THE BARBARISM OF SLAVERY.

SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE BILL FOR THE ADMISSION OF KANSAS AS A FREE

STATE, JUNE 4, 1860.

Thou art a slave, whom Fortune’s tender arm

With favor never clasped, but bred a dog.

SHAKESPEARE, _Timon of Athens_, Act IV. Sc. 3.

A universe of death, which God by curse

Created evil, for evil only good,

Where all life dies, death lives, and Nature breeds,

Perverse, all monstrous, all prodigious things.

MILTON, _Paradise Lost_, Book II. 622-625.

Onward! onward!

With the night-wind,

Over field and farm and forest,

Lonely homestead, darksome hamlet,

Blighting all we breathe upon!

LONGFELLOW, _Golden Legend_.

Instrumenti genus vocale, et semivocale, et mutum: _vocale, in

quo sunt servi_; semivocale, in quo sunt boves; mutum, in quo

sunt plaustra.--VARRO, _De Re Rustica_, Lib. I. cap. xvii. § 1.

Nil metuunt jurare, nihil promittere parcunt;

Dicta nihil metuere, nihil perjuria curant.

CATULLUS, _Carm._ LXIV. 146, 148.

Pone crucem servo.--Meruit quo crimine servus

Supplicium? quis testis adest? quis detulit? Audi;

Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est.--

O demens, ita servus homo est? Nil fecerit, esto:

Hoc volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas.

JUVENAL. _Sat._ VI. 219-223.

There is a tradition of the Prophet having said, that the

greatest mortification at the Day of Judgment will be when

the pious slave is carried to Paradise and the wicked master

condemned to Hell.--SAADI, _The Gulistan_, tr. Gladwin, p. 242.

“And the Black Oppressor am I called. And for this reason I

am called the Black Oppressor, that there is not a single man

around me whom I have not oppressed, and justice have I done

unto none.” … “Since thou hast, indeed, been an oppressor so

long,” said Peredur, “I will cause that thou continue so no

longer.” So he slew him.--_The Mabinogion_, tr. Lady Charlotte

Guest, Vol. I. pp. 341, 342.

After we had secured these people, I called the linguists, and

ordered them to bid the men-negroes between decks be quiet (for

there was a great noise amongst them). On their being silent, I

asked, What had induced them to mutiny? They answered, _I was

a great rogue to buy them_ in order to carry them away from

their own country, and that they were resolved to regain their

liberty, if possible.--SNELGRAVE, _New Account of some Parts of

Guinea and the Slave-Trade_, p. 170.

A system of concubinage was practised among them worse than the

loose polygamy of the savages: the savage had as many women as

consented to become his wives; the colonist as many as he could

enslave. There is an ineffaceable stigma upon the Europeans in

their intercourse with those whom they treat as inferior races;

there is a perpetual contradiction between their lust and

their avarice. The planter will one day take a slave for his

harlot, and sell her the next as a being of some lower species,

a beast of labor. If she be indeed an inferior animal, what

shall be said of the one action? If she be equally with himself

a human being and an immortal soul, what shall be said of the

other? Either way there is a crime committed against human

nature.--SOUTHEY, _History of Brazil_, Chap. VIII., Vol. I. p.

258.

Negro slavery exists in no part of the world without

producing indolence, licentiousness, and inhumanity in

the whites; and these vices draw after them their earthly

punishment,--to look no farther into their fearful, but assured

consequences.--IBID., Chap. XLIV., Vol. III. p. 816.

I had observed much, and heard more, of the cruelty of masters

towards their negroes; but now I received an authentic account

of some horrid instances thereof. The giving a child a slave of

its own age to tyrannize over, to beat and abuse out of sport,

was, I myself saw, a common practice. Nor is it strange, being

thus trained up in cruelty, they should afterwards arrive at

so great perfection in it; that Mr. Star, a gentleman I often

met at Mr. Lasserre’s, should, as he himself informed L., first

nail up a negro by the ears, then order him to be whipped in

the severest manner, and then to have scalding water thrown

over him, so that the poor creature could not stir for four

months after. Another much applauded punishment is drawing

their slaves’ teeth. One Colonel LYNCH is universally known to

have cut off a poor negro’s legs, and to kill several of them

every year by his barbarities.--REV. CHARLES WESLEY, _Journal_,

Charleston, S. C., August 2, 1736.

You are to have no regard to the health, strength, comfort,

natural affections, or moral feelings, or intellectual

endowments of my negroes. You are only to consider what

subsistence to allow them and what labor to exact of them

will subserve my interest. According to the most accurate

calculation I can make, the proportion of subsistence and

labor which will work them up in six years upon an average

is the most profitable to the planter. And this allowance,

surely, is very humane; for we estimate here the lives of our

coal-heavers, upon an average, at only two years, … and our

soldiers and seamen no matter what.--_A West-India Planter’s

Instructions for his Overseers_: JOHN ADAMS, _Works_, Vol. X.

pp. 339, 340.

The unfortunate man would have been tried upon five other

indictments, some of them still more atrocious than the one

upon which he was found guilty; and his general character for

barbarity was so notorious that no room was left for me even to

deliberate. His victims have been numerous; some of them were

even buried in their chains, and there have been found upon

the bones taken from the grave chains and iron rings of near

forty pounds’ weight.… He had been three times married, has

left several children; he had been in the Army, had a liberal

education, and lived in what is called the great world. His

manners and address were those of a gentleman. Cruelty appears

in him to have been the effect of violence of temper, _and

habit had made him regardless of the death and suffering of

a slave_.--RIGHT HON. HUGH ELLIOT, Governor of the Leeward

Islands: _Memoir_, by the COUNTESS OF MINTO, pp. 409, 410.

Is slavery less slavery in a Christian than in a Mahometan

country? I entreat your attention, while I plead the general

cause of humanity. In such a cause it is right to appeal to

your sensibility as well as your reason. It is now no longer

time to flatter petty tyrants by acknowledging that color

constitutes a legitimate title for holding men in abject and

perpetual bondage. In support of this usurpation what can be

urged but the law of the strongest?--COL. DAVID HUMPHREYS,

_Valedictory Discourse before the Cincinnati of Connecticut_,

July 4, 1804, p. 29.

Christianity suppressed slavery, but the Christians of the

sixteenth century reëstablished it,--as an exception, indeed,

to their social system, and restricted to one of the races of

mankind; but the wound thus inflicted upon humanity, though

less extensive, was far more difficult of cure.--TOCQUEVILLE,

_Democracy in America_, ed. Bowen, Chap. XVIII. sec. 2, Vol. I.

p. 457.

The Kentuckian delights in violent bodily exertion; he is

familiar with the use of arms, and is accustomed from a very

early age to expose his life in single combat.… Were I inclined

to continue this parallel, I could easily prove that almost all

the differences which may be remarked between the characters of

the Americans in the Southern and in the Northern States have

originated in Slavery.--IBID., pp. 467, 468.

I visited our State Penitentiary a short time since, and

from my own personal observation I am led to the inevitable

conclusion that the plan of sending our slaves to the

Penitentiary, as a _punishment_ for crime, is exactly the

reverse: it is rather a reward than punishment. “Let sober

reason judge.”

We punish offenders to prevent crime. I would ask any

reasonable man, Is the sending a slave of any of our farms

to the Penitentiary a punishment? The white man is punished

by being deprived of his liberty for that length of time:

what liberty is the slave deprived of? He has as much, and

oftentimes _more_, liberty within the walls of the Penitentiary

than on any of those large sugar or cotton plantations. Then

where is the punishment? We send white men there, and the dread

of going is a _stain_ on his character: what character has

the negro to lose? Hence we must come to the conclusion that

sending negro slaves to the Penitentiary is not a punishment.

A moment’s reflection will convince any man who has ever had

the management of negroes on a plantation, that the well-being

and safety of societies demand that any offence committed by

a negro, for which the _lash_ is not a sufficient punishment,

_death_ should be the penalty.

Taking these things into consideration, would it not be just

and laudable to sell all negroes now in the Penitentiary to

the highest bidder, on or about the first of November next,

by the Sheriff of the Parish of East Baton Rouge, on the same

terms and conditions that negroes are sold at present, under

an ordinary _fi. fa._, and, as near as can be, two thirds of

the net proceeds of each negro be paid to the former owners or

their legal representatives, the balance be and remain in the

State Treasury for ordinary purposes?--_Weekly Advocate_, Baton

Rouge, La., Jan. 17, 1858.

A very large edition of this speech was printed at Washington,

immediately after its delivery. Another appeared at Boston,

with a portrait; and another at San Francisco, with the

Republican Platform. While the Rebellion was still warring on

the National Government, an edition was brought out in New York

by the “Young Men’s Republican Union,” to which Mr. Sumner

prefixed a Dedication to the Young Men of the United States,

which will be found in its proper place, according to date, in

this collection.

* * * * *

A letter from that devoted friend of the Slave, the late George

L. Stearns, of Boston, under date of March 1st, 1860, shows

something of the outside prompting under which Mr. Sumner spoke.

“I have just read ----’s speech. He stands up to the mark

_well_, for a politician; but we want one who believes a

Man is greater than a President, and who would not lift

his finger to obtain the best office in the gift of our

nation, to raise this question above the political slough

into its true position. Charles O’Conor, in his late speech

in New York, affirmed, that, ‘if Slavery were not a wise

and beneficent institution for the black as well as the

white, it could not be defended.’ We want you to take up

the gauntlet that he has thrown down so defiantly.”

A letter from William H. Brooks, of Cambridgeport,

unconsciously harmonized with Mr. Stearns.

“Feeling that our nation is now in the very throes of her

deliverance, and I trust her prompt deliverance, from

bondage to her, not Thirty, but Three Hundred Thousand

Tyrants, may I frankly say, that, if not inconsistent with

your health and safety, which are on no consideration to

be perilled, you could aid more than any single person,

or score of them, in effectually accomplishing the

great triumph.… The unseen forces of public opinion are

gathering and forming for the great November conflict. Your

long, enforced, and martyr silence will give a depth of

impression and moving power and ten thousand echoes to your

words beyond their accustomed might.”

Something about the menace of violence after this speech, with

illustrations of its reception at the time, is postponed to an

Appendix.

* * * * *

Kansas was not admitted as a State into the Union until January

29, 1861, after the slaveholding Senators had withdrawn to

organize the Rebellion, when the bill on which the present

speech was made became a law.

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