“After the many anxious inquiries during your long absence in a
foreign land, your return to the Senate has been a topic of not
much less interest. Upon the question often being asked, ‘Shall
we again hear from Mr. Sumner on the question of Slavery?’
as often it would be answered either in the affirmative or
negative. Not too late, just at _the_ time, you have answered
the whole question in your recent elaborate speech. Happy and
delighted are freemen that the bludgeon and threats have not
daunted your courage and freedom of speech upon the great
question of Slavery.”
John A. Andrew, afterwards the great Governor of Massachusetts, wrote
from Boston:--
“Among the numerous congratulatory letters which your recent
brilliant Senatorial effort is doubtless bringing to you, I
doubt not you will derive some pleasure in being remembered at
No. 4, Court Street.
“‘The Philosopher’[143] and myself, as you know, always read
you promptly and carefully. In this recent triumphant success
I recognize the ‘wonted fires’ which have now these dozen
years illumined our heavens. And I rejoice at the evidence of
confirmed physical vigor which is assured by your encounter of
the fatigues and excitement of such an intellectual exercise.
May you live a thousand years!”
Hon. Francis W. Bird, one of the ablest and honestest politicians
in Massachusetts, for many years an Abolitionist, and of peculiar
influence, wrote from East Walpole:--
“You do not need that I should thank you for your speech. I
confess I considered the risk to your health and life so great
that I hoped you would keep silent. But I thank God you have
gone through it, for now we may rest assured your health is
established. But how I dreaded the test! I rejoice especially
that you have placed yourself where the next step logically is,
Slavery has no rights, no recognition (except as an existing
fact), and no political existence under the Constitution. Then
comes the end. And you are to be the leader in that final
fight.”
George L. Stearns, so faithful as Abolitionist, who did so much for the
organization of colored troops during the War, wrote from Boston:--
“I cannot wait until I have finished your speech to tell you
how perfectly it meets my most sanguine expectations. It is
the morning star that heralds the coming day when the vile
institution shall only live in the history of the Past. Your
word will become the battle-cry in the coming conflict, showing
that it is indeed irrepressible, and will not be put down, even
when the leaders in the fight fall back in terror.”
Hon. James M. Stone, afterwards Speaker of the Massachusetts House of
Representatives, and a reformer, wrote from Charlestown:--
“I am delighted with your admirable speech on the ‘Barbarism
of Slavery,’ and I desire to unite with the millions of the
freemen of the country in tendering you thanks for this effort
to arouse the attention of the people to the terrible evils of
Slavery. The power of your facts and logic is unanswerable and
irresistible. The speech comes just at the right time, too;
for there was great danger of too much forgetfulness of the
great fundamental principle of Human Freedom, without which the
Republican party would never have obtained its present power
and prospects for the future, and without which it will surely
and speedily go to destruction.”
William I. Bowditch, the well-known conveyancer, and among the
strictest of Abolitionists, wrote from Boston:--
“As to the speech, the more I think of it, the heavier I think
the blow was which you have given. And I am glad to find you
yourself again.”
Nathaniel I. Bowditch, author, as well as eminent conveyancer,
remarkable also for goodness and moral principle, wrote from
Brookline:--
“I had not the least conception of the immense differences
effected by Freedom and Slavery. Your statistics were truly
astonishing. Some of my visitors, friendly in the main to
the Republican cause, have expressed their doubts as to the
expediency of your speech,--considering that its effect must
be to exasperate the slaveholders; but when I find that Bell,
nominated by the Union party, actually eulogized Slavery as
the corner-stone of the material prosperity of the country,
I think that it is well that the true picture should be held
up to their inspection, however repulsive it may be. As in
some homely picture of the Dutch school, such as that of _The
Dentist pulling out a Tooth_, the subject may be distasteful,
but all must acknowledge the skill of the artist, so I think
no one can deny the thoroughness of your researches or the
ability with which you have presented their results. Even your
opponents cannot fail to acknowledge the manly and fearless
tone of your remarks.”
George Livermore, a Boston merchant, who loved books, and was always
true to his convictions, wrote from Boston:--
“I have waited almost a fortnight since the first reading
of your speech, and have read it again and again, before
saying anything about it. I have heard the various remarks of
many persons whom I have met, and have read the contradictory
criticisms of politicians, philanthropists, and religionists.
But the first thoughts and the first impressions on reading the
speech have been strengthened by reflection. I could then find
no words of my own so suitable to express my views respecting
it as the words of the wise man of Israel, and I said more
than once to my nearest friends, ‘Here are _apples of gold in
pictures of silver_.’ For if ever words were _fitly spoken_, it
was when you so bravely, truly, and eloquently lifted up your
voice in the Senate, and shamed the ‘Barbarism of Slavery.’ I
thank you for it.”
Charles W. Slack, able editor, and ever earnest against Slavery, wrote
from Boston:--
“If the truth must be suppressed, if every honest aspiration
must be crushed, if everything manly and heroic is to be tamed
down, to win a Presidential contest, better be without the
success, I say, than purchase it at such a sacrifice. Again I
thank you, over and over again.
“Let me say that I know the newspapers don’t represent the
current tone of the Republicans in this community, even where
bold and brave utterances heretofore have not been popular.”
William S. Robinson, for many years Clerk of the Massachusetts House
of Representatives, and able journalist, who uttered what he thought,
wrote from Boston:--
“I suppose that you are not disappointed that timid
Republicanism in some quarters objects to the time and occasion
of your speech. Of course its real objection is to the speech
itself. But I assure you that the Antislavery men gladly
welcome it. I regard it as your best speech, and as calculated
to do immense good.”
J. P. Blanchard, clear-headed, and vowed against Slavery and War, wrote
from Boston:--
“I need hardly say that I share in the high admiration and
satisfaction with which it is received by all intelligent
persons here, except those few who have sold their souls for
office, or who have not yet awoke from the political sleep of
half a century. I esteem it especially, not so much for its
great research and ability, which were expected, as because it
discusses the true fundamental question of the wrong as well as
evil of holding property in man, which, though the real issue
between the parties, has hitherto been too much slurred over on
both sides.”
Seth Webb, Jr., appointed by President Lincoln Consul at
Port-au-Prince, Hayti, a Republican of the best quality, and always
Antislavery, wrote from his home in Scituate, Massachusetts:--
“I have read it with care. It is magnificent, and I am glad on
every account that it was made. It was all needed,--needed now
and from you. It not only expresses my own opinions fully, but
in it you have written on the walls of Eternity the adamantine
convictions of Massachusetts.
“That there are some timeserving and tremulous men and presses
in our ranks who treat the speech coolly only shows that
Republican leaders do not understand Republicanism, and that it
is a mighty work to regenerate a nation.
“The strength of the Republican party lies in the fearless
utterance of its opinions; its weakness, in the suppression of
them. A timid policy will be our ruin; a bold one wins friends
and awes enemies.”
Hon. Amasa Walker, afterwards Representative in Congress, writer on
Currency and Political Economy, and enlisted against Slavery and War,
wrote from his home at North Brookfield, Massachusetts:--
“I do think it excellent and well-timed, just what you ought to
say, and no more,--but what no other man in the Senate would
have dared to say.”
Hon. Willard Phillips, for many years Judge of Probate in Boston,
and author of the excellent work on the Law of Insurance, wrote from
Boston:--
“I was not a little chagrined and mortified by ----’s notice
of it, as I expressed to him in a note the moment I had read
his leader respecting it. Brutality, no less than vice, is a
monster, and whoever paints it fair, or wishes others to, by
the false character he gives betrays his own true character.
I have great faith in plain-spoken truth; and the railing and
gnashing of teeth in anger by the Southern preservers of the
Union, and what John Randolph denominated as the white slaves
of the North, who second them, is a plain confession of the
truth as you have spoken it.”
Hon. Albert G. Browne, prominent in the politics of Massachusetts, and
ever foe to Slavery, wrote from Boston:--
“No poor words of mine can convey to you my admiration and
hearty approbation of your speech. I greatly err in judgment,
if it is not by universal consent considered your best effort
in this direction. To my mind it is exhaustive of the subject.”
Daniel Henshaw, a venerable citizen, once a journalist and always a
reformer, wrote from Boston:--
“I have read your speech on the Barbarism of Slavery
attentively, having devoted seven hours thereto yesterday, and
I cannot refrain from offering you my humble thanks, although
words cannot express my feelings on the subject. You know
something of my views on Slavery. For thirty years I have
considered it the leading and most important subject before the
nation.”
Charles M. Ellis, the lawyer, and always against Slavery, wrote from
Boston:--
“Especially allow me to thank you for the discourse of the
Barbarism of Slavery; for it shows you _well_ again, and
leading on the good fight. It is needed now, when men at the
South seek to justify the thing,--needed, I think, more than
anything,--and leaves little to be done in that direction.”