The selection of a Republican candidate for the Presidency gave
rise to the customary discussion in the newspapers, in the
course of which the _New York Tribune_, under date of June 6,
1856, expressed itself as follows.
“The People’s Convention, which assembles at Philadelphia
on the 17th instant, will be called first to decide this
question: _Can the opponents of Slavery Extension elect
whomsoever they may choose to nominate?_ If, on a careful
comparison of views, this question can be confidently
answered in the affirmative, we have next to consider who,
by early, earnest, faithful, protracted, unswerving service
to the cause, has done most for the triumph of Humanity
and Impartial Freedom; and in that view but three names
can be seriously considered, namely, those of WILLIAM H.
SEWARD, of New York, SALMON P. CHASE, of Ohio, and CHARLES
SUMNER, of Massachusetts. They are all capable, reliable,
and deserving, and either of them would worthily fill the
highest office in the Republic. We will not weigh their
respective claims, but we shall support to the utmost
of our ability whichever (if either) of them shall be
nominated.”
The Republican National Convention assembled at Philadelphia,
June 17, 1856, and chose Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, as
presiding officer. At an informal ballot for President there
were 359 votes for John C. Fremont and 196 for John McLean; New
York also gave two votes for Mr. Sumner and one for Mr. Seward.
Mr. Fremont was thereupon nominated unanimously. At an informal
ballot for Vice-President there were 259 votes for William L.
Dayton, 110 for Abraham Lincoln, 46 for N. P. Banks, 43 for
David Wilmot, 35 for Charles Sumner, 15 for Jacob Collamer, 9
for John A. King, 8 for S. C. Pomeroy, 7 for Thomas Ford, 5
for Henry Wilson, 4 for Cassius M. Clay, 3 for Henry C. Carey,
2 for J. R. Giddings, 2 for W. F. Johnston, and 1 for A. C.
M. Pennington. On a formal ballot, Mr. Dayton was nominated
unanimously.
Mr. Sumner, who was at the time a guest of Francis P. Blair, at
his place near Washington, addressed the following letter to a
meeting at Faneuil Hall, in Boston, for the ratification of the
nominations.
SILVER SPRING (near WASHINGTON), June 21, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR,--I am not strong enough for public speaking, even if
I were strong enough for a journey to Boston. Besides, my duties
in the Senate have the first claim upon me, and to them I must
give my first returning strength. Therefore am I constrained to
decline the invitation with which you have honored me.
But I am strong enough to send from my present retreat a brief
expression of cordial concurrence in the nominations made by the
People’s Convention at Philadelphia, and also of the gladness
with which I shall support them, by voice and vote, with mind and
heart.
I have long honored Colonel Fremont for his genius in
geographical enterprise, his eminent intelligence, his manly
fortitude, his perfect integrity, and his easy command of
men,--swaying to his own beneficent purpose even the savages of
the forest, while Nature herself, in her winter fastnesses, bowed
before his march. It is well, at this moment, when a Great Crime
is instigated and sustained by the National Government, that
such a man, with courage which will not be questioned, and with
sensitiveness to right which will not rest, should be summoned to
grapple with the wrong-doers. And permit me to say that I find no
force in the objection that he has never been a _politician_.
Your candidate for Vice-President is worthy to enjoy the same
enthusiastic support. As lawyer, as judge, and as Senator, Mr.
Dayton has been conspicuous for character and ability; and I
rejoice to believe that he will soon have a larger field of
activity, where these can be employed for the good of our common
country, while the Senate, which is the stronghold of Human
Slavery, will be compelled to receive as its presiding officer a
representative of Human Freedom.
But better even than the candidates is the Declaration of
Principles, under which we now go forth to conquer. Such a
Declaration, promulgated by such a Convention, is in itself the
beginning of victory. Strong in simplicity and truthfulness, it
must prevail just so soon as it is comprehended. It expresses
objects which should enlist the Conservative, while they enlist
the Reformer,--which should rally all who turn with respect to
the example of the Fathers, while they rally all who are filled
with aspirations for a brighter future on earth. It proposes to
save Kansas from the revolting usurpation established in that
fair Territory, and in this good work it joins issue with the
Slave Oligarchy, now swaying our whole country; so that, in
saving Kansas, we shall necessarily overthrow this Despotism,
and save ourselves. For support, it appeals to all, without
distinction of party, who love their country. It appeals to the
true Democrat, whose democracy is founded on the recognition of
Human Rights; it appeals to the true Whig, who is animated by
that hatred of despotic power which inspired those who earliest
wore the name; it appeals to the true American, who is ready to
forget all other questions for the sake of union to save Liberty
endangered; and it appeals to the foreign-born, who, rejoicing in
the privileges of American citizens, will not hesitate to join in
this holy endeavor to vindicate them against the aggressions of
an Oligarchy worse than any tyranny from which they have fled. In
this appeal all former differences are forgotten, while men,
“Erewhile that stood aloof, as shy to meet,
Familiar mingle here, like sister streams
That some rude interposing rock has split.”
In this contest there is every motive to union, and also every
motive to exertion. _Now or never! now and forever!_--such was
the ancient war-cry, which, embroidered on the Irish flag,
streamed from the Castle of Dublin, and resounded through the
whole island, arousing a generous people to new struggle for
ancient rights; and this war-cry may be fitly inscribed on our
standard now. _Arise now, or an inexorable slave-driving Tyranny
will be fastened upon you. Arise now, and Liberty will be secured
forever._
Present my regards to your associates in the good cause, and
believe me, my dear Sir,
Always faithfully yours,