On Sunday, August 23rd, he preached twice at Lutterworth, “the famous
John Wycliffe’s parish.” Next day, he “began, in the name of the
Almighty Husbandman, to break up fallow ground at Leicester.” Several
thousands attended. Turnips were thrown at Whitefield during the
first sermon; but at the second all was hushed. The next Sunday was
spent at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where he preached four times, “and a
shower of Divine blessing descended on the great congregations.” Early
in September, he arrived at Edinburgh, where, for a fortnight, he
“preached twice every day” to great multitudes of “polite as well as of
common people.” He wrote, “Many young ministers and students were close
attendants, and I trust good was done.” A week, also, was spent at
Glasgow, where his home, for many years, was at the house of “Mr. James
Niven, merchant, above the Cross.”[308] Five more days were employed in
Edinburgh; and then, on October 10th,[309] he began his journey back
to London. In a letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, he wrote: “For
about twenty-eight days, I suppose, I did not preach, in Scotland, to
less than ten thousand every day. This has weakened my body; but the
Redeemer knows how to renew my strength. I am as well as a pilgrim can
expect to be. About £70 were collected for the Edinburgh Orphans; and
I heard of near a dozen young men, who were awakened about ten years
ago, and have since entered the ministry, and are likely to prove very
useful. Praise the Lord, O my soul!”
The Rev. John Gillies, one of his constant hearers, remarks:――
“Though, after the years 1741 and 1742, there were no such
extensive awakenings, Mr. Whitefield’s coming to Scotland was
always refreshing to serious persons, and seemed to put new life
into them, and also to be a means of increasing their number. In
various respects, his preaching was still eminently useful. It
had an excellent tendency to destroy bigotry, and to turn men’s
attention, from smaller matters, to the great and substantial
things of religion. It drew several persons to hear the gospel,
who seldom went to hear it from other ministers. Young people
were much benefited by his ministry, and particularly young
students, who became afterwards serious evangelical preachers.
His morning discourses, which were mostly intended for sincere,
but disconsolate, souls, were peculiarly fitted to direct
and encourage all such in the Christian life. His addresses
in the evening were of a very alarming character. There was
something exceedingly striking in the solemnity of his evening
congregations, in the Orphan Hospital Park at Edinburgh, and
in the High-Churchyard at Glasgow, especially towards the
conclusion of his sermons, (which were commonly very long,
though they seemed short to the hearers,) when the whole
multitude stood fixed, and hung upon his lips, many of them
under deep impressions of the great objects of religion. These
things will not soon be forgotten. His conversation was no less
reviving than his sermons. Many in Edinburgh and Glasgow are
witnesses of this, especially at Glasgow, where, in company with
his good friends Mr. McLaurin, Mr. Robert Scott, and others, one
might challenge the sons of pleasure, with all their wit, good
humour, and gaiety, to furnish entertainment so agreeable. At
the same time, every part of it was not more agreeable than it
was useful and edifying.”
Such a testimony, from a minister living at the time, and one of
Whitefield’s faithful friends, is possessed of more than ordinary value.
On leaving Edinburgh, Whitefield preached at Berwick, ♦Alnwick, and
Morpeth. The people of Newcastle were again favoured with his ministry;
and also those of Sunderland. At length, on reaching Sheffield, he
wrote as follows:――
“SHEFFIELD, _November 1, 1752_.
“MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――Since I left Newcastle, I have sometimes
scarce known whether I was in heaven or on earth. At Leeds,
Birstal, Haworth, Halifax, etc., thousands and thousands have
flocked twice and thrice a day to hear the word of life. A gale
of Divine influence has everywhere attended it. I am now come
from Bolton, Manchester, Stockport, and Chinley. Yesterday, I
preached in a church, where I believe execution was done. Four
ordained ministers, friends to the work of God, have been with
me. The word has run so swiftly at Leeds, that friends are come
to fetch me back; and I am now going to Rotherham, Wakefield,
Leeds, York, and Epworth, and purpose returning to this place
next Lord’s-day. God favours us with weather, and I would fain
make hay while the sun shines. Fain would I spend and be spent
for the good of souls. This is my meat and drink.”
In another letter, written two days afterwards, and dated “Wakefield,
November 3, 1752,” he wrote:――
“I have been upwards of three weeks from Scotland, and scarce
ever had more encouragement in preaching the everlasting gospel.
At Newcastle, Sunderland, and several places in Yorkshire,
Lancashire, and Cheshire, thousands and thousands have daily
attended on the word preached. I hear that arrows have stuck
fast in many hearts. I am returning to Leeds; and, from thence,
I shall go to York, and to several places in Lincolnshire,
and am to preach at Sheffield ♦next Lord’s-day. My return to
London must be determined by the weather. It has been uncommonly
favourable; and it is a pity to go into winter quarters, so long
as work can be done in the fields. O that I had as many tongues
as there are hairs upon my head! Jesus should have them all.”
On November 10th, Whitefield arrived in London, where he wrote:――
“My Sunday’s work” (at Sheffield), “sickness, the change of
weather, and parting from friends, so enfeebled me, that I was
in hopes, on the road, my imprisoned soul would have been set at
liberty, and fled to the blissful regions.
“I found my poor wife an invalid. Our Lord can restore her, for
He came to heal our sicknesses, and to bear our infirmities.”
Whitefield was resolved not to be the founder of a sect, and yet
he had some difficulty in fulfilling his resolve. His hearers in
Dublin had procured a meeting-house in Skinner Street, and had formed
themselves into a public Society. John Edwards, in former years one of
Whitefield’s assistants, had become their preacher; and his ministry
was highly acceptable. A sort of circuit had been formed, and many were
the perils which Edwards encountered. On one occasion, when returning
from a village, where he had been preaching, the _Ormond Boys_ seized
him, and threatened to throw him into the Liffey. The _Liberty Boys_,
residing on the other side of the river, being political opponents of
the _Ormond Boys_, rushed to his assistance, rescued him, and carried
him home in triumph. At another time, the _White Boys_ beset a house
into which he had entered, and threatened to burn it, if he were
permitted to continue in it. He escaped by a window, being let down,
like the apostle Paul, in a basket.[310] The Dublin Society informed
Whitefield of their position and prospects; and Whitefield wrote to
Edwards, their preacher, as follows:――
“LONDON, _November 11, 1752_.
“MY DEAR FRIEND,――Last night, the glorious Emmanuel brought me
hither; and, this morning, I have been talking with Mr. Adams,
and cannot help thinking, that you have run before the Lord, in
forming yourselves into a public Society. Mr. Adams’s visit was
designed to be transient, and I cannot promise you any settled
help from hence. I am sincere, when I profess that I do not
choose to set myself at the head of any party. When I came last
to Ireland, my intention was to preach the gospel to all; and,
if it should please the Lord to send me there again, I purpose
to pursue the same plan. For I am a debtor to all, of all
denominations, and have no design but to promote the common
salvation of mankind. The love of Christ constrains me to this.
Accept it as written from that principle.”
When “ranging for souls,” Whitefield had little time to attend to
business; when he got into his winter quarters, he was obliged to
recognise its claims. The following was addressed to one of the
residents in his Orphan House:――
“LONDON, _November 21, 1752_.
“MY DEAR NAT,――Your letters have all been brought safe to hand,
and have given me satisfaction. I know not of a more profitable
situation that you could be in, than that you occupy at present.
Next year, God willing, you will have a fellow-student. I have
agreed with him, as I wrote you from Edinburgh, for three years
at least. I am of your mind in respect to boarders. As affairs
stand, I think that, at present, the less the family is, the
better. Nothing seems to be wanted but a good overseer, to
instruct the negroes in sowing and planting. Let me know whether
the lumber trade is begun. Pray make George and the children to
write often. He should not have written to me, _Honoured Master_,
but _Sir_. I am glad to hear that some of the children promise
well. Surely some good will, in the end, come out of that
institution. I am only afraid of its growing too great in a
worldly way. O that I may be directed to such managers as will
act with a single eye to God’s glory and His people’s good! I
have great confidence in you. I shall be glad to live to see you
a preacher. It is a delightful employment, when done out of love
to Jesus: that sweetens all. O that Georgia’s wilderness may
blossom like a rose! It will, when God’s set time is come. Never
mind a few evil reports. No one need be ashamed of Bethesda
children.”
Whitefield, in his “winter quarters,” was as jubilant as ever. In a
letter, dated December 9, he writes: “The shout of a king is amongst
us. Every day, we hear of persons brought under fresh awakenings, and
of God’s people being comforted. We have had two most awful sacramental
occasions.”
To Wesley, the year 1752 was one of trial. Several of his itinerants
began to give him trouble. At the beginning of the year, he, his
brother, and eleven of their principal assistants, signed a document,
which shewed that suspicion had taken the place of confidence.[311]
During the year, some of the preachers informed Wesley, that his
brother Charles did not enforce discipline so strictly as himself,
and that Charles agreed with Whitefield, “touching perseverance, at
least, if not predestination too.” The latter accusation was utterly
untrue; but, as Charles, at this period, was living on terms of the
most intimate friendship with the Countess of Huntingdon, and was
frequently preaching and administering the sacrament in her house, it
is not surprising that his brother deemed it his duty to write to him
concerning it. The result was the creation of a temporary distrust
and shyness between the two loving brothers. Charles took counsel with
Whitefield; and Whitefield’s answer must be given.
“LONDON, _December 22, 1752_.
“MY DEAR FRIEND,――I have read and pondered your kind letter,
and now sit down to answer it. What shall I say? Really, I
can scarce tell. The connection between you and your brother
has been so close and continued, and your attachment to him so
necessary to keep up his interest, that I would not willingly,
for the world, do or say anything that may separate such
friends. I cannot help thinking, that he is jealous of me and my
proceedings; but, I thank God, I am quite easy about it. Having
the testimony of a good conscience, that I have a disinterested
view to promote the common salvation only, I can leave all to
Him, who, I am assured, will, in the end, speak for me, and make
my righteousness clear as the light, and my just dealing as the
noonday. I more and more find, that he who believeth doth not
make haste; and that, if we will have patience, we shall find
that every plant which our heavenly Father hath not planted,
shall be plucked up. As I wrote to good Lady Huntingdon, so I
write to you. I bless God for my stripping seasons. I have seen
an end of all perfection, and expect it only in Him, in whom I
am sure to find it, the ever-loving, ever-lovely Jesus. He knows
how I love and honour you and your brother, and how often I have
preferred your interest to my own. This, by the grace of God, I
shall continue to do. My reward is with the Lord. If He approves,
it is enough. More might be said, were we face to face. When
this will be, I cannot tell. Several things, especially our
design of building a new Tabernacle, which I hope will succeed,
detain me in town this winter. God only knows what course I am
to steer in the spring. I would be a blank: let my heavenly
Father fill it up as seemeth Him good.
“I am glad you are with our elect lady. O how amiable is a truly
catholic spirit! Lord, make us all partakers of it more and
more! I beg the continuance of your prayers. I need them much.
You shall have mine in return. That you and yours may increase
with all the increase of God, is the earnest request of, my dear
friend,
“Yours, etc.,
“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”
On the same day, Whitefield wrote as follows to the Countess of
Huntingdon, with whom Charles Wesley was staying:――
“I shall observe your ladyship’s hints about Mr. Wesley. I
believe our visits will not be very frequent.[312] But I am easy,
having no scheme, no design of supplanting or resenting, but,
I trust, a single eye to promote the common salvation, without
so much as attempting to set up a party for myself. This is what
my soul abhors. Being thus minded, I have peace; peace which
the world knows nothing of, and which all must necessarily be
strangers to, who are fond either of power or numbers. God be
praised for the many strippings I have met with! It is good for
me that I have been supplanted, despised, censured, maligned,
and separated from my nearest, dearest friends. By this, I have
found the faithfulness of Him, who is the Friend of friends.
By this, I have been taught to wrap myself in the glorious
Emmanuel’s everlasting righteousness, and to be content that
He, to whom all hearts are open, now sees, and will let all see
hereafter, the uprightness of my intentions towards all mankind.”
It is unpleasant to end the year with a note of discord; but it cannot
honestly be avoided.
For the present, Whitefield had one enjoyment, which was almost new
to him. He was no longer harassed with literary persecution. The only
exception was an 8vo. pamphlet of fifty-one pages, entitled “Candid
Remarks on some particular passages in the fifth edition of the Rev.
Mr. Whitefield’s Volume of Sermons, printed in the year 1750. In a
Letter to a Gentleman. Reading, 1752.” The author, in a gentlemanly
way, criticizes some of Whitefield’s doctrines, especially that of
“imputed righteousness;” and concludes by saying, though “a zeal for
God appears throughout the whole of Whitefield’s performance,” yet
“his method of treating his subject, and his manner of dictating to
his audience, have something in them that may probably work upon the
passions, but can never improve the understanding; that may occasion
them to affect a superficial appearance of piety, but can hardly incite
in them the power; and may induce them to acquiesce so much in the
_imputative righteousness of Christ_, as to forget that they themselves
are to be righteous, and _ready to every good work_, which is an
indispensable part of the covenant of grace.”
One of Whitefield’s first anxieties, in 1753, was to sell his
plantation in South Carolina. Writing to a friend there, on January 7,
he says: “By this conveyance, I send you a power of attorney to dispose
of Providence plantation. I leave it to your discretion to sell at what
price you please. I would only observe, that I had rather it should
be sold for less than its real value, than to keep it any longer in my
hands. I do not choose to keep two families longer than is necessary.
The money you receive from Providence will be immediately wanted to buy
more land, and to pay for opening Bethesda’s new plantation.”
Another was the erection of a new Tabernacle. The wooden meeting-house,
in Moorfields, had now stood the storms of a dozen winters. At the
best, it was but a huge, ugly shed; and, of course, signs of decay
were becoming visible. Still, the uncouth fabric was a sacred one.
Many were the mighty sermons preached by Whitefield beneath its roof;
and countless were the blessings which had fallen upon its crowds
of worshippers. A more durable edifice, however, was greatly needed;
and, in the summer of 1751, while at Lady Huntingdon’s residence at
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, the project had been discussed, in the presence
of her ladyship, Doddridge, Hervey, Hartley, and Stonehouse, all of
whom were “most cordial in their approval and promise of support.”
Towards the end of 1752, the subject was renewed at the house of Lady
Frances Shirley, in South Audley Street; and, in compliance with the
urgent entreaties of her ladyship and of the Countess of Huntingdon,
Whitefield now began to exert himself in collecting money. He resolved
not to begin building till he had £1000 in hand.[313] That amount he
soon obtained; the first brick was laid on the 1st of March, 1753; and,
within fifteen weeks afterwards, the structure was opened for public
worship; the congregations, during that interval, still continuing to
assemble in the wooden tabernacle, which was left standing within the
shell of the building in course of erection.[314] The new Tabernacle
needs no description; for, though a third has within the last few years
been built upon its site, there are thousands still living who have
often gazed with reverence at the low, unpretentious edifice where
Whitefield so often mounted his pulpit throne, and not a few who found
salvation within its walls. It will frequently be mentioned in ensuing
extracts from Whitefield’s letters.[315]
There was a third affair, in which Whitefield, at this period, took,
perhaps, a more active interest than was necessary. Within the last
four years, the Moravians had made themselves more prominent than was
consistent with Christian modesty. It was not until the year 1737, that
the first Moravian services were held in England. Since then, several
of their Societies had been torn by faction. In many instances, they
had been the subjects of bitter persecution. Many of their religious
rites were silly and objectionable. Their hymns and their literature
were, to a great extent, jargon, luscious and irreverent. But, despite
all, they had increased in numbers; and, above all, they had at their
head an ambitious German count, who had considerable influence in
the court of the German who then sat on the British throne. Count
Zinzendorf, in 1749, had succeeded in getting the English parliament
to pass a bill to the following effect: 1. That the Moravians were an
ancient Protestant Episcopal Church. 2. That those of them who scrupled
to take an oath, should be exempted doing so, on making a declaration
in the presence of Almighty God, as witness of the truth. 3. That they
should not be liable to serve upon juries. 4. That, in the colonies,
they should be exempted from military service, under reasonable
conditions. 5. That the _verbal declaration_ of the individual,
together with the certificate of a bishop or minister of the Brethren,
should be regarded as sufficient proof of membership in the Moravian
community. Besides this, the Count was no longer satisfied with “hired
lodgings,” in Bloomsbury Square, for “_the Congregation House_,”
but, in 1751, removed to James Hutton’s house and two adjoining ones,
in Westminster. The premises were large and pleasant, overlooking
the Abbey Gardens; but even they were not good enough to serve
as the offices ♦of a body, on whose behalf the whole machinery of
parliamentary legislation had been set in motion. Accordingly, the
Count bought, of Sir Hans Sloane, a large mansion, in Chelsea, formerly
the property of the ducal family of Ancaster, with beautiful grounds
bordering on the Thames. In connection with this imposing “Congregation
House,” a chapel was fitted up, and a burial ground laid out. These
were costly proceedings; and the result of parliamentary negotiations,
the purchase of Lindsey House, Chelsea, and other expenditures, was,
Count Zinzendorf and the Moravians in England were in debt to the
amount of nearly £140,000, and knew not how to pay it.
As will soon be seen, these facts, put in the briefest form possible,
and others, which might be mentioned, induced Whitefield, both
privately and publicly, to censure the proceedings of his old friends,
the Unitas Fratrum.
Whitefield’s plantation at Bethesda, in Georgia, and his
slave-cultivated plantation in Carolina, made him anxious. The latter
he wished to sell, because, despite all his expectations, it had failed
to afford him help in his benevolent designs. Hence the following:――
“LONDON, _February 1, 1753_.
“I am glad to hear that Ephratah plantation[316] is in some
degree opened, and, thereby, a preparation made for future
progress. Mr. Fox’s not coming, and going upon lumber, has been
a great loss to my poor family; but I hope, ere now, all is
settled, and the sowing carried on with vigour. That seems to
be the thing which Providence points out at present. As so many
negroes are ready, it will be a pity if Bethesda does not do
something, as well as the neighbouring planters. If I were not
erecting a large place for public worship, eighty feet square,
I would come over immediately myself; but, perhaps, it will be
best to stay till the new governor embarks, or to come a little
before him.
“With this, I send your brother a power to dispose of Providence
plantation. I hope to hear shortly that you have purchased more
negroes. My dear friend, do exert yourself a little for me in
this time of my absence. I trust the Orphan-house affairs will
soon be so ordered, that no one will be troubled respecting
them, but my own domestics. As Nathaniel P―――― has behaved so
faithfully, I have sent him a full power, in conjunction with
Mrs. W――――, to act under you. The man and woman who bring this,
are, with their son, indentured to me; and I have an excellent
schoolmistress, and a young student, engaged to come over
shortly. Before long, I suppose, we shall have a large family.
Lord, grant it may be a religious one! I would have nothing done
to the buildings, besides repairing the piazza, and what else
is absolutely necessary, till I come. Perhaps I may bring a
carpenter with me, who will stay some years.
“I cannot tell what induces me to take care of a place, where
the gospel is so little regarded, unless it be a principle of
faith. What a difference is there between Georgia and several
parts of England! Here, thousands and tens of thousands run, and
ride miles upon miles, to hear the gospel. There――but I do not
love to think of it. I see there is no happiness but in keeping
near to Jesus Christ.”
The next, addressed to Lady Huntingdon, refers to the Moravians at
Lindsey House, Chelsea, and to the collections for Whitefield’s new
Tabernacle.
“LONDON, _February 9, 1753_.
“I am apt to believe that the Moravians’ scheme will soon be
disconcerted. Strange! Why do God’s children build Babels? Why
do they flatter themselves that God owns and approves of them,
because He suffers them to build high? In mercy to them, such
buildings, of whatever kind, must come down.
“I hope our intended Tabernacle is not of this nature. It would
have pleased your ladyship to have seen how willingly the people
gave last Lord’s-day. At seven in the morning, we collected £50;
in the evening, £126. We have now near £900 in hand. Our Lord
still continues to work in our old despised place. I trust it
has been a Bethel to many, many souls. This, your ladyship knows,
may be anywhere. Clifton is a Bethel when God is there.”
The following seems to have been written to Grimshaw, of Haworth,
and refers to Gillies’ preparation of his “Historical Collections,”
respecting revivals. Grimshaw complied with Whitefield’s suggestion;
but his long letter, being too late to be inserted in Gillies’ bulky
volumes, was not published till 1761, when it found a place in the
“Appendix to the Historical Collections,” a 12mo. book of 250 pages,
and now extremely rare.
“LONDON, _February 19, 1753_.
“REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――At present, I have a cold and
fever upon me; but I preach on, hoping one day or another to die
in my work. We have had a blessed winter. Many have been added
to our flock. Next week, I intend to lay the first brick of our
new Tabernacle. I am looking up for direction about my removal.
Which are the best seasons for the north? I should be glad to
know speedily.
“Have you the first account you wrote of your conversion? Or
have you leisure to draw up a short narrative of the rise and
progress of the work of God in your parts? A dear Christian
minister, in Scotland, is about to publish two volumes, relative
to the late awakenings in various places. Such things should be
transmitted to posterity; in heaven, all will be known. Thanks
be to God, that there is such a rest remaining for His people!
I am too impatient to get at it; but who can help longing to see
Jesus? I wish you much, yea, very much prosperity. I am glad you
have received the books. I am now publishing two more sermons,
and a small collection of hymns for public worship.”
Whitefield’s hymn-book was entitled “Hymns for Social Worship,
collected from various Authors, and more particularly designed for
the use of the Tabernacle congregation in London. By George Whitefield,
A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right Hon.
the Countess of Huntingdon. London: printed by William Strahan, and to
be sold at the Tabernacle, near Moorfields. 1753.” (16mo. 144 pp.)