was in the year

ending January 1st 1842 as follows—

Number in the house on

the 1st January 1842.

Cork £11,775 1881

North Dublin 14,643 1940

South Dublin 15,613 2124

Londonderry 3,711 385

_______ ____

£45,742 Total 6,330

These unions may therefore be considered as being in orderly working,

and equal to the duties imposed upon them by the Poor Relief Act.

Thirty-three other unions in different parts of the country were

likewise in operation during a portion of the year, longer or shorter

according to the respective orders of declaration; and the expenditure

in these unions down to the same date as the above, had amounted to

64,535_l._, the number of inmates in the several workhouses at that time

being 8,916, of which number 1,310 were in the Limerick house. It thus

appears that at the commencement of 1842, after somewhat more than two

years’ preparation, workhouse relief was administered in 37 unions, to

15,246 destitute persons, at an expense of 110,277_l._—a result which,

having regard to all circumstances, could hardly fail of being deemed

satisfactory, and as holding out a promise of the early maturing of the

other unions, all of which had been declared and were in progress of

organization.

-----

[106]

Ante, p. 263.

-----

[Sidenote: Collection of the rate.]

Apprehensions had been expressed, that in some parts of the country it

would be difficult if not impossible to collect the poor-rates; but with

very few exceptions no difficulty whatever occurred. There was nowhere

any concerted resistance to the payment of the rate. “In a few

instances, (it is observed) personal caprice or misapprehension of the

law, has led individuals to refuse to pay the rate when it has been

demanded; but such refusals have not been persisted in, after the

commencement of legal proceedings, or after due explanation has been

given; and in no instance has any material difficulty arisen, where the

magistrates have evinced a prompt and firm determination in carrying out

the law.” Whatever apprehensions may have been felt on this point,

experience hitherto had therefore shown to be without foundation.

[Sidenote: Liability relatives.]

By the _53rd and four following sections_ of the Relief Act, the

relatives of persons maintained in a workhouse are, when of sufficient

ability, made liable for the cost of such maintenance; and the boards of

guardians were advised, whenever a case of this kind occurred, and the

ability of the relatives was undoubted, to take the necessary steps for

enforcing the law. That the guardians ought to do this can hardly admit

of doubt, it being no less a legal than a social obligation. No fitting

opportunity of pressing the fulfilment of this duty upon the guardians

was therefore omitted, and an intention was expressed of continuing to

do so—“in the conviction that the liabilities of natural relations, as

established by the 53rd and following sections, were calculated to

confer an important benefit upon the whole community.”

[Sidenote: The valuations.]

The valuations of rateable property had now been completed in a hundred

and ten of the unions, and were in progress in all the others. Before

the end of the present year they would it was expected be complete

throughout Ireland, and confidence is expressed as to their general

sufficiency, “without however venturing to assert that they are in every

instance free from error.” It was indeed said to be almost impossible

that they should be so, the value of properties continually changing;

but they had attained a satisfactory state of average accuracy, and

would, it was considered, become more and more correct through the

successive revisions they will undergo previous to the imposition of

every new rate. On the Municipal Corporations Act coming into operation

in Dublin however, and when the poor-rate was taken as the basis of the

municipal franchise, respecting the possession and exercise of which

much excitement prevailed, the accuracy of the valuations was more

closely scrutinised, and an inquiry with regard to the means for their

revision was instituted. The result of the inquiry was, that although

the valuations in their present state might be sufficient for poor-law

purposes, yet with reference to the Municipal Act, it was desirable that

a supervisor of the rates should be appointed in the unions comprising

large towns. This was accordingly at once done in Dublin and Limerick,

and was determined to be done in other places, as it should be found

necessary. Instructions were at the same time prepared for the guidance

of supervisors in the execution of this duty.

[Sidenote: Report on the medical charities.]

The Report on the medical charities in pursuance of the powers conferred

by the _46th and 47th sections_ of the Poor Relief Act, was presented to

government shortly after the date of the last annual Report,[107]

together with the evidence which had then been taken, and including “the

heads of a proposed bill for the better regulation and support of the

medical charities of Ireland.” The remainder of the evidence was

presented on the conclusion of the inquiry, and the whole was in due

course laid before parliament. I was then the commissioner acting in

Ireland, and being highly impressed with the importance of the numerous

medical institutions, and with the necessity for their better support

and regulation, I had bestowed much time and labour on the subject, and

had earnestly endeavoured to devise the means of placing these valuable

charities in a more secure condition with regard to their finances, and

at the same time to improve the position of the medical practitioners by

whose exertions they were in very many cases chiefly supported. All my

efforts were directed to these ends, and to increasing the efficiency of

the charities for the objects for which they were instituted. I was

aware that there were difficulties to be overcome, arising from

interested motives professional jealousies and misapprehensions; but

there was no concealment, the course adopted was open, no pains were

spared, able assistance had been obtained, and I was hopeful of success.

The Report, with the heads of the proposed bill, was sent to every

medical institution throughout Ireland, and had also been otherwise

extensively circulated, without calling forth any expression of dissent,

either from the medical profession or other parties; and with the

sanction of government a bill was prepared in exact conformity with the

headings set forth in the Report, and was about being introduced into

parliament, when so violent an opposition was suddenly manifested by a

great majority of the medical profession, that government deemed it

inexpedient to proceed with the bill. The measure for “the better

regulation and support of the medical charities in Ireland” was

therefore suspended, but it was not abandoned; and the author had a few

years afterwards the satisfaction of seeing a measure substantially the

same as he had recommended, and founded on the inquiry which he had

instituted, generally acquiesced in and become the law.[108]

-----

[107]

Ante, p. 268.

[108]

The 14th and 15th Vict. cap. 68. See post, p. 382.

-----

[Sidenote: Vaccination.]

Every attention was continued to be given for carrying into effect the

provisions of the Vaccination Act, and no efforts were spared to realize

the benevolent intentions of the legislature for extending the benefits

of vaccination, and for preventing the occurrence and the spreading of

smallpox. The Appendix to the Annual Report contains a return showing

the numbers successfully vaccinated in each of 100 unions, the whole

amounting to 104,713, a number fully equal to if not exceeding what

could reasonably have been expected under the circumstances.

[Sidenote: Mendicancy.]

The prevalence of mendicancy continued to be felt as a burden, and was

very generally regarded as an evil which ought to be put an end to. It

is true that the law did not confer an actual right to relief, and that

the workhouses might possibly be sometimes inadequate for the reception

of all who were in a state of destitution; but a rate was nevertheless

made for the relief of the destitute, and the persons who were most

helpless would be received into the workhouses. It was therefore

considered that means should be taken, if not for putting an end to

mendicancy altogether, at least for its diminution in a ratio

corresponding with the means which had been provided for the relief of

destitution. Many of the boards of guardians had passed resolutions to

this effect; and at a public meeting held in Dublin for considering the

subject, it was resolved to apply to the Irish government, urging the

necessity of immediate steps being taken to put down the evil. The

prevalence of mendicancy was found to be a positive obstacle to the

working of the Poor Law. Thus in some of the unions, after the stock of

habitual mendicants had for the most part been taken into the

workhouses, the ratepayers of particular electoral divisions finding

that the removal of what might be called their own established poor did

not protect them from mendicancy, but was followed by inroads of beggars

from other districts, deemed it better that their own poor should be

permitted to levy contributions from house to house as theretofore, than

that the ratepayers should incur the charge of maintaining them in the

workhouse, and at the same time be called upon for contributions to the

mendicants by whom their doors were beset. If the mendicancy clauses in

the Poor Relief Bill as originally framed had been retained, these evils

would have been prevented, and the repression of begging would have kept

pace with the administration of relief under the Poor Law; but in the

passage of the measure through parliament, these clauses, as before

stated, were withdrawn, and no step had subsequently been taken for

their re-enactment in any shape, as was understood to be intended at the

time.[109]

-----

[109]

Ante, p. 211.

-----

[Sidenote: Unfavourable weather, backward crops, and consequent

distress.]

During the greater portion of the last year, excessive rains and a

general prevalence of cold ungenial weather affected both the grain and

the potato crops, which were in consequence neither so early, so good,

nor so abundant, as under more favourable circumstances they might have

been. The same had been the case in the two or three previous years; and

this succession of adverse seasons necessarily tended to increase the

distress which usually more or less prevails in Ireland, especially in

the western districts, during the months of June July and August. But

notwithstanding the existence of much distress from these causes, it was

in the present as in the preceding year met and overcome by the energies

of the people themselves, without aid from government as on former like

occasions; a circumstance which must be regarded as indicative of

improved habits, and as warranting hopeful anticipations with regard to

the future.

[Sidenote: 1843.

Fifth report of proceedings in Ireland.]

At the date of the last Report (May 1st 1842), the whole of Ireland had

been formed into 130 unions, all the workhouses were either built or in

progress of building, and 81 had been declared fit for the reception of

destitute poor. It was then likewise expected that by midsummer of the

following year all the workhouses throughout Ireland would be in

operation.[110] This expectation however was not fulfilled, for at the

date of the present Report (1st May 1843) no more than 110 of the

workhouses had been declared, and in only 98 of these was relief

administered. In the earlier proceedings, it had been the practice to

declare and bring the workhouses into operation as quickly as possible,

leaving certain minor matters to be more leisurely completed afterwards.

This was done, often at some inconvenience, in order to give effect to

the law at the earliest practicable period. But it was now deemed more

expedient to have the workhouse and all the arrangements fully completed

before bringing it into operation; and hence a period longer or shorter

according to circumstances, would necessarily intervene between the

declaration of the house and the actual admission of applicants by the

guardians. This accounts for relief being administered in only 98 of the

houses, although 110 had been declared. It may also account for the

non-fulfilment of the expectation which had been expressed, as to the

declaration of the whole of the workhouses.

-----

[110]

Ante, p. 271.

-----

[Sidenote: Cost of relief and numbers relieved.]

In the 37 unions, the workhouses of which were in operation previous to

the 1st of January 1842, the numbers then relieved and the amount of

expenditure have already been stated.[111] On the 1st of January 1843

the numbers relieved in these unions amounted to 17,529, and the

expenditure to 150,050_l._, thus showing an increase in the former of

2,283 persons, and in the latter of 39,773_l._ And in 55 other unions in

which the workhouses had been brought into operation in course of the

preceding year, the numbers relieved on the 1st of January 1843 amounted

to 14,043, and the expenditure to 131,183_l._, making when added to the

above—31,572[112] persons receiving relief in 92 workhouses, at a cost

of 281,233_l._ The comparative amount of relief administered in the

years 1840, 1841, and 1842 will thus stand as follows—

No. of No. of Cost of relief

workhouses in inmates. in the previous

operation year.

On the 1st of January 1841 4 5,468 £37,057

” 1842 37 15,246 110,277

” 1843 92 31,572 281,233

In connexion with this statement of the relief afforded during these

three years, it should be borne in mind that the relief was administered

in workhouses so regulated as not to deter the really destitute from

availing themselves of the shelter afforded, whilst the discipline and

regularity of the establishment made it an unwelcome residence for such

of the able-bodied as had the means of supporting themselves by their

own exertions.

-----

[111]

Ante, p. 277.

[112]

Although this was the total number in the 92 workhouses on the 1st of

January 1843, no less than 56,000 had been admitted and discharged,

and consequently relieved for a longer or shorter period, during the

previous year.

-----

[Sidenote: The author quits Ireland.]

At the end of 1842, the author quitted Ireland. The charge and direction

of the proceedings in that country, had hitherto from the commencement

been devolved upon him; and as these were so far advanced as to leave no

doubt with regard to their completion, and as the commissioners were

jointly responsible for carrying the law into effect, it was considered

desirable that his colleagues should now take their full share in the

management of the Irish business. It was intended that each of the

commissioners should reside for a time in Dublin, when and as it might

be found necessary, as had been recommended in the author’s first

Report, and as is provided for by the _11th section_ of the Act. This

arrangement was accordingly acted upon, but only for a short time, it

not being deemed satisfactory; and with the sanction of the Home Office,

it was determined to delegate to two of the assistant-commissioners the

powers necessary for conducting the Irish business,[113] this being

considered, it is said—“a course more consistent with the intention of

the legislature as expressed in the Irish Poor Relief Act.” The author

will now therefore be relieved from a difficulty he has hitherto

experienced in regard to the proceedings in Ireland. With these

proceedings he will no longer be individually connected, and may advert

to them with greater freedom, as being the acts of the commission

collectively.

-----

[113]

The gentlemen selected for this duty were Mr. Gulson and Mr. Power;

and the instrument of delegation is dated 20th April 1843.

-----

[Sidenote: Inspection of the workhouses.]

Before leaving Ireland, I visited the several unions, and inspected all

the workhouses whether completed or in course of erection, as I had done

in previous years, for the purpose of satisfying myself with respect to

the arrangements and management in the former case, and as to the

condition and progress of the works in the latter. The result of this

inspection was for the most part satisfactory. There were exceptions, no

doubt, and in two instances owing to the bankruptcy of the contractors,

the houses had to be in great measure built, and entirely fitted up and

completed by the Dublin Board. But on the whole, the contractors had

fulfilled, and were fulfilling their engagements satisfactorily. The

workhouses in operation were also managed in a creditable manner; and

the guardians were generally attending to the business of their

respective unions with regularity and efficiency. I quitted Ireland

therefore without apprehending the occurrence of any material difficulty

or delay, and looked forward with confidence to the early and universal

establishment of the law, and with a deep sense of thankfulness for the

prospect which was afforded of its successful operation.

[Sidenote: Distress, and government aid.]

In the early part of the summer of 1842, the weather having continued

unfavourable, distress again manifested itself especially in the western

districts, as had been the case in the three preceding years; and it was

considered necessary that some assistance should be afforded, and that

the people should not be left entirely to their own resources, as on the

two last occasions. Accordingly on the application of the Irish

government, coupled with an intimation of its desire to extend its aid

“in such a way as not to prejudice or embarrass the future proceedings

of the commissioners,” the assistant-commissioners in charge of the

districts where the distress prevailed, were directed to give all the

facilities in their power by making inquiries and furnishing information

on the cases forwarded to them, preparatory to the distribution of such

aid as the government might think fit to bestow.[114] But before the end

of June the weather changed, and became so favourable as to promise

abundant crops. The markets immediately fell, and the scarcity, which

had arisen rather from the holding back of supply than from any general

deficiency, no longer existed.

-----

[114]

The amount distributed by government on this occasion, in aid of local

subscriptions, was 3,448_l._ See ‘The Irish Crisis’ by Sir Charles

Trevelyan, p. 19.

-----

These facts appear to indicate, that a portion of the distress which

periodically takes place in Ireland, may be referred to a cause, the

operation of which is likely to be increased by grants of public money;

for provisions are said to be sometimes accumulated in the stores of

persons who will not bring them to market, under the expectation of

being able to dispose of them at a famine price as soon as government

shall be induced, on the plea of distress, to make an advance of public

money for the purpose. Wherever the union workhouse was in operation, it

proved of the greatest use throughout these periods of difficulty, from

whatever cause arising. It not only afforded efficient relief in

numerous cases where it was needed, but likewise effectually tested the

representations of distress which were continually being made. The

fluctuations in the numbers admitted and discharged, afforded moreover

the means of forming from time to time a correct judgment on the

condition of the poor in the surrounding district, and was thus an index

of the intensity of the distress wherever it existed.

[Sidenote: Pauper lunatics.]

Applications had been frequently made both to the Irish government, and

to the Board in Dublin, representing that if the idiotic and harmless

lunatics then confined in the gaols or maintained in the lunatic

asylums, were transferred to the workhouses of the unions to which they

belonged, those institutions would be greatly relieved, more especially

the asylums, which would then be enabled to receive more curable cases,

and thus extend their usefulness. To such communications it had always

been replied—“that the Irish Poor Relief Act made no provision for the

support of insane and lunatic persons, specially as such; but that a

destitute person, being insane or lunatic, might be admitted into the

workhouse if the guardians so decided, in the same manner as any other

destitute individual.” To provide for cases of this description, idiot

wards had been prepared in every workhouse, which were calculated to

afford accommodation for about 2,400 of this class of paupers, whenever

the guardians in the exercise of their discretion, should think fit to

admit them. It had however been thought right to discourage any forced

or immediate transfer of insane or idiotic persons or harmless lunatics

from the asylums and gaols, but rather to wait for the gradual

absorption by the workhouses of such of these unfortunates as could be

properly relieved therein.

[Sidenote: Emigration.]

Fruitless efforts were made, particularly at Cork and Belfast, to raise

the funds necessary for defraying the expense of emigration. In Cork,

Dublin, Waterford, Belfast, and certain other large towns, a

considerable number of young persons chiefly females, and for the most

part the remnants of a former system, had as has been before

stated,[115] accumulated in the workhouses, for whom emigration would

afford at once the most eligible, and it may almost be said the only

outlet. Yet in the present state of the law, it was found nearly if not

quite impossible to take advantage of it. The workhouses had not created

the present burden, but they had gathered it into mass, and might be

made useful auxiliaries to a well-directed plan of emigration. The

commissioners declared that it would materially facilitate this object,

if the boards of guardians were empowered to apply a portion of the

rates for the emigration of such fit persons as had been resident

sufficiently long in the workhouse for testing their actual helplessness

and destitution. This would in fact be reverting to what was originally

proposed, but which had been altered in the progress of the bill through

the house of lords, by substituting divisional chargeability for that of

the entire union—a change to which is mostly owing whatever difficulties

have since occurred in the working of the measure.

-----

[115]

Ante, p. 275.

-----

[Sidenote: Electoral divisions.]

The _18th and 44th sections_ of the Relief Act provide for dividing the

unions into electoral divisions, and for charging against each electoral

division not only its proportion of the general expenses of the union,

but also the expense incurred for the relief of persons stated in the

registry to have been resident in such electoral division; the relief of

others not stated to have been so resident, being charged against the

union at large. These provisions were inserted in the bill in the house

of lords, on the motion of the duke of Wellington, with the professed

view of assimilating the mechanism of the Irish unions to the unions in

England; but the circumstances in the two countries were widely

different, and there would be little analogy between the

long-established English parish, and the newly-created electoral

divisions. This difference was however overlooked in the desire for

assimilation, and the electoral division system was incorporated in the

Act, together with a sort of quasi settlement as between the different

divisions, approximating to settlement as between parishes in the

English unions. Under these circumstances, it can hardly occasion

surprise, that although arranged with the utmost care, and with every

endeavour to give them a general harmony and coherence, the electoral

divisions did not work smoothly. Their separate chargeability interfered

with the efficient action of the unions for general purposes, as in the

case of emigration, and led to struggles and contention in the boards of

guardians as soon as the unions got fully into operation, each division

endeavouring to relieve itself from the charge of a registered pauper,

by fixing it upon some other, or by casting it upon the union at large;

and thus one of the evils of the English settlement-law was inflicted

upon the Irish unions, contrary to the intentions of the original

framers of the Act, and contrary likewise to what a more thorough

knowledge of the condition of the two countries would it is believed

have dictated.

[Sidenote: Valuation and rating.]

There was moreover still considerable difficulty with respect to the

valuations, and the difficulty was not a little increased by the

complexity of the form in which the rate is directed to be made out.

This form is expressly prescribed by the Amendment Act, and is rather

calculated for the state of things in England, than for what exists in

Ireland, although it is too minute and complex to admit of its working

satisfactorily in either. The form was engrafted on the bill in the

house of lords, with a view to other than poor-law purposes, and

contrary to the author’s earnest representations. As the number and the

business of the unions increased, it was found nearly impossible to

adhere to this form, owing to the extreme subdivision of property.[116]

In all the 130 unions the number of persons rated whose valuations did

not exceed 5_l._ was 630,272, whilst the number whose valuations were

above that amount was 550,866, and those at 50_l._ and upwards 46,565;

thus showing that a considerable majority of the ratepayers were valued

at and under 5_l._[117] Believing that such would turn out to be the

case, the author had recommended that no occupier under 5_l._ should be

called upon to pay the poor-rate, but that the rate on all such holdings

should be paid by the landlord. It was however provided by the _72nd

section_ of the Act, that instead of the exemption of 5_l._ holdings,

the landlord might agree to pay the rate himself, and be allowed a

rebate of 10 per cent. for so doing: but this provision has not been

acted upon, and all the small tenements are required to be rated in the

complex form of the _2nd schedule_ of the Act, comprising no less than

eighteen distinctive columns, under penalty of the rates being deemed

illegal. There can be no doubt that in the abstract, as the

commissioners observe, “all property should contribute to the rate, and

the whole population be interested in the prevention of pauperism, and

in the well-being of the class for whose immediate benefit statutory

provision has been made.” But the small ratepayers in Ireland are so

numerous, and the amounts to be severally collected from them are so

trifling, whilst the distinction between them and the destitute is often

so little perceptible, that Ireland seems to constitute an exception to

the general rule in this respect; and it would be a great convenience,

and tend to facilitate the working of the Poor Law, if as was at first

proposed, the burden of the rate on the smaller holdings were to be

thrown upon the owner or immediate lessor, rather than on the tenant

himself.

-----

[116]

See the author’s first Report on Irish Poor Laws, p. 160.

[117]

These numbers were ascertained by returns which the author had

obtained in 1842, and caused to be tabulated by desire of the Irish

government, with a view to the parliamentary franchise. The same

returns show that the net annual value of property assessed to the

relief of the poor in Ireland, was 13,428,787_l._; but more exact

returns subsequently obtained place the amount at 13,253,825_l._ The

annual value of property assessed to the poor-rate in England and

Wales at that time was 62,540,003_l._—See return to an order of the

house of commons dated 3rd May 1842. Both of these valuations are no

doubt below the actual amount, probably by 20 or 25 per cent.; but of

the two, the Irish valuation is perhaps somewhat nearer the truth than

the other.

-----

The defects above noticed are explained and commented upon at great

length in the fifth Report. They no doubt impede the orderly working of

the law, and add to the labours and embarrass the proceedings of the

entire executive; but they do not affect the principle of the measure,

nor very materially detract from its usefulness. They are of a different

origin from the measure itself, having been grafted upon the bill in its

progress through parliament; and they will no doubt be removed, or so

modified as to be less obstructive than at present, to which end they

were now brought prominently under notice.

[Sidenote: 1844.

Sixth report of proceedings in Ireland.]

The Report of 1844, like those preceding, is dated the 1st of May; and

it will be convenient to commence the account of the year’s proceedings

with a summary of the Act for amending the law, which was passed on the

24th August 1843, and which what is said above will have prepared the

reader to expect.

_Summary of the 6th and 7th Vict. cap. 92._

For the further Amendment of the Law for the Relief of the Poor in

Ireland.

_Sections 1, 2._—That where the property rated is not of greater value

than 4_l._, or in certain boroughs named than 8_l._, the rate on

such property shall be made on the immediate lessor, and if his name

be not known he may be rated as “the immediate lessor;” and the rate

is to be recoverable together with costs, notwithstanding any defect

or error in the name, by action, or by civil bill, or by complaint

before a justice, but no action is to be brought without consent of

the Poor Law Commissioners.

_Sections 3, 4._—If a rate be not paid by the lessor in four months, it

may be recovered from the occupier, who in such case may deduct the

amount from the rent due to the lessor, or recover it from him. If a

house be let in lodgings, the lessor is to be rated for the whole

house, and if the rate be not paid within thirty-one days, it may be

recovered from the occupiers, who will be entitled to deduct it from

the rent due by them; but the Municipal Corporations Act is not to

be affected by any of these provisions.

_Sections 5, 6._—When the property rated is above 5_l._, the lessors may

in like manner be rated instead of the occupiers, if both enter into

a written agreement for the purpose, and if the guardians consent

thereto. All goods and chattels to whomsoever belonging, found on

premises for which the occupier is liable to pay rate, may be

distrained for the same.

_Sections 7, 8._—To remove certain doubts with regard to valuators and

valuations, the commissioners are empowered to appoint valuators, or

they may direct the guardians to do so; and the person so in either

case appointed, may enter premises for the purpose of making or

revising any survey or valuation; and rates are to be assessed on

the valuations so made or revised, and sealed by the commissioners;

and are not to be altered unless appealed against, when on receiving

a copy of the order of court amending such rate, the commissioners

are to authorize its alteration in conformity therewith. The appeal

in all cases is to be made to the sessions of the peace of the

county, or county of a city or town within which the hereditaments

are situate.

_Sections 9, 10, 11._—Any person affected by a rate, may on all days

except Sunday, between ten o’clock and four, inspect the valuation

on which the rate is made, and take copies thereof. The form of rate

prescribed by the Amendment Act is repealed, and the commissioners

are empowered to prescribe the form in which the rates are to be

made. The clerk to certify that the rate when made conforms to the

valuation, and the chairman and two or more of the guardians present

are to certify that they allow the same. In Dublin the poor-rate is

to be collected in the same manner and with the like remedies as the

grand jury cess.

_Sections 12, 13._—The residence required in order that the expense of

relief may be charged to an electoral division in any case, is the

occupation of a tenement for eighteen months, or having usually

slept within such division for twelve months before the person’s

admission to the workhouse. The expense of all others not having so

occupied or slept, is to be charged against the whole union. If a

person after quitting the workhouse be again admitted within six

months, the expense of such person is to be charged as before. The

charge of every child admitted, is to conform with that of the

person liable for its maintenance. The guardian or any three or more

ratepayers of an electoral division, may with consent of the

commissioners appeal against its being separately charged in any

case.

_Sections 14, 15, 16._—The guardians, subject to the commissioners’

approval, may send any poor deaf and dumb or blind child under the

age of eighteen, to a deaf and dumb or blind institution, and defray

the expense of its maintenance therein; and may also defray the

expense of conveying any poor person from the workhouse to a fever

hospital or lunatic asylum and his maintenance therein. Persons

affected with fever or other contagious disease, may be relieved in

houses hired for the purpose under the commissioners’ regulations,

and the expense be charged upon the rates.

_Section 17._—The guardians may charge the rates with any expense

reasonably incurred, in apprehending or prosecuting offenders

against the provisions of any of the Poor-law Acts.

_Section 18._—Two-thirds of the guardians of any union, subject to the

regulations of the commissioners, may assist any poor person who has

been in the workhouse for three months, to emigrate to a British

colony, and may charge the expense on the union, or on the electoral

division to which such poor person has been chargeable; but the

entire amount of such expense is not in any one year to exceed

sixpence in the pound on the net annual value of the rateable

property of the union or the electoral division respectively.

_Sections 19, 20, 21._—If the number of ex-officio guardians be reduced

by death removal or disqualification, the commissioners may appoint

a day for the election of another ex-officio guardian in the place

of the one so removed. A person put in nomination for an elected

guardian, may refuse by notice in writing to serve the office; and

in case of vacancy or refusal to act, the commissioners may order a

fresh election if they think fit, but not otherwise.

_Sections 22, 23._—A person convicted of felony fraud or perjury, or

adjudged liable to forfeiture under the provisions of the Poor Law,

is incapacitated for acting as a guardian. The commissioners

empowered to inquire into and decide disputes in regard to the

elections.

_Sections 24, 25._—Notice of claims to vote by owners and proxies,

extended from one week to one calendar month. Any person knowingly

tendering a false claim to vote, or forging falsifying or altering

any such claim, or altering carrying off destroying or defacing any

voting-paper, subjected to a penalty of ten pounds.

_Sections 26, 27._—In case of reasonable doubt in regard to any claim,

the returning officer may refuse the vote until proof of its

correctness be produced. Ratepayers, guardians, and union officers,

not incapacitated for giving evidence.

_Section 28._—This and the two previous Acts (_1st and 2nd, and 2nd

Vict. cap. 56 and 1_) to be construed as one Act, except where

otherwise provided.

The alterations made by the above Act relate exclusively to matters of

detail. There is no change of principle in the measure. The electoral

division system remains entire, except only as regards emigration, the

expense of which the guardians have now the option of making either a

union or a divisional charge. The definition of residence for

establishing the chargeability of an electoral division, may be of some

practical convenience, and would amount to a law of settlement if a

power of removal were given; but as it is, it will merely in a slight

degree facilitate the working of the divisional system. The abolition of

the previous complicated form of rate is no doubt an advantage, as is

also the power of rating the immediate lessors in certain cases, instead

of leaving it optional with them to compound for the rates of their

tenantry as before. The provisions in regard to fever cases will be of

much use, especially as the measure proposed for regulating the medical

charities was not carried into effect.[118] The additional powers given

to the commissioners in election cases are likewise desirable; and it

may indeed be said of the Act generally, that it is calculated to remedy

certain minor defects and omissions, and to promote the more orderly

working of the law.

-----

[118]

Ante, p. 280.

-----

We will now turn to the commissioners’ Report of 1844, which commences

by declaring that “The administration of relief of the poor in Ireland

had been attended with some difficulties during the past year, arising

in a great measure from the political influences which had agitated that

country.” The influences and agitations here alluded to, were connected

with the great movement for a repeal of the Union, stirred up and

organized by the late Mr. O'Connell, the consequences of which were in

various ways exceedingly pernicious, diverting the people from their

legitimate and necessary occupations, exciting jealousy and ill-feeling

towards England, inculcating distrust of the government, weakening the

authority of law, and inciting to a resistance of whatever was

established, of course including the Poor Law. Some indications of this

hostility appeared before the author quitted Ireland towards the end of

1842, but shortly afterwards it was openly manifested, and the Poor Law

was declaimed against as being an intolerable burden inflicted and

enforced by England and English officials, and that it ought

consequently to be opposed by every true Irishman.

[Sidenote: Resistance to the law.]

Under these circumstances, and in the then state of Ireland, it cannot

excite surprise that there should be resistance to the law, and that

efforts should be made to evade its provisions. As early as the end of

1842 there had been resistance to payment of the rates in some of the

divisions of the Skibbereen and Waterford unions, which afterwards

extended to Tipperary and several other unions in different parts of

Ireland. At Skibbereen indeed a death had unhappily occurred, through

the violent resistance made to the constabulary while assisting the

collectors in levying the rates. In a return made to an order of the

house of commons, 21 unions are named as having down to the 1st of

January 1844, so far resisted the payment of the poor-rates as to

require the intervention of the constabulary or the military to enforce

the collection. In 11 of these unions, a military as well as

constabulary force was deemed necessary. In the other 10, the

constabulary alone were found sufficient to protect the collectors in

the execution of their duty. But it was not alone resistance to the

rates which obstructed the working of the law; in the Tuam union a rate

was made in October 1842,[119] but no part of it had been collected on

the 1st of January 1844. This was not owing to resistance on the part of

the ratepayers, but to the unwillingness of the guardians to proceed in

the administration of relief. The workhouse, capable of accommodating

800 persons, had been declared fit for the reception of destitute poor

in August 1842, a master matron medical officer and porter had been

appointed, but such was the backwardness of the guardians in fulfilling

the requirements of the law, that no case of destitution however urgent,

was or could be relieved except by application to some neighbouring

union.

-----

[119]

The rate amounted to 1,796_l._ The population of the union exceeded

70,000.

-----

Even after the workhouse had been opened, and relief therein

administered, there were several instances of unwillingness on the part

of the guardians to make rates of sufficient amount to meet the

liabilities of the union, and at the same time to provide for the relief

of the poor. Some of the boards moreover refused to borrow and charge

the rates with the sums necessary to cover the expense of building the

workhouses, on the alleged ground of dissatisfaction with the

architect’s certificates in favour of the contractors, or of the manner

in which the work had been executed.[120] Legal proceedings against the

guardians were in consequence taken on account of these refusals, and

much expense was thus injudiciously incurred, whilst the poor were

curtailed of their needful relief. The contracts entered into under such

circumstances for supplying the workhouse, if they could be made at all,

were necessarily made on extremely disadvantageous terms; and thus the

intentions of the legislature were frustrated, and disaffection towards

the law was generated, by the very parties appointed to carry out the

one, and guard against the occurrence of the other. Several unions are

named in the Report, in which such was or had been the case, and in one

(Carrick on Shannon) a poor man had died in consequence of being refused

relief. Yet there can be no doubt that where the unions were properly in

operation, a large amount of actual destitution and extreme suffering

was effectually met by opportune relief afforded in the workhouses. In

many cases however the poor people were so reduced as to be in an

extremely debilitated state when admitted, and they often died shortly

afterwards. In this worst extremity to which, in a physical sense, a

human being can be exposed, an institution affording shelter, medical

attendance, and the last consolations of religion, must surely be one of

the most effective forms in which relief can be administered, more

especially among a population such as exists in Ireland.

-----

[120]

The complaints of the architect’s certificates were not confined to

the guardians, for whilst these complained of his too liberal

allowance of charges, the contractors complained that their charges

were unduly cut down. Both complaints were however totally without

foundation, and in fact one negatived the other.

-----

[Sidenote: Divisional chargeability.]

Much dissatisfaction continued to be expressed with regard to the

apportioning the charge of relief upon the several electoral divisions.

Those in which the rated property was large, and the number of poor

inconsiderable, complained of the proportion they had to pay towards the

common charges of the union, whilst the amount of relief required by

them was so small. The divisions on the contrary in which the number of

paupers was considerable, and the amount of relief bore a large

proportion to their rated value, complained of the high rate of poundage

to which they were subjected, in comparison with the other divisions.

The change now made in the law may help gradually to reconcile although

it does not remove these distinctions. As new admissions take place, the

proportion charged upon the union at large would most likely increase,

and there would thus be a closer approximation towards an equal rating

of the whole union. But many boards of guardians expressed themselves as

not satisfied with this gradual and partial change, and declared

themselves favourable to a union rate, whereby all charges would be

borne by an equal poundage-rate over the several electoral divisions.

That these guardians took a correct view of the question seems hardly to

admit of doubt. They had seen the evils of divisional chargeability, and

wished to apply the obvious remedy by bringing the law back to what was

originally proposed; but the time for so doing had not arrived, and the

evils and inconveniences were still to be continued, although perhaps in

a somewhat mitigated form.

[Sidenote: Collection of the rates.]

At the date of the present Report (1st May 1844) resistance to the

collection of the rates was in great measure overcome, and the authority

of the law vindicated. The general results of the collection are stated

to have been as follows—In 98 of the unions, in which the rates made

previously to the 24th August 1843 amounted to 605,864_l._, there

remained uncollected on the 1st January 1844 only 46,322_l._, or

something less than 8 per cent. of the entire amount. But it must not be

supposed that even the whole of this arrear was collectable. All

tenements, whether occupied or not, are usually included in the rate,

the infinite number of small tenements making it impossible to

distinguish with certainty what are unoccupied at the time the rate is

made; and it is only the occupied tenements which pay. Public property

legally exempt is also often included in the rate, and the arrears in

the South Dublin union amounting to 4,479_l._, are likely to include

sums of this nature. On the whole therefore, it appeared to the

commissioners, that “considering the great difficulty of collecting the

rates from the occupiers of very small tenements, on which class a large

portion of the entire rate is laid, these results would not be regarded

as unsatisfactory.”

[Sidenote: Auditors appointed.]

In order to secure regularity and efficiency in the collections, and the

proper keeping of the union accounts, it was determined to appoint four

auditors, who would be employed exclusively in that capacity; and it is

expected that they would be the means of establishing a greater degree

of uniformity as well as accuracy throughout all the unions in Ireland.

[Sidenote: Cost of relief, and numbers relieved.]

Fourteen workhouses had been brought into operation in course of the

year 1843, the cost of relief administered in which amounted to

23,277_l._, and the number of inmates to 1,529, on the 1st of January

1844—on which day the number of inmates in the 92 workhouses in

operation prior to 1843 was 31,981, and the cost of relief 221,097_l._

So that the entire number of persons relieved on 1st January 1844 in 106

workhouses was 33,510, and the cost of relief during the year amounted

to 244,374_l._ This appears less than in the preceding year, but the

difference is probably owing to the much greater number of workhouses

which were opened in 1843, and the extra expenditure always attendant

upon first bringing the houses into operation. By a statistical table

appended to the Report, the total number of inmates of all classes in

the several workhouses on 31st January 1845, is shown to have been

43,293, of whom 9,231 were able-bodied (that is 2,809 males and 6,422

females) and 11,441 were disabled through sickness age or other

infirmity. Another minutely framed table in the Appendix to the Report

shows, that of 27,529 adults above the age of fifteen, and 22,585

children under that age, 5,942 of the former were widows, and 3,622

widowers; and that of the children 19,886 were legitimate (4,164 being

orphans) and 2,639 were illegitimate.

[Sidenote: 1845.

Seventh report of proceedings in Ireland.[121]]

The Report of 1st May 1845, commences by declaring that “the

administration of the law in Ireland had proceeded satisfactorily upon

the whole since the date of the last Report.” The instances of

resistance to the collection of the rates, or in which violence had

occurred, were comparatively few, and the financial embarrassments which

had operated prejudicially in several of the unions, had for the most

part ceased. There were altogether 118 workhouses open for the purposes

of relief. Of the 12 which remained, 3 were not yet declared fit for the

reception of inmates, and in a few instances the guardians still

neglected or refused to proceed in duly administering relief, although

the workhouses had long since been declared. The most remarkable

instance of this kind was in the Tuam union; but the commissioners had

deemed it right to proceed against the Tuam guardians by mandamus, and

their submission to the authority of the law was shortly expected.

Meantime however they had, it is said, been sued for debts which they

did not hesitate to incur, although they neglected to provide the means

of payment.

-----

[121]

This forms a part of the eleventh Report of the Poor Law

Commissioners.

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[Sidenote: Provision for fever cases.]

Many of the unions had taken steps under the _15th and 16th sections_ of

the late Amendment Act, for providing for the relief of persons

suffering from fever or other contagious complaints, either by building

fever wards distinct from the workhouses, or hiring premises for the

purpose, or by arranging for the reception of such cases into fever

hospitals; and the result had in several instances been highly

beneficial. “In Galway for example, during a severe epidemic, the

guardians erected a temporary hospital near the workhouse, and received

into it during a period of about six months 1,096 cases, of which 995

were discharged cured.”

[Sidenote: Vaccination.]

A statement is given in the Appendix to the Report, showing the progress

made in bringing the Vaccination Act into operation in Ireland. By this

statement it appears that, although not duly carried out in several of

the unions, the measure had obtained a wide and beneficial operation,

and was in course of gradual extension. The amount expended for

vaccination in all the unions during the previous year, exceeded

4,000_l._, the rate of payment being 1_s._ on each case successfully

vaccinated for the first two hundred cases, and 6_d._ on each successful

case afterwards. This is one of the charges for which the poor-rate is

made liable, although not strictly appertaining to the relief of the

poor; but it is no doubt calculated to prevent a far greater charge, by

protecting the people against the smallpox, a fearful scourge which

generally leaves disablement and destitution in its train.

[Sidenote: Cost of relief, and numbers relieved.]

In the 106 workhouses which had been opened prior to 1844, the number of

inmates on the 1st of January 1845 was 37,701, and the expenditure on

relief amounted to 251,467_l._[122] In the 7 workhouses declared in

course of that year, the number of inmates on January 1st 1845 was

1,474, and the expenditure 18,063_l._, making the total number of

persons relieved on that day in 113 workhouses amount to 39,175, and the

expenditure on relief during the year to 269,530_l._ The average weekly

cost of the inmates of the workhouses was 1_s._ 5½_d._ per head for

maintenance, and 2½_d._ for clothing, making together 1_s._ 8_d._ per

head. The cost had at the outset been estimated at 1_s._ 6_d._ per

head.[123] Rates were made in 126 of the unions, in all in fact

excepting four[124] situate in the extreme west; but in 8 of the unions

in which rates had been made, the workhouses were still not in

operation. The commissioners trusted however, that they would “be

enabled to report next year that the whole of the 130 workhouses in

Ireland were open for the reception and relief of the destitute poor, in

accordance with the intention of the legislature, and the provisions of

the Irish Poor Relief Act.”

-----

[122]

No return could be obtained from the Athlone union, which is one of

the 106, and its operations are therefore not included in these

amounts.

-----

-----

[123]

See author’s memorandum at page 209 ante.

-----

-----

[124]

These were Cahirciveen, Clifden, Glenties, and Milford.

-----

On comparing the expenditure with the net annual value of property

rateable in each union, it will be found that it does not on an average

amount to sixpence in the pound. The expenditure moreover includes the

instalments which had been repaid on account of the workhouse loans; but

as there was a large arrear of these instalments then due, and few of

the workhouses had their full complement of inmates, it was thought

likely that the average might be higher by and bye, although not so much

higher as to afford reasonable ground for dissatisfaction or alarm. The

aggregate of the loans granted by government for building and fitting up

the workhouses amounted to 1,140,350_l._, or about 1_s._ 8_d._ in the

pound, on the net annual value of rateable property in Ireland, that is

a poundage of somewhat less than 1_d._ in the pound per annum for

repayment of the money borrowed. The poundage varied considerably

however in different unions, according to the proportion the cost of the

workhouse bore to the value of the rateable property.

[Sidenote: Issue of amended orders.]

Advantage was at this time taken of the experience acquired during the

five years that the law had been in operation, to revise the orders and

regulations which were at first promulgated. And accordingly an amended

order was issued for the election of guardians, together with a new

circular of instructions to the clerks of unions with regard to the

duties to be performed by them as returning officers. An amended general

order was also issued regulating the proceedings of boards of guardians,

and defining the duties of union officers; and likewise a general order

containing amended regulations for the management of workhouses,

together with a new form for the half-yearly abstract of accounts, with

ample instructions thereon. In short, nothing in the way of regulation

which came within the powers confided to the commissioners, was omitted

or neglected; and all resistance to the payment of the poor-rates having

ceased, it was hoped that henceforward the working of the law would

everywhere proceed in an orderly and effective manner.