with the company of a very pensive and uncommon person;――a man
of good parts, ready wit, and lively imagination, who, in order
to furnish matter for preaching over a bottle, had made it his
business to come and hear, and then carry away scraps of my
sermons to serve as texts for his tavern harangues. A few nights
ago, he came, for this purpose, to Dr. Sewall’s meeting. Upon my
coming in, he crowded after me amongst the people, and, having
got sufficient matter to work upon, attempted to go out; but,
being pent in on every side, his endeavours were fruitless.
Obliged thus to stay, waiting for fresh matter for ridicule, he
was pricked to the heart. He came to Mr. P――――, full of horror,
confessed his crimes, and longed to ask my pardon, but was
afraid to see me. Mr. P―――― encouraged him to venture. This
morning, hearing some one knock at my parlour door, I arose, and,
upon opening the door, by the paleness, pensiveness, and horror
of his countenance, guessed who he was. He cried, ‘Sir, can you
forgive me?’ I smiled, and said, ‘Yes, sir, very readily.’ He
replied, ‘Indeed, sir, you cannot when I tell you all.’ I then
asked him to sit down; and, judging that he had sufficiently
felt the lashes of the law, I preached to him the gospel.”
The following refers to the paper warfare at that time raging, and
which has been already noticed:――
“BOSTON, _February 19, 1745_.
“_Tempora mutantur._ A confederacy, a confederacy! The clergy,
amongst whom are a few mistaken, misinformed good old men, are
publishing halfpenny testimonials against me. Even the president,
professors, and tutors, of Harvard College, where, some few
years ago, I was received with such uncommon respect, have
joined the confederacy. The testimonials have done me real
service. I certainly did drop some unguarded expressions in
the heat of less experienced youth; and was too precipitate in
hearkening to, and publishing private information. Some good
friends are publishing testimonials in my favour. Thus you see
what a militant state we are in at present. Amidst all, the word
runs, and is glorified. Many are so enraged at the treatment I
meet with, that they came to me lately, assuring me that, if I
will consent, they will erect, in a few weeks’ time, the outside
of the largest place of worship in America; but, you know,
ceiled houses were never my aim. I, therefore, thanked them for
their kind offer; but begged leave to refuse accepting it. How
or when the present storm will subside is uncertain. I can only,
at present, beg the continuance of your prayers, that, I may be
kept in good temper towards those, who, I believe, really think
they do God’s service by opposing me.”
Whitefield was busy writing for the press; and, as soon as he
had finished three of his pamphlets, he seems to have returned
to Piscataqua. Why he deferred going to his Orphan House, it is
impossible to determine; but he was happy, and hard at work. Hence
the following:――
“PISCATAQUA, _March 6, 1745_.
“I have sent a letter to Dr. C――――, with my Answer to Harvard
College, and my Answer to the Second Part of the Observations,
and also my Remarks upon the Charge of the Bishop of Lichfield.
May Jesus give them His blessing! I would have them printed so
as to be sold cheap. You may collect, or print them severally,
as you will. I cannot yet get time to prepare my sermons, or the
other part of my life, for the press. I am writing another New
England journal, which I will send, when I leave the country.
When that will be, I know not.
“America, I am afraid, begins to be too dear to me. The Lord
smiles upon me and mine, and makes us very happy in Himself, and
happy in one another. Here is a very large field of action. My
bodily strength is recovered; and my soul is more than ever in
love with a crucified Jesus.”
On the same day, Whitefield wrote to John Cennick, as follows:――
“Our Saviour wonderfully smiles on us here. The Lord helps me
to preach with the demonstration of the Spirit and with power.
My wife and I go on like two happy pilgrims, leaning upon our
Beloved. O help us to adore and praise free grace! We salute all
the conference and trustees, and every particular choir, and the
Societies in every place.”
For a season, Cennick succeeded Whitefield in the Tabernacle,
Moorfields; and he and others introduced into some of the Societies
“choirs,” or classes for singing “psalms and hymns and spiritual
songs,” after the manner of the Moravians. Indeed, Cennick already was
more of a Moravian than a Whitefieldian; and, in December 1745, openly
avowed his predilection. Thomas Adams, his colleague at the Tabernacle,
as openly opposed the sentiments which Cennick had advanced. The result
was, Cennick seceded, and joined the Unitas Fratrum. A large number
of the people, both in London and the provinces, followed his example;
and even those who remained behind wept at his departure, for he was
greatly beloved by all. Cennick’s secession was a severe shock to the
Connexion; but Whitefield and Cennick retained their friendship for
each other, and kept up an affectionate correspondence until Cennick’s
death, in 1755.[124][125]
Whitefield had been nearly five months in America, but had not visited
his Orphanage in Georgia. He had arranged, however, for Mr. Habersham,
the orphans’ chaplain, to visit him. Hence the following to a friend,
in London:――
“PISCATAQUA (sixty miles from Boston),
“_March 12, 1745_.
“This comes by a young gentleman, who expects to return to
South Carolina in August next. By him, I send you one of each of
the pamphlets I have published here. I would have them sent to
Scotland as soon as may be. America is pleasanter and pleasanter
every day. The door for preaching opens wider and wider. I am
preparing my sermons for the press,[126] and am also writing
another journal. You shall have them the first opportunity. I
wrote to you last week, and sent about fifty letters, by Captain
Darling. I expect Mr. Habersham hourly.”
The editor of the _Christian History_ adds: “Mr. Habersham arrived soon
after the writing of the above letter; and wrote, from the same place,
on March 18, and stated, that Mr. Whitefield had been as far eastward
as was settled by the English (which is about a hundred and fifty
miles), and had preached with much success. Mr. Whitefield was to go
with him to Boston the next day, to consult friends there about the
affairs of the Orphan House in Georgia, which was what Mr. Habersham
came there about.”
Soon after this, Whitefield was in a new position. Up to the present,
Cape Breton had been in the possession of the French. Besides being the
key to Canada, the island was of great importance in a mercantile point
of view. The soil was poor, but, in 1743, fish was exported to the
amount of a million sterling. In return for this, the people received
sugar and coffee, rum and molasses; part of which they used themselves,
and the remainder of which they conveyed to Canada and New England,
where they obtained, in exchange, fruits, vegetables, bricks, wood,
and cattle. Cape Breton, also, was a formidable seminary of seamen,
the French employing, in their enormous fishery, twenty thousand men,
and at least a thousand sail of from two to four hundred tons each.
English ships were terribly exposed to privateers and men of war
issuing from the island. Possession of the place would not only cut
off all communication between France and Quebec, but the harbour would
likewise be a safer retreat for British vessels, than any other harbour
in North America. In 1745, a plan for the invasion of Cape Breton
was laid at Boston, and New England bore the expense of it. Colonel
Pepperell, who has been already introduced to the reader’s notice, was
entrusted with the command of an army of six thousand men, levied for
the expedition; and these forces, convoyed by a squadron from Jamaica,
brought the first news to Cape Breton of the danger that threatened
it. The invaders had to encounter but six hundred regular troops, and
eight hundred inhabitants armed in haste. Still, the success of the
undertaking would have been precarious, if the soldiers on the island
had fought with their accustomed spirit. It so happened, however, that,
for the last six months, they had in fact, been in open rebellion. The
construction and repairs of the fortifications of Louisbourg, sometimes
called “the Gibraltar of America,” had always been left to the care
of the garrison; but the troops had been so defrauded of the profit
of their labours, that they had determined to assert their rights; and
their indignation had risen to such a pitch, that they now despised all
authority. The soldiers, indeed, made advances against the invaders;
but, after a siege of seven weeks, the Governor of Cape Breton was
obliged, on the 16th of June, to sign a capitulation, whereby the
island, and its harbour of Louisbourg, became the possession of his
Britannic Majesty. On the news reaching London, the conquest was
celebrated by the firing of cannons, the illumination of the public
offices, the ringing of bells, the lighting of bonfires, and all the
other usual demonstrations of national thankfulness and joy.[127]
These remarks will help to explain the following letter:――
“BOSTON, _July 29, 1745_.
“You will be surprised that a messenger of the Prince of peace
should beat up to arms. No doubt, you have judged me, as well
you may; but Providence seemed to force me into it.
“The Cape Breton expedition was begun and finished before
it could be scarcely known to you at home. Worthy Colonel
Pepperell was fixed upon to command. The day before he
accepted the commission, he purposed to dine with me, to ask
my advice. I told him, I hoped, if he did undertake it, he
would beg of the Lord God of armies to give him a single
eye; that the means proposed to take Louisbourg, in the
eye of human reason, were no more adequate to the end, than
the sounding of rams’ horns to blow down Jericho; but that,
if Providence really called him, he would return more than
conqueror. He thanked me; and, his lady having given her free
consent, he commenced general.
“The sound now was, ‘To arms! to arms!’ New recruits were
eagerly sought after, and my worthy friend Mr. Sherburne was
appointed one of the commissaries. Being at his house one
evening, he told me that he was preparing the flag, and that
I must give him a motto, and that the people must know I had
given it. I absolutely refused, urging that it would be out of
character. He replied, he believed the expedition was of God,
and that if I did not encourage it, many of the serious people
would not enlist. I still refused. He desired me to consider,
and to sleep upon it, and to give him my answer in the morning.
I retired, I prayed, I slept; and, upon his renewing his request
in the morning, I told him he might take this motto, ‘_Nil
desperandum Christo duce_.’
“Upon this, great numbers enlisted; and, before their
embarkation, their officers desired me to preach them a sermon.
I preached from these words: ‘As many as were distressed, as
many as were discontented, as many as were in debt, came to
David, and he became a captain over them.’ Officers, soldiers,
and others attended. I spiritualized the subject, and told them
how distressed sinners came to Jesus Christ, the Son of David;
and, in my application, exhorted the soldiers to behave like the
soldiers of David, and the officers to act like David’s worthies;
then, I made no manner of doubt but we should receive good
news from Cape Breton. After this, I preached to the general
himself, who asked me if I would not be one of his chaplains.
I told him, I should think it an honour; but believed, as I
generally preached three times a day, in various places, to
large congregations, I could do my king, my country, and my God
more service, by stirring up the people to pray, and, thereby,
strengthening his and his soldiers’ hands.
“Through Divine grace, I was enabled to persist in this practice
for some weeks; but, at last, news arrived that the case was
desperate. Letter upon letter came from the officers to those
who planned the expedition, and did not know the strength of
the fortress. I smiled, and told my friends, that I believed
now we should have Louisbourg; for all having confessed their
helplessness, God would now reveal His arm, and make our
extremity His opportunity. I was not disappointed of my hope;
for one day, having taken a weeping leave of dear Boston, and
being about to preach a few miles out of town, news was brought
that Louisbourg was taken. Numbers flocked with great joy from
all quarters, and I immediately preached to them a thanksgiving
sermon from these words, ‘By this I know that Thou favourest me,
since Thou hast not permitted mine enemies to triumph over me.’
“Here ends, dear madam, my beating to arms. It is left to you to
judge as you please of yours, etc.,
“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”
To say the least, this is a curious episode in English
history,――Whitefield, the despised Methodist preacher, associated
with one of England’s conquests,――a conquest so important, that King
George II. raised Colonel Pepperell to the dignity of a baronet of
Great Britain; and London and other places went mad with joy.[128]
It is impossible, through want of materials, to trace the course of
Whitefield during the next twelve months. Dr. Gillies says, “As his
bodily strength increased, he began to move farther southward; and,
after preaching eastward as far as Casco Bay and North Yarmouth, he
went through Connecticut, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, preaching to
thousands, generally twice a day.” Whitefield himself writes:――
“Though there was much smoke, yet every day I had convincing
proof that a blessed gospel fire had been kindled in the hearts
both of ministers and people. At New York, I found that the
seed sown had sprung up abundantly; and also at the east end of
Long Island. In my way to Philadelphia, I had the pleasure of
preaching, by an interpreter, to some converted Indians, and of
seeing near fifty young ones in a school near Freehold, learning
the Assembly’s catechism. A blessed awakening had been begun
among the Delaware Indians, by the instrumentality of Mr. David
Brainerd.[129] Mr. William Tennent seemed to encourage his
endeavours with all his heart. I found Mr. Gilbert Tennent, in
Philadelphia, settled in the place” (building) “erected at the
beginning of the awakening. The gentlemen offered me £800 per
annum, only to preach among them six months in the year, leaving
me at liberty to travel the other six months where I would.”
The offer here mentioned was made in the month of September, 1745.[130]
Where and how he spent the remainder of the year cannot be ascertained.
On the 1st of January, 1746, he was at Bethesda, in Georgia, where he
remained during the next three months.[131] It is a strange fact, that
the most adverse rumours had been circulated respecting the Orphan
House, and that, in New England, affidavits had been made that the
institution did not exist.[132] To silence such calumnies, Whitefield
and Habersham appeared before Henry Parker and William Spencer,
bailiffs of Savannah, to whom they submitted the Orphan House ledger,
and swore that the book contained “a just and true account of all
the moneys collected by or given to them, or any other, for the use
and benefit of the said House; and that the disbursements had been
faithfully applied to and for the use of the same.” Whitefield further
swore that “he had not converted or applied any part thereof to his own
private use and property, neither had he charged the said House with
any of his travelling, or any other private expenses whatever.”
Besides this, William Woodroofe, William Ewen, and William Russel, of
Savannah, appeared before the same bailiffs, and swore that they had
“carefully and strictly examined all and singular the accounts relating
to the Orphan House, contained in forty-one pages, in a book entitled
‘Receipts and Disbursements for the Orphan House in Georgia;’ and had
also carefully and strictly examined the original bills, receipts, and
other vouchers, from the 15th of December, 1738, to the 1st of January,
1746;” and found “that the moneys received on account of the said
Orphan House amounted to the sum of £4,982 12s. 8d. sterling, and that
it did not appear that the Reverend Mr. Whitefield had converted any
part thereof to his own private use and property, or charged the said
House with any of his travelling or other private expenses; but, on the
contrary, had contributed to the said House many valuable benefactions.”
The three auditors further swore, “that the moneys disbursed on
account of the said House amounted to the sum of £5,511 17s. 9¼d.
sterling, all of which appeared to have been faithfully and justly
applied to and for the use and benefit of the said House only.”
To the two affidavits, the substance of which is here given, the
bailiffs appended the following:――
“Sworn this 16th day of April, 1746, before us bailiffs of
Savannah; in justification whereof we have hereunto fixed our
hands, and the common seal.
“HENRY PARKER.
“WILLIAM SPENCER.”
Whitefield acted wisely in thus submitting his accounts to official
auditors. It was the only way to silence the falsehoods of his enemies.
His friends, also, were entitled to such an audit, and to such a
magisterial declaration.
After all his efforts, Whitefield was still in debt to the amount of
£529 5s. 1¼d.; and he now, with a confessedly honest front, appealed
to his friends, in America and England, to defray the debt, and told
them that any one wishing to contribute might send their gifts “to
Mr. Branson, iron merchant, in Philadelphia; the Rev. Mr. Smith, in
Charleston; Mr. John Smith, merchant, in Boston; the Rev. Mr. Shutlift,
in Portsmouth, New Hampshire; the Rev. Mr. Pemberton, in New York;
Mr. James Habersham,[133] merchant, in Savannah; Gabriel Harris, Esq.,
in Gloucester; Mr. James Smith, at St. Philip’s Plain, in Bristol;
Mr. John Kennedy, at Exon; Mr. Jonathan Houlliere, in Queen Street,
Upper Moorfields; and Mr. William Strahan, printer, in Wine Office
Court, Fleet Street.”
After all this, no one could reasonably dispute the existence of the
Orphan House, or Whitefield’s honesty; but it might be asked, had the
£5,511 17s. 9¼d. been well expended? An answer to this question will
be found in the following testimony, given by one of Whitefield’s
enemies,――a gentleman who had made a tour through most of America, and,
in his travels, visited the Orphan House, in 1743. After describing a
magnificent vista, of nearly three miles’ length, cut through the pine
groves between Wormsloe and Bethesda, the gentleman observes:――
“It gave me much satisfaction to have an opportunity to see
Mr. Whitefield’s Orphan House, as the design had made such a
noise in Europe, and the very being of it was so much doubted
everywhere, that, even no farther from it than New England,
affidavits were made to the contrary.
“It is a square building of very large dimensions, the
foundations of which are brick, with chimneys of the same; the
rest of the superstructure is of wood. The whole is laid out
in a neat and elegant manner. A kind of piazza surrounds it,
which is a very pleasing retreat in the summer. The hall and all
the apartments are very commodious, and prettily furnished. The
garden, which is very extensive, and well kept, is one of the
best I ever saw in America; and you may discover in it plants
and fruits of almost every climate and kind. The outhouses are
convenient; and the plantation will soon surpass almost anything
in the country.
“We were received by Mr. Barber, a Dissenting minister, in a
genteel and friendly manner. They were at dinner when we arrived,
the whole family at one table; and never was there a more
orderly, pretty sight. If I recollect aright, besides Mr. Barber,
the schoolmaster, and some women, there were near forty young
persons of both sexes, dressed very neatly and decently. After
dinner, they retired, the boys to school, the girls to their
spinning and knitting. I was told, their vacant hours were
employed in the garden, and in plantation work.
“Prepossessed with a bad opinion of the institution, I made all
the enquiries I could, and, in short, became a convert to the
design, which seems very conducive to the good of the infant
colony. Whatever opinion I may have of the absurdity of some
of their religious notions, tenets, and practices, yet, so far
as they conduce to inculcate sobriety, industry, and frugality,
they deserve encouragement from all well-wishers of the
country, I could not here perceive anything of that spirit
of uncharitableness and enthusiastic bigotry, for which their
leader is so famed, and of which I heard shocking instances all
over America.”
The writer then proceeds to speak of the road which Whitefield made
from the Orphan House to Savannah,――a “road cut through the woods, and
which had a hundred curiosities to delight the attentive traveller.”
He describes Savannah; speaks of the air as “pure and serene;” and
concludes by deploring the ingratitude, ignorance, opposition to
government, and the “cursed spirit of dissension amongst” the people,
which had nearly ruined the colony.[134]
So much from an unfriendly visitor. What says the founder? In the
“Further Account of God’s Dealings” with him, published in 1747,
there is a long letter, written only five days after the date of the
affidavits just mentioned. The following is an extract from it:――
“BETHESDA, IN GEORGIA, _March 21st, 1746_.
“MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――It is now some months since I arrived
here. Blessed be God! Bethesda has proved to be a house of mercy
to many. Several of our labourers, as well as visitors, have
been born of God here, and have given proofs of it, by bringing
forth the fruits of the Spirit. Many boys have been put out
to trades; and many girls put out to service. One boy, whom
I brought from New England, is handsomely settled in Carolina;
and another, from Philadelphia, is married, and lives very
comfortably at Savannah. How so large a family has been
supported, in such a colony, without any visible fund, is
wonderful. I am surprised, when I look back, and see how,
for these six years last past, God has spread a table in the
wilderness for so many persons.
“I cannot yet say, that I have surmounted the first year’s
expense, which indeed was very great; but, by the blessing of
God, I doubt not, in a short time, to pay off my arrears; and
then the family will be maintained at a small expense.
“My standing annual charges are now but trifling to what they
have been; and my friends have raised an annual subscription
sufficient for discharging them, till the family may be able to
provide for itself. This, I hope, will be, in a good measure,
speedily effected. We have lately begun to use the plough; and
next year I hope to have many acres of good oats and barley.
We have near twenty sheep and lambs, fifty head of cattle, and
seven horses. We hope to kill a thousandweight of pork this
season. Our garden, which is very beautiful, furnishes us with
all sorts of greens. We have plenty of milk, eggs, and poultry;
and make a good deal of butter weekly. A good quantity of wool
and cotton has been given me, and we hope to have sufficient
spun and woven for the next winter’s clothing. If the vines hit,
we may expect two or three hogsheads of wine out of the vineyard.
“The family now consists of twenty-six persons. Two of the
orphan boys are blind; one is little better than an idiot. But,
notwithstanding, they are useful in the family; the one in the
field, and the other in the kitchen. I have two women to take
care of the household work, and three men and two boys employed
about the plantation and cattle. A set of Dutch servants has
lately been sent to Georgia; the magistrates were pleased to
give me two of them. I took in a poor old widow, aged nearly
seventy, whom nobody else cared to have. A valuable young
man, from New England, is my schoolmaster; and, in my absence,
performs duty in the family. On Sabbaths, the grown people
attend on public worship at Savannah, or at Whitebluff, a
village near Bethesda, where a Dutch minister officiates.
My dear friends, who have hitherto been my assistants, being
married and having each one or two children, thought it best to
remove, and are now comfortably settled――some at Savannah, and
some elsewhere.