for him to settle in his “_winter quarters_.” First of all, he ran off
to Portsmouth, and was there when Miss Hotham died. At his return to
London, he wrote:――
“September 14. I was received with great joy, and our Lord has
manifested His glory in the great congregation. I have preached
in Mr. Wesley’s chapel several times. Mr. Wesley breakfasted and
prayed with me this morning; and Mr. Hervey was so kind as to
come up and be with me in my house. He is a dear man; and, I
trust, will yet be spared to write much for the Redeemer’s glory.”
On the same day, Charles Wesley wrote, in his Journal: “I met James
Hervey at the Tabernacle, and in the fellowship of the spirit of love.”
Never since they had left Oxford had the four old friends met together
till now. Fifteen years had elapsed since then,――years full of strange
and unforeseen adventures.
Two other clergymen were now introduced into the circle of Whitefield’s
friends.
Martin Madan,――tall in stature, robust in constitution, his countenance
open and majestic, his voice musical and strong, his delivery graceful,
and his language plain and nervous,――was the eldest son of Colonel
Madan, and bred to the study of the law. While in a coffee-house, with
some of his gay companions, he was requested to go and hear Wesley
preach. He went, and, on his return to the coffee-room, was asked, “if
he had taken off the old Methodist?” “No,” said the young barrister,
“No, gentlemen, but he has taken me off.” From that time, he abandoned
his old companions, formed an acquaintance with the Countess of
Huntingdon, and embraced the truth as it is in Jesus. Possessed of a
private fortune of £1800 a year, he renounced his legal profession, and
was now an ordained clergyman of the Church of England. He soon became
immensely popular; but ultimately died, in 1790, beneath the dark cloud
of his chimerical and mischievous “Thelypthora.”
Moses Browne, afterwards well known as vicar of Olney, and chaplain
of Morden College, Blackheath, had never been at either of the
universities, had a large family, and a slender purse. For twenty years,
he had been a constant contributor to the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, and
had obtained some of the prizes offered by Mr. Cave for the best poems
sent to that periodical. He had enjoyed the friendship of Dr. Watts, by
whose kindness he was introduced to Lady Huntingdon; and, at her house,
met many of the poets and _literati_ of the day. Moses was passionately
fond of dancing and of theatrical amusements; but, under the preaching
of the Methodists, he had been converted, and now wanted to be a
clergyman. Testimonials were signed by Hervey, Hartley, and Baddiley.
Lady Huntingdon asked Hoadley, Bishop of Winchester, to ordain him; but
his lordship politely refused the application. She requested the same
favour of the Bishop of Worcester; and ultimately, through the interest
of the Hon. Welbore Ellis, then one of the Lords of the Admiralty,
ordination was obtained, and the poor poet became a successful parish
priest.[292]
Both of these gentlemen are mentioned in the following letter to the
Countess of Huntingdon:――
“LONDON, _September 17, 1750_.
“EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Yesterday afternoon, I returned from
Chatham, where, I think, there is as promising a work begun as
almost in any part of England. Last night, the Redeemer’s glory
was seen in the Tabernacle; and your ladyship’s letter revived
my heart, and gave me fresh hopes for ungrateful Ashby.
“I am glad Mr. Madan is ordained; and hope Mr. Browne will be
soon. I find your ladyship has acted in the affair like yourself.
Mr. Browne is much for embarking in the cause of Christ, and, if
the D―――― would help him at this juncture, he might be a useful
and happy man. Both he and Mr. Hervey have a grateful sense of
your ladyship’s great kindness. The latter, I believe, intends
to winter with me in London. If possible, I will prevail on Mr.
Hartley to come and pay him a visit. To-morrow morning, I set
out for Gloucester, and intend coming to Birmingham, and so to
your ladyship’s.”
Whitefield reached the Countess’s residence on October 4th, and
remained there the next eleven days. His past and his present
proceedings may be learnt by the following extracts from his letters:――
“Ashby, October 9, 1750. I am now at the house of her ladyship,
with four other clergymen, who, I believe, love and preach
Christ in sincerity; but Ashby people reject the kingdom of God
against themselves. At Portsmouth, Chatham, Gloucestershire,
Birmingham, Wednesbury, Evesham, Nottingham, etc., our infinite
High Priest has given us pleasant seasons. I am now waiting
every day for my wife’s being delivered of her present burden,
and hope, ere long, to rejoice that a child is born into the
world. O that it may be born again, and be made an heir of the
Redeemer’s kingdom!”
“Ashby, October 11.” (To the Countess Delitz.) “Good Lady
Huntingdon goes on acting the part of a mother in Israel more
and more. For a day or two, she has had five clergymen under her
roof, which makes her ladyship look like a good archbishop with
his chaplains around him. Her house is indeed a Bethel. To us
in the ministry, it looks like a college. We have the sacrament
every morning, heavenly consolation all day, and preaching at
night. This is to _live at court_ indeed. Your ladyship, and the
other elect ladies, are never forgotten by us.”
In reference to this memorable visit, the Countess of Huntingdon wrote
to Lady Fanny Shirley, as follows:――
“It was a time of refreshing from the presence of our God.
Several of our little circle have been wonderfully filled with
the love of God, and have had joy unspeakable and full of glory.
Lady Frances” (Hastings) “is rejoicing in hope of the glory of
God. It is impossible to conceive a more real happiness than
she enjoys. Dear Mr. Whitefield’s sermons and exhortations were
close, searching, experimental, awful, and awakening. Surely
God was with him. He appeared to speak of spiritual and divine
things as awful realities. Many of us could witness to the truth
of what he uttered. His discourses in the neighbouring churches
were attended with power from on high, and the kingdom of
darkness trembled before the gospel of Christ.”[293]
On Monday, October 15, Whitefield set out for what he called his
“winter quarters,” in London; but, a month afterwards, he was at
Canterbury, preaching with his characteristic zest and power. Despite
great opposition, one of Wesley’s Societies had been formed in this
venerable city, and here Wesley himself had spent three days at the
beginning of the year. Now Whitefield came, and wrote: “The work
increases at Canterbury. I find several souls are awakened.”
The visit of two of the Methodist chieftains to this archiepiscopal
city, in the same year, was too serious an effrontery to be allowed to
pass unnoticed. The Rev. John Kirkby was rector of Blackmanstone, but a
rector almost without a flock, Blackmanstone, in 1831, containing only
five parishioners! Mr. Kirkby’s parochial work was――what? He had ample
leisure to chastise the Methodists. Accordingly, he published an 8vo.
pamphlet of fifty-five pages, with the elaborate title, “The Impostor
Detected; or, the Counterfeit Saint turned inside out. Containing
a full discovery of the horrid blasphemies and impieties taught by
those diabolical seducers called Methodists, under colour of the only
_real Christianity_. Particularly intended for the use of the city of
Canterbury, where that ministry of iniquity has lately begun to work.
By John Kirkby, Rector of Blackmanstone, in Kent. ‘By their fruits ye
shall know them’ (Matt. vii. 20). London, 1750.”
Mr. Kirkby’s pamphlet was even more rancorous than its title. He could
hardly have been more vulgarly abusive if, instead of Blackmanstone, he
had been rector of Billingsgate.
While at Canterbury, Whitefield wrote a letter to Mr. S――――, in Ireland,
which is too characteristic to be omitted.[294]
“CANTERBURY, _November 20, 1750_.
“MY DEAR MR. S――――, As far as I can judge of the circumstances
you related to me, settling, as you propose, would not hinder,
but rather further, you in your present work. Only beware of
nestling. If you do, and God loves you, you shall have thorns
enough put into your nest. O that I may be enabled, even to the
end, to evidence that nothing but a pure disinterested love to
Christ and souls caused me to begin, go on, and hold out, in
pursuing the present work of God! I have seen so many who once
bid exceedingly fair, and afterwards, Demas-like, preferred the
world to Christ, that I cannot be too jealous over myself, or
others whom I profess to love. This is my motive in writing to
you. O let no one take away your crown. If you marry, let it be
in the Lord, and for the Lord, and then the Lord will give it
His blessing. Only remember this, marry when or whom you will,
expect trouble in the flesh. But I spare you. Seven years hence,
if we should live and meet, we can talk better of these things.
Meanwhile, let us go on leaning on our Beloved. He, and He alone,
can keep us unspotted from the world.”
Shortly after this, Whitefield had a serious illness, which he called
a “violent fever,” and which kept him confined to his room nearly a
fortnight. As soon as he was able, he resumed his preaching, and also
his correspondence. To one of his friends, he wrote: “December 17th.
Yesterday, I entered upon my seven-and-thirtieth year. I am ashamed
to think I have lived so long, and done so little.” To another:
“December 21. I have been near the gates of death, which has hindered
my answering your kind letter as soon as I proposed. I shall be glad
to know your friend’s answer about Georgia. If the Lord raises up a
solid, heavenly-minded, learned young man for a tutor, I shall be glad.
Nothing, I believe, but sickness or death, will prevent my going over
next year. Methinks the winter is long. I want to take the field again.”
Whitefield longed to be in America; and, notwithstanding past revivals,
America was in need of him. Hence the following extract from a hitherto
unpublished letter, kindly lent by Mr. Stampe, of Grimsby:――
“PHILADELPHIA, _December 15, 1750_.
“REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,――Religion, at present, is very low
in general in this country. A great deadness prevails, and few
appear to be converted; but the Church of Christ, I trust, is,
in some measure, edified by the word of God. We wish and hope
for better times. I am glad that you are able to continue your
itinerancy, and that with such encouragement and success. May
your life and labours be long continued, and be blessed to the
great increase of Christ’s kingdom on earth, and the brightening
of your own crown in heaven!
“I am much obliged to you, dear sir, for the hope you gave me,
in a letter I received from you, of doing something among your
friends to assist us in completing the new house of public
worship, which we are erecting. Some time ago, I told you of
the difficult and necessitous state of our case; and I may now
add, that we are likely to lose many hundreds of pounds that
were promised. This is very discouraging. However, we have got
the house covered, and hope to have the pleasure of hearing
you preach in it next fall. Dear sir, as I know your hearty
good-will towards the interests of religion in general, and
towards us in particular, I cannot but believe that you will
compassionate us, and will use your best endeavours for us,
I forbear incitements to a mind that needs them not. I salute
yourself and your consort with cordial respect; and remain yours
as formerly,
“GILBERT TENNENT.”
Whitefield was always ready to assist his friends, both at home and
abroad. Just at this juncture, Moses Browne, with his large family,
was in pecuniary embarrassment. Lady Fanny Shirley took great interest
in his case, and applied to the Duchess of Somerset[295] and others to
afford him help.[296] Whitefield refers to this in the following letter
to Lady Fanny:――
“LONDON, _December 25, 1750_.
“HONOURED MADAM,――Poor Mr. Browne is much obliged to your
ladyship for speaking in his behalf. He happened to be with me
when your ladyship’s letter came. The reception your kind motion
met with, convinces me more and more that, ‘Be ye warmed, and be
ye filled,’ without giving anything to be warmed and filled with,
is the farthest that most professors go. Words are cheap, and
cost nothing. I often told the poor man that his dependence was
too strong, and that I was afraid help would not come from the
quarter where he most expected. He sends ten thousand thanks
for what your ladyship has done already. Surely he is worthy.
He is a lover of Christ, and his outward circumstances are very
pitiable. Your ladyship will not be offended at the liberty
I take. You love to help the distressed to the utmost of your
power; and your ladyship shall find that good measure, pressed
down and running over, shall be returned into your bosom.”
To Whitefield, the year 1751 opened sadly. It is true, he speaks
of having had “Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon,” in
London, and of many being awakened to a consciousness of their sins
and danger; but his own health was shaken, his wife was “expecting an
hour of travail,” and death was entering the mansion of the Countess
of Huntingdon. During the whole of December, the Countess had been
dangerously ill; and, at the beginning of 1751, her health declined so
rapidly, that Whitefield was requested to hasten to Ashby with all the
speed he could. He obeyed the summons; but, before his arrival, death
had claimed a victim,――not, however, Whitefield’s honoured patroness;
she was spared to the Church and the world forty years longer; but Lady
Frances Hastings, sister of her late husband, was taken to the rest of
the righteous; and Lady Selina, the Countess’s daughter, was extremely
ill, though slowly recovering from a fever. Extracts from two of
Whitefield’s letters will tell all that it is needful to relate:――
“Ashby, January 29, 1751. I rode post to Ashby, not knowing
whether I should see good Lady Huntingdon alive. Blessed be God!
she is somewhat better. Entreat all our friends to pray for her.
Her sister-in-law, Lady Frances Hastings, lies dead in the house.
She was a retired Christian, lived silently, and died suddenly,
without a groan. May my exit be like hers! Whether right or not,
I cannot help wishing that I may go off in the same manner. To
me it is worse than death, to live to be nursed, and see friends
weeping about one. Sudden death is sudden glory. But all this
must be left to our heavenly Father.”
Strangely enough, Whitefield’s wish, so often uttered, was literally
fulfilled. To Lady Mary Hamilton, Whitefield wrote:――
“Ashby, January 30, 1751. I found good Lady Huntingdon very sick,
though, I trust, not unto death. The death of Lady Frances was
a translation. Almost all the family have been sick. Lady Selina
has had a fever, but is better. Lady Betty is more affected than
ever I saw her. Lady Ann bears up pretty well, but Miss Wheeler
is inconsolable. It is a house of mourning; that is better than
a house of feasting. The corpse is to be interred on Friday”
(February 1) “evening. May all who follow it, look and learn!
I mean learn to live, and learn to die.”
Whitefield remained some days after the funeral, and then returned to
London, where, to use his own expression, his wife was “exceeding bad.”
Three weeks afterwards, he wrote the following to Lady Huntingdon;
but makes no mention, in any of his letters, of the accouchement of
his wife. It is probable, that, like her last, the present child was
dead:――
“LONDON, _February 26, 1751_.
“EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――It would rejoice your ladyship to see
what has been doing here. I have not known a more considerable
awakening for a long time. The Lord comes down as in the days
of old, and the shout of a king is amongst us. Praise the Lord,
O my soul! To-morrow, I purpose to leave London; but whether
the rain and wind will permit me is uncertain. At present, I am
feverish, by my late hurry and fatigue.
“Underneath your ladyship are the everlasting arms. You cannot
sink with such a prop. He is faithful, who has promised, that we
shall not be tempted above what we are able to bear. This is my
daily support. To explain God’s providence by His promise, and
not His promise by His providence, I find is the only way both
to get and to keep our comforts.”
Whitefield was detained in London a few days longer; but, early in the
month of March, set out for Bristol, where the Countess of Huntingdon
was then staying for the benefit of her health.
Hervey’s health was such that he was unable to accompany his friend;
and, hence, Whitefield applied to the Rev. Thomas Hartley, and, as a
persuasion to come, told him that the Countess would be benefited by
his visit, he would have access to some of the Bristol pulpits, and,
perhaps, would “catch some great fish in the gospel net.”[297]
After about a fortnight’s stay in Bristol, he started for Plymouth,
preaching at Taunton and Wellington on his way. On his return, he wrote
to Hervey, dating his letter, “Exeter, April 11, 1751.” He tells the
amiable invalid that he would count it “a great honour and privilege”
to have him as his guest for the remainder of his life. During the
last month, he had had “some trying exercises;” but he had “preached
about forty times,” and, in several instances, had ridden forty miles
a day. He had been among Hervey’s old friends at Bideford; and had been
blessed with “sweet seasons at Plymouth.”
It is impossible to determine what were the “trying exercises,” which
Whitefield mentions. One was the affliction of his wife. Perhaps,
another was occasioned by the insertion of a letter in the _Gentleman’s
Magazine_, proposing that, because “Whitefield preached that man, the
chief work of God in this lower world, _by nature is half brute and
half devil_,” the following lines should be inscribed on the door
of Whitefield’s house, and should not be removed until he “recanted
his shocking account of human nature, and declared that man is the
_offspring of God_, and formed _by nature_ to approve and love what
is _just_ and _good_”:――
“Here lives one by nature half brute and half devil.
Avoid him, ye wise, though he speak kind and civil.
The devil can seem like an _angel of light_,
And _dogs_ look _demure_, the better to bite.”
It is rather surprising that a squib so paltry was admitted into Mr.
Cave’s respectable magazine; and yet it gave birth to a controversy, in
that periodical, which lasted until the month of October next ensuing,
not fewer than six different articles, for and against, being published
on the subject.
Probably, another cause of Whitefield’s “trying exercises” was the
publication, about this period, of the third part of Lavington’s
“Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared,” an 8vo. volume of
four hundred and twenty pages. This was the bishop’s big gun, pointed
at Wesley almost altogether, but discharging a few stray shots at
Whitefield. It was not pleasant, for instance, to find the author
perverting Whitefield’s honest acknowledgment of the errors into which
he had unwittingly fallen, by declaring, “Whitefield has _confessed_
that he has _imposed_ upon the world by many _untruths_” (p. 263).
Whitefield never confessed anything of the sort; and Dr. Lavington,
Bishop of Exeter, knew, when he wrote these words, that he himself was
writing an _untruth_.
Lampoons, and episcopal mendacity like this, were, without doubt,
annoying. It was also a matter of profound grief, that, in the bulky
volume just mentioned, his friend Wesley should be made the butt of all
the sneering sarcasm which Lavington could bring to bear against him.
There were likewise other annoyances, as may be gathered from the title
of a pamphlet of sixteen pages, which was at this time published: “A
Vindication of the Methodists and Moravians from an Assertion in a
Sermon lately printed. Also some Thoughts on the Latter Times.” The
“Assertion” was, that, at least, some of the Methodists and Moravians
were endeavouring “to encourage and increase the Romish religion;”
that it was certain that Methodism and Moravianism would “at last issue
in Popery;” and that some of the present preachers would be employed
in spreading it “both here, and in all our colonies and plantations
abroad.” The author of the pamphlet did his best to vindicate
Whitefield and his friends; but he was so full of millenarianism, that
his defence was worthless, and, instead of serving the Methodists, was
likely to injure them.
In the midst of all this worry and vexation, Whitefield found comfort
and cause of exultation in a fact which ought to have augmented the
severity of his “trying exercises:” slavery was authorised in Georgia!
Read in the light of the last hundred years, the following letter,
addressed to a minister in America, is, to say the least, a curious
production:――
“BRISTOL, _March 22, 1751_.
“REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――My wife has been in pitiable
circumstances for some time. The Lord only knows what will
be the issue of them. This is my comfort, ‘All things work
together for good to those that love God.’ He is the Father
of mercies, and the God of all consolation. He can bring light
out of darkness, and cause the barren wilderness to smile.
“This will be verified in Georgia. Thanks be to God! that the
time for favouring that colony seems to be come. Now is the
season for us to exert ourselves to the utmost for the good of
the poor Ethiopians. We are told, that, even they are soon to
stretch out their hands unto God. And who knows but that their
being settled in Georgia maybe over-ruled for this great end?
“As to the lawfulness of keeping slaves, I have no doubt, since
I hear of some that were bought with Abraham’s money, and some
that were born in his house. I, also, cannot help thinking,
that some of those servants mentioned by the apostles, in
their epistles, were or had been slaves. It is plain that the
Gibeonites were doomed to perpetual slavery; and, though liberty
is a sweet thing to such as are born free, yet to those who
never knew the sweets of it, slavery perhaps may not be so
irksome.
“However this be, it is plain to a demonstration, that
hot countries cannot be cultivated without negroes. What a
flourishing country might Georgia have been, had the use of
them been permitted years ago! How many white people have been
destroyed for want of them, and how many thousands of pounds
spent to no purpose at all! Had Mr. Henry been in America,
I believe he would have seen the lawfulness and necessity of
having negroes there. And, though it is true that they are
brought in a wrong way from their native country, and it is
a trade not to be approved of, yet, as it will be carried on
whether we will or not, I should think myself highly favoured
if I could purchase a good number of them, to make their
lives comfortable, and lay a foundation for breeding up their
posterity in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.
“You know, dear sir, that I had no hand in bringing them into
Georgia. Though my judgment was for it, and so much money
was yearly spent to no purpose, and I was strongly importuned
thereto, yet I would have no negro upon my plantation, till
the use of them was publicly allowed in the colony. Now this
is done, let us reason no more about it, but diligently improve
the present opportunity for their instruction. The Trustees
favour it, and we may never have a like prospect. It rejoiced
my soul, to hear that one of my poor negroes in Carolina was
made a brother in Christ. How know we but we may have many
such instances in Georgia before long? By mixing with your
people, I trust many of them will be brought to Jesus; and this
consideration, as to us, swallows up all temporal inconveniences
whatsoever.”
Whitefield’s letter is a distracting compound of good and evil
principles. Probably it will lower his character in the estimation of
not a few who read it. Be it so. The letter exists, and it would not be
honest to withhold it.