have been in this state of life, which is not agreeable at all
to my inclinations. I have but little acquaintance with you,
but I hope you will not be offended at my writing to you. The
children of God, while on this side of the grave, always stand
in need of one another’s prayers, especially such of them as are
under persecutions, or temptations, for the truth’s sake. I find
I stand in need of the prayers of all the children of God.
“I was pressed, in Yorkshire, for preaching, and so sent for a
soldier. I earnestly pray for them who were the occasion of it.
All my trust is reposed in Jesus, my sweet Saviour. I know He
will not leave nor forsake me. His blood has atoned for my sin,
and appeased His Father’s wrath, and procured His favour for
such a sinful worm as myself. Herein is my comfort, though men
raged at me, my dear Saviour did not leave nor forsake me.
“I have lately been on a command in Scotland, and met with many
who enquired concerning you. I preached at Cowdingham. Some of
your friends came to see me from Coppersmith. Many thought it
strange to see a man in a red coat preach.
“I beg you would write to me in General Blakeney’s regiment of
foot, in Captain Dunlop’s company.
“I am your unworthy brother,
“THOMAS BEARD.”[104]
Before Whitefield had an opportunity to answer, poor Beard, as one of
the first of Methodism’s martyrs, had been called to inherit a martyr’s
crown. Wesley, in 1744, wrote thus concerning him:――
“Thomas Beard, a quiet and peaceable man, who had lately been
torn from his trade, and wife and children, and sent away as a
soldier; that is, banished from all that was near and dear to
him, and constrained to dwell among lions, for no other crime,
either committed or pretended, than that of calling sinners
to repentance. But his soul was in nothing terrified by his
adversaries. Yet the body, after a while, sunk under its burden.
He was then lodged in the hospital at Newcastle, where he still
praised God continually. His arm festered, mortified, and was
cut off: two or three days after which, God signed his discharge,
and called him up to his eternal home.”
The case of Thomas Beard was far from being a solitary one. Magistrates,
as well as mobs, hated the Methodists, and were always ready to approve
of the violent proceedings of the press-gangs of the period. Not a few
of both Wesley’s and Whitefield’s preachers and people were driven from
their homes, and dragged into the army. Two purposes were thought to be
served by these high-handed acts; first, the army obtained the recruits
it greatly needed; and, secondly, as both mobs and magistrates imagined,
the voices of Methodists and Methodist preachers were likely to be
silenced. The last was a huge mistake. It may fairly be questioned
whether the Methodists, who were forced into the army and navy, did not,
in such positions, render greater service to the cause of Christ and
of Methodism, than they could have rendered had they remained at home
unmolested. Passing men like John Nelson, Thomas Beard, and many others,
pressed into regiments at home, there were a considerable number with
the English army in Flanders, whose heroism and Christianity will
always shed a lustre on Methodism’s early annals. Wesley mentions some
of these with the highest approbation, as, for instance, John Haime,
John Greenwood, William Clements, John Evans, and others. Whitefield
also, in his periodical, the _Christian History_,[105] published a
number of letters, written by soldiers belonging to his own community,
as well as by some who were Wesley’s followers. One man, at Ghent,
under the date of December 24, 1744, tells of being recently converted
under the preaching of a “dragoon,” belonging to “the first regiment
of guards,” in which regiment there were now “about a hundred members
of that branch of the Society, that is, the _United Society_.”
He continues: “The Lord adds to our number daily, and works very
powerfully amongst us.” Another, at the same place, blesses God that
he ever heard John Cennick preach. Anthony Conjuet, “a drummer in the
English camp in Flanders,” relates that he and the regiment of English
Guards had lately been “seven hours under the firing of the French
cannons,” and then adds:――
“There are many of the members of the Societies killed and
wounded. Most of them were taken notice of for their valour.
Ebenezer Wells and Thomas Burford, and our brothers Cook and
Forrest, are all wounded, and prisoners with the French. William
Clements, teacher of a Society, is wounded in both arms, but is
in a fair way to do well. John Evans, teacher of another Society,
(who is a gunner of the train,) and Brother Hymms (Haime?) the
dragoon, are well. Brother Hymms is also teacher of another
Society. There are three other teachers alive and well.
“There is a great awakening in our camp, and the work of grace
goes on with great success. Many blaspheming tongues are now
singing praises to God, and to the Lamb.”
William Clements, mentioned in the foregoing letter, gives an account
of “an engagement with the French, which lasted from five o’clock
in the morning until three in the afternoon;” and of his being “now
under the surgeon’s hands in Brussels.” He adds, that he has “received
letters from the Brethren at the Camp,” telling him, that, since the
battle, “the work of the Lord had gone on with great power.” And then,
after sending his salutations to his “friend in Suffolk,” he concludes
thus:――
“Grant, I beseech Thee, O Lord Jesus Christ, that we may be
of that happy number who have washed their robes and made them
white in the blood of the Lamb; and that we may stand upon Mount
Zion, amongst the multitude which no man can number, to sing
praises and hallelujahs for ever and ever. Amen.
“Which is all at present from your poor unworthy brother,
“W. CLEMENTS.”
These were bravely loyal, though deeply injured, Methodists; and
displayed equal valour in fighting for their country, and for the
kingdom of their God and Saviour.
Before following Whitefield to America, a few facts respecting the
Societies over which he and his assistants presided may be useful.
For want of materials, a full account of these is impossible; but the
following scraps of information, taken from the _Christian History_,
will, perhaps, be interesting:――
_Wales._――_Herbert Jenkins_, in a letter dated “October 3, 1744,”
tells of attending an “Association,” in Wales, at which “above twenty
brethren” were present.
“The Lord,” says he, “made us of one heart and mind. We
consulted about the best measures to carry on the cause of our
Redeemer. We sung and prayed heartily together. When we parted,
we went east, west, north, and south. The waters were out, and
I was to the middle of my leg on horseback. One of the brethren
had his horse carried away by the floods, and he himself
narrowly escaped being drowned.”
In another letter, dated “February 23, 1745,” _Jenkins_ writes:――
“I went to the Association in Wales, where about sixty of us
met together, four of whom were clergymen. The Lord was amongst
us. Many of the hearers were greatly comforted. We were two days
together, and had sweet harmony. We had good accounts of the
progress of the work of our Lord in six or seven counties.”
_Bristol_, _Bath_, etc.――In October, 1744, _E. Godwin_ writes:――
“I have changed the tickets of about a hundred and twenty at
Bristol, and have received fourteen new members. After I changed
the tickets, I held a lovefeast, when, with a hymn, we publicly
admitted our new members. On the first Monday in this month, we
had a letter-day. We were about three hours together, and had
a collection for defraying the charge of the place, which was
the largest that had been made since Mr. Whitefield solemnized
a feast-day here.”
Under the date of November 16, 1744, _Herbert Jenkins_ says:――
“The hall in Bristol is commonly full. I generally preach,
morning and evening, with freedom and delight. The people are
devout and serious. Last Sunday, I preached four times; but,
though I had walked to Connam and Kingswood, I was stronger in
body, and happier in my soul at last than I was at first. The
Society at Bath goes on sweetly, and grows in grace, and in
number, daily. We had a choice lovefeast there last Thursday
night. It was the first in that place, and was very solemn and
orderly.”
_Ludlow_, _Leominster_, etc.――In a letter, dated December 12, 1744,
_James Ingram_ says:――
“I went to Ludlow, it being fair-day there; and soon had a
pressing invitation to preach at an honest Dissenter’s house. I
complied, though a young man told my sister I should be put into
the stocks if I offered to _cant_ there. I preached to a serious
auditory, and the poor loving people would not willingly part
with me. Only one of them had ever heard such things before. I
promised to visit them again. The Society at Leominster seems
pretty sweet. We met at four in the morning. I have now almost
finished my round, and a happy one it has been. The people in
Monmouthshire are more lively than usual. I was accompanied by
eight or nine horse-people, and some on foot, from Caldicot to
Redwick.”
A letter from _James Beaumont_ must be quoted at greater length. It is
dated June 10, 1745. He writes:――
“On Thursday, the 7th inst., I was at Leominster. During the
time of my preaching, the people behaved tolerably well; but,
soon after I had done, a man came to press me. He took me to the
justice’s house, and there left me. The justice being absent,
I knew not what to do; but, seeing myself surrounded by a large
and turbulent mob, I got upon the justice’s steps, and spake
of their illegal proceedings, and then returned, without any
hurt, to Brother K――――’s, and sang a hymn of praise to our
great Deliverer. Soon after this, I was pressed again, by
another constable, who took me before the commissioners in
a public-house. By this time the town was in an uproar. The
commissioners ordered the constable to take me to a private
room. I was confined about four hours; and was then called
before the commissioners, who asked me if I was exempted from the
present Act. I told them I was. Justice H―――― said, ‘By what?’
I answered, ‘I have £3 a year freehold in the parish of Old
Radnor.’ ‘Where are your writings?’ said they. I said, ‘At home.’
They then asked me if I had any friend, in Leominster, who would
satisfy them of the account I had given of myself. ‘I have,’
said I; and, soon after, the man came in, and confirmed what I
had said. Then the gentlemen were pleased to condescend to do
me justice, and I was discharged immediately. They ordered an
officer to guard me to my friends, to whom I was safely brought;
and we joined in praises to God for His mercies to me His sinful
child.”
_Wiltshire._――On November 15, 1744, _E. Godwin_ writes:――
“Wiltshire is surely a garden of the Lord. Last week I was
chiefly about Longley and Brinkworth. Last Monday I went to
Blunsdon. It was their revel; so I preached out of doors, and
a great power seemed to attend the word, some crying, who had
hardly ever wept since they were children.”
The preacher, at this time appointed to the Wiltshire circuit, was
_George Cook_, of whom E. Godwin had said, only a few weeks before,
“Brother Cook’s preaching is much blessed in Wiltshire, though his
gifts are not enlarged enough for a city.” On December 8, _Cook_ wrote
to Cennick:――
“On the 22nd day of last month I went to Wickwar. As soon as
I began preaching, the mob came with sheep-bells tied to a
stick, and so they did ring them. They had also frying-pans,
horse-rugles, a salt-box, and a post-horn. Some of the mob did
put their mouths to the window, and made a noise like that of
dogs; and they called me false prophet, and all manner of names
they could think of; but Satan can go no farther than his chain.
The Lord gave me an uncommon power to speak of His blood; and
many of the people were greatly refreshed in their souls. Pray
for me, dear sir.
“I am your little, weak, sinful, simple brother, in the wounds
of the Lamb,
“GEORGE COOK.”
Within a month afterwards, this “weak and simple brother” was dead.
_John Cennick_ writes:――
“January 7, 1745. I rode round by Avebury, where brother Cook
sickened of the small-pox. The minister of Avebury behaved very
ill while he was sick, and threatened he would remove him, bad
as he was, out of the place, and would treat him as a vagabond.
He was not willing that brother Cook should be buried at Avebury;
and, therefore, in the dead of the night, the friends brought
him to Tytherton upon a horse; and, about two o’clock on Sunday
morning last, they laid him by the side of three other bodies of
the saints.”
Eight months after this strange interment, _John Edwards_ came to
Avebury, where George Cook had died. Edwards shall tell his own story.
“I went to Avebury, where we had a blessed season; but, in the
midst of my discourse, came the minister’s servant-maid, from
her master, with a partridge for my supper; and to tell me, that
he would have me come to drink a bottle with him. I met him the
next day, and thanked him for his present and invitation. He
called me _ignorant_, _unlearned_, _fool_, etc. I told him I
was wise unto salvation; but as for being a fool, I acknowledged
that, and was determined to be more and more a fool for Christ’s
sake. He hooted and hallooed me, like a schoolboy, till I
left him. The same night, when in the midst of my discourse,
a company came, and began to throw stones at me, and struck me
once on the breast. The people shut the door, and then those
outside began their music with bells and horns. They broke the
windows with clubs, and some of the people’s faces were cut with
glass. They threw in dirt and mud; and, at length, I broke off
preaching, and went to prayer for our enemies.”
_Gloucestershire._――_Isaac Cottell_, in a letter dated October 10,
1744, gives an account of his labours in the Gloucestershire circuit.
The following is an extract:――
“On October 7, I came to Wickwar about five o’clock in the
evening. The house, where I was to preach, was surrounded with a
mob, making a great noise. When I had been there about a quarter
of an hour, in came the curate of the town, three gentlemen, and
the constable with his long black staff. One of the gentlemen
ordered the people to make way for the parson to come up to me.
I was then singing a hymn; and the gentleman snatched the book
out of my hand, tore it, and threw it up into the window. I then
gave out a verse _extempore_; and he put his elbow up to stop
my mouth. Then the curate came up to me, and began to read the
Act of Parliament, and commanded us to depart in half an hour.
At the same time, the gentleman asked me why I ran about the
country, to pick people’s pockets? I told him I came to preach
the Lord Jesus Christ, the King of kings. He said I came to make
a riot. I told him, if he did not take care, he would make a
riot himself. With that the gentlemen began to withdraw; and
I got upon a stool, sang a hymn, and went to prayer. Dear sir,
though the devil roars, the Lord Jesus Christ will have the
victory.”
This kind of persecution, in Whitefield’s native country, was continued.
Ten months afterwards, _George Cross_ wrote to John Cennick:――
“I met with much opposition in Gloucestershire; for T. B. had
declared to the congregations at Thornbury and Rangeworthy,
that, I preach damnable doctrine; and that you, brother Godwin,
brother Thorne, brother Pugh, and I worship the body of Jesus,
which, he said, is idolatry.”
_Essex._――In a letter dated July 30, 1744, _F. Pugh_ gives an
interesting narrative of his preaching at Braintree, Bocking, and in
“a Quaker’s mill-yard, about a mile from Chelmsford.” In another letter,
written at Braintree, twelve months afterwards, he says:――
“I have met with a deal of persecution since I came here. There
were many stones, and much dust thrown at me last Wednesday
night. There is a mountebank in town, who is the cause of all
the persecution. There was a drummer, who drew his hanger at me,
and damned me, saying it was fit for me to die; but a soldier
ran to him, and took it from him. Last Sunday, I preached at
Tiptree-heath, to some thousands. There were two chariots; and
gentlemen in gold lace came to hear. One of the gentlemen, in a
chariot, sent for me, and desired me to preach in the town where
he lived; but I could not, for my rounds were already settled
and published.”
_Northamptonshire_, etc.――_Thomas Lewis_, in a long letter, written
at Olney, October 13, 1744, tells of his preaching “in the Tabernacle”
there, for an entire week, and of the conversions which took place
during the services. At Northampton, “the people seemed to be all in
a flame, and stretched after God.” Other places in the counties of
Buckingham and Northampton were also visited.
_Staffordshire_, etc.――_W. Allt_ writes:――
“February 6, 1745. Several at Whittington are under convictions.
One, who had spent all his youth in indefatigable industry to
gather together this world’s wealth, was for selling what he had,
and said he could travel the world over with me; but I advised
him to keep at home, telling him that Jesus would be found there.
Many at Wolverhampton seem very desirous to meet, but dare not,
the mob is so desperate. They arose, after I was gone on Sunday
last, and broke brother D――――’s windows, and beat a young man
shamefully, and tore his coat all to pieces. At Brewood, the
friends are very zealous, in going from house to house, to tell
what the Lord has done for them; and people come several miles
to converse, and sing, and pray with them. I am persuaded, if
a minister was there, several hundreds would come to hear him
every Sunday. The people are very simple and free from prejudice.
They say the parishioners are half papists; and the Church and
Dissenting ministers are exceeding bitter. I have exhorted twice
at Birmingham with much freedom.”
_Herbert Jenkins_, in a letter, dated February 23, 1745, says:――
“The first night I was at Birmingham, the people received the
word with great affection, and with many tears. The place where
we met on Sunday night was so thronged that the candles went
out; but the Lord made the place a Bethel to our souls. I stayed
there four days, declaring to all who came the glad tidings
of salvation. From thence, I went to Wednesbury, where, for a
week, morning and evening, I shunned not to declare the whole
counsel of God. Many heard with tears, longing and panting for
a discovery of the Lord Jesus; while others rejoiced in the Lord,
their portion and everlasting friend. There is much Christian
simplicity among them. I preached once at Wolverhampton (a large
populous place), to a little company of sincere seeking souls.
The next day I went to Brewood, where there was scarcely a
dry eye among all the people. From thence, I went to Bewdley,
where I was invited by a minister of the Established Church,
who received me very courteously, and procured the Presbyterian
meeting-house for me to preach in. The minister came to hear me,
and behaved very civilly. The people flocked to hear the word.
There is a little Society formed.”
_Devonshire._――After attending “The Association” of Calvinistic
Methodists in Bristol, _John Cennick_, on September 5, 1744, set out
for Devonshire. He preached in Mr. Darracott’s chapel at Wellington,
to a “congregation made up of Church people, and several sorts of
Dissenters.” He had, what he calls, “blessed times,” at Exeter. At
Kingsbridge, he preached in the Baptist and Presbyterian chapels. At
Plymouth, “the room” was always crowded; and, on Tuesday, September 11,
he “laid the first stone of the New Tabernacle with prayer and
singing.” On his return to London (to officiate as Whitefield’s
successor at the Tabernacle), he spent ten days at Exeter, where the
Dissenting ministers circulated “fly-sheets,” asserting that Whitefield
and his assistants were “false prophets, unlearned, and Antinomians.”
Cennick was a puzzle to the people. Some said he was “a patten-maker;”
others said he had been “a footman.” Numerous other trades were
mentioned, when, at last, a man declared he “was certainly a coachman.”
“Yes,” replied another, who happened to be one of Cennick’s hearers.
“Yes, he is a coachman, and drives the chariot of the Lord, and wishes
you all to be his passengers.”
On his arrival in London, Cennick seems to have received a large number
of letters from the Plymouth converts. One correspondent told him, that,
the Presbyterian minister had warned his people against Whitefield and
his preachers, whom he called “Bold Intruders, Usurpers, and Novices.”
The same writer said:――
“I have removed our singing meeting to the Baptist Chapel.
There are about fifty who meet to learn the tunes. My house is,
every night, like a little church; and, last Sunday evening,
I began to read Mr. Whitefield’s sermons to the people. Several
gentlemen have desired to draw off our masons, so that the
building of the Tabernacle has been neglected. I have had much
trouble to keep the work going forward.”
Cennick was succeeded in Devonshire by _Thomas Adams_. At Exeter, Adams
preached in “the Society room,” at five in the mornings; and in the
house of Mr. Kennedy, his host, at seven in the evenings. He writes:
“It would have delighted you to have seen the multitudes who flocked
to hear. Mr. Kennedy’s three rooms and large passage would not near
contain the people: many, very many stood in the court.” At Kingsbridge,
Adams met a lawyer who had been converted by Whitefield’s preaching. At
Plymouth, he found “the partition-wall of bigotry tumbling down daily.”
This was in the month of November, 1744. Shortly afterwards, so far as
Exeter was concerned, the scene had changed.
In 1745, a pamphlet of forty-two pages was published at Exeter,
entitled, “A brief Account of the late Persecution and Barbarous Usage
of the Methodists at Exeter.[106] By an Impartial Hand.” The author
assures his readers, that he is not a Methodist himself; and that “it
would never have entered his head to have taken up his pen in defence
of the Methodists, had they not been daily, and openly, treated in
Exeter with such rudeness, violence, and abuse, as would have made even
_Indians_, or Pagans, to have blushed.” He relates that,――
“The rioters violently entered the Methodist meeting-house,
interrupted the minister with opprobrious and obscene language,
and fell upon him in a most furious manner with blows and kicks.
They treated every man they could lay their hands upon with
such abuse and indignity as is not to be expressed. But what is
more than all, was their abominable rudeness to the poor women.
Some were stripped quite naked. Others notwithstanding their
most piercing cries for mercy and deliverance, were forcibly
held by some of the wicked ruffians, while others turned their
petticoats over their heads, and forced them to remain, in that
condition, as a spectacle to their infamous banter and ridicule;
the poor creatures being afterwards dragged through the kennel,
which had been filled with mud and dirt. Others of the women
had their clothes, yea, their very shifts, torn from their
backs. Towards the close of the evening, one of the mob forced
a woman up into the gallery, and attempted other outrages, three
different times. After many struggles, she freed herself, leaped
over the gallery, and so made her escape. Many, to avoid falling
into the hands of this wicked crew, leaped out of the windows,
and got over the garden walls, to the endangering of their lives.
This outrage was committed in the centre of the city, and in the
presence of many thousands. The riot continued for several hours.
The mob had their full swing. No magistrates came to the relief
or assistance of the poor people, notwithstanding they were
applied to, and greatly importuned to read the Riot Act. It is
true, no one was actually murdered; but the whole Society were
put into great danger and fear of their lives, and expected
nothing but death. Many of the women are now in very critical
circumstances, under the care of surgeons and apothecaries; and
their lives are even yet (two days after the riot) in danger.
“Before I dismiss this Exeter riot, I must remark, that the
Methodists, not only on the day of the grand riot, but, many
times since, have been treated by this lawless rabble with the
utmost fury and violence. They have been mobbed and insulted,
at noonday, in the open streets, and furiously pelted with dirt,
stones, sticks, and cabbage-stumps.