CHAPTER II

THE GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE RAILROAD

ALARM OF CANAL-OWNERS AT THE SUCCESS OF RAILROADS--THE MAKING OF THE

BALTIMORE & OHIO--THE "TOM THUMB" ENGINE--DIFFICULTIES IN CROSSING THE

APPALACHIANS--EXTENSION TO PITTSBURGH--TROUBLES OF THE ERIE

RAILROAD--THIS ROAD THE FIRST TO USE THE TELEGRAPH--THE PRAIRIES BEGIN

TO BE CROSSED BY RAILWAYS--CHICAGO'S FIRST RAILROAD, THE GALENA &

CHICAGO UNION--ILLINOIS CENTRAL--ROCK ISLAND, THE FIRST TO SPAN THE

MISSISSIPPI--PROPOSALS TO RUN RAILROADS TO THE PACIFIC--THE CENTRAL

PACIFIC ORGANIZED--IT AND THE UNION PACIFIC MEET--OTHER PACIFIC ROADS.

All the railroad projects already related were timid projects in the

beginning, with hardly a thought of ultimate greatness. Yet there were

men, even in the earliest days of railroading, whose minds winged to great

enterprises, whose dreams were empire-wide. Of such men was the Baltimore

& Ohio born.

Baltimore, like Philadelphia, had greedily watched the success of the Erie

Canal upon its completion, and noted with alarm its possible effects upon

its own wharves. Philadelphia, with the wealth of the great State of

Pennsylvania behind, had sought to protect herself by the construction of

the long links of canal and railroad to Pittsburgh, of which you have

already read. But Baltimore had no great State to call to her support. She

must look to herself for strength. Out of her eminent necessity for

self-preservation came men of the strength and the fibre to meet the

emergency. Baltimore might have retreated from the situation, as some of

the New England towns had retreated from it, and become a somnolent

reminiscence of a prosperous Colonial seaport. She did nothing of the

sort. Instead she made herself the terminal and inspiration of a great

railroad, laid the foundations of a great and lasting growth.

The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad was born February 12, 1827. On the evening

of that day, a little group of citizens of the sturdy old Southern

metropolis gathered at the house of George Brown. Mr. Brown together with

Philip E. Thomas, a distinguished merchant and philanthropist of

Baltimore, had been making investigation into the possibilities of

railroads. The fact that the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal, which was already

well advanced in construction, would have its eastern terminus at the

Potomac River, near Washington, brought no comfort to the merchants of

Baltimore. Wonder not then, that the stern old traders of that city

assembled to consider "the best means of restoring to the city of

Baltimore that portion of the western trade which has lately been diverted

from it by the introduction of steam navigation and other causes." From

that February day to this the corporate title of the Baltimore & Ohio has

been unchanged, despite the career of the most extreme vicissitudes--long

years of shadows that were almost complete despair, other years that were

brilliant with success.

It was decided at the outset that the commercial supremacy of Baltimore

rested on her conquest of the Appalachian Mountains, of her reaching by an

easy artificial highway the almost limitless waterways of the West that

linked themselves with the navigable Ohio. But for the beginning it was

agreed that Cumberland, long an important point on the well-famed National

Highway, and even then a centre in the coal traffic, was a far enough

distant goal to be worthy of the most ambitious enterprise. Indeed a long

cutting through a hill in the first section of the road proved a serious

financial obstacle to the directors of the struggling railroad. But these

last were men who persevered. They started to lay their track for the

thirteen miles from Baltimore to Ellicott's Mills on July 4, 1828. That

occasion was honored by an old-time celebration in which the chief figure

was Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, who laid the first stone of the new

line. After his services were finished he said to a friend:

"I consider this among the most important things of my life, second only

to the signing of the Declaration of Independence, if even it be second to

that." Of that act President Hadley, of Yale, has written: "One man's life

formed the connecting link between the political revolution of the one

century and the industrial revolution of the other."

No sooner had actual construction begun on the new line, than the

directors found themselves beset by many difficulties. Their enterprise

was then so unusual, that they went blindly, stumbling ahead in the dark.

Even the construction of the track itself was experimental. It was first

planned to use wooden rails hewn from oak, and these were to be mounted

upon stone sleepers set in a rock ballast. The money spent in such track

was obviously wasted. All such construction had to be torn out before the

traffic was at all sizable, and replaced by iron rails and wooden

sleepers.

But the track was the least of the company's problems. It had gone ahead

to build a railroad with a very vague conception as to its permanent

motive-power. It was soon seen there, too, that horses were out of the

question for hauling the passengers and freight any considerable distance.

The Baltimore & Ohio Company gravely experimented at one time with a car

which was carried before the wind by means of mast and sail.

Sturdy old Peter Cooper, of New York, finally solved that motive-power

problem. He had been induced to buy three thousand acres of land in the

outskirts of Baltimore for speculation. Requests sent by his Baltimore

partners for remittances, for taxes and other charges, became so frequent

that he went to the Maryland city to investigate. One glance showed him

that the future of his investment rested upon the future of the

struggling little railroad which was trying to poke its nose west from

Baltimore. He came to the aid of its directors in their problem of

motive-power.

That problem consisted, for one thing, in the practical use of a

locomotive around curves of 400 feet radius. Cooper went back to New York,

bought an engine with a single cylinder, rigged it on a car--not larger

than a hand-car, geared it to the wheels of that car and solved the chief

problem of the B. & O. His little engine--the _Tom Thumb_--was a primitive

enough affair, but it pointed the way to these Baltimore merchants who

were pinning their entire faith to their railroad project.

* * * * *

Two years after the beginning of the work, "brigades" of horse-cars were

in regular service to Ellicott's Mills; by the first of December, 1831,

trains--steam-drawn--ran through to Frederick, Md.; five months later, to

a day, they had reached Point of Rocks on the Potomac, seventy miles from

Baltimore. At Point of Rocks the road was halted for a long time. The

power of the powerful Chesapeake & Ohio Canal, which had been great enough

to keep State or national grants from struggling railroads, was raised to

defend its claim to a monopoly of the Potomac Valley, by right of

priority. This right was sustained in the courts, and the railroad held

back two years, until it could buy a compromise.

In 1835, a highly profitable branch was opened to Washington, while early

in the following year, trains were running through to Harpers Ferry, at

the mouth of the Shenandoah.

During that same Summer of 1835, definite steps were taken toward the

extension of the railroad to Pittsburgh, as well as Wheeling. But it was

three years later before the struggling company was ready to make a

surveying reconnaissance of these extensions of the road. All through that

time actual construction work was slowly but quite surely progressing

westward from Harpers Ferry, and on November 5, 1842, trains entered

Cumberland, the one-time objective point of the enterprise.

[Illustration: AN EARLY LOCOMOTIVE BUILT BY WILLIAM NORRIS FOR THE

PHILADELPHIA & READING RAILROAD]

[Illustration: THE HISTORIC "JOHN BULL" OF THE CAMDEN & AMBOY

RAILROAD--AND ITS TRAIN]

[Illustration: A HEAVY-GRADE TYPE OF LOCOMOTIVE BUILT FOR THE BALTIMORE &

OHIO RAILROAD IN 1864. ITS FLARING STACK WAS TYPICAL OF THOSE YEARS]

But beyond Cumberland the road gradually left the comfortable valley of

the Potomac, and these early railroad builders found themselves confronted

with new difficulties. To build a railroad across the range of the

Appalachians, with the primitive methods and machinery of those days was

no simple task. For nine years the construction work dragged. In 1851 the

line had only been finished to Piedmont, twenty-nine miles west of

Cumberland, and its builders were well-nigh discouraged. Let us quote from

the ancient history of the B. & O., from which we derive these facts, in

an exact paragraph:

"In the Fall of 1851, the Board found themselves, almost without

warning, in the midst of a financial crisis, with a family of more

than 5,000 laborers and 1,200 horses to be provided for, while their

treasury was rapidly growing weaker. The commercial existence of the

city of Baltimore depended on the prompt and successful prosecution of

the unfinished road."

In October, 1852, it was found that there had been expended for

construction west of Cumberland, $7,217,732.51. But the road was going

ahead once more. Its Board had dug deep into their pockets and the

commercial crisis that hovered over Baltimore was passed. Two years later

the road entered Wheeling, and its corporate title was no longer a

misnomer.

A little later, a more direct line was built to Parkersburg, West

Virginia, and direct connection entered with the Ohio & Mississippi

Railroad, which reached St. Louis. The railroad was beginning to feel its

way out across the land.

War between North and South had been declared before the long delayed

extension to Pittsburgh was finished. In that time a real master-hand had

come to the Baltimore & Ohio. In its early days the names of Philip E.

Thomas, Peter Cooper, Ross Winans, and B. H. Latrobe were indissolubly

linked with this pioneer railroad; in its second era John W. Garrett gave

brilliancy to its administration. Even before, as well as throughout the

four trying years of the war, when the road's tracks were being repeatedly

torn up and its bridges burned, Mr. Garrett was laying down his masterly

policy of expansion. It was a discouraging beginning that confronted him.

The two expensive extensions to the Ohio River had been a severe drain on

the company's treasury, traffic was at low ebb, the great financial panic

of 1857 had been hard to surmount.

But Mr. Garrett was one of the first of American railroaders to see that a

trunk-line should start at the seaboard and end at Chicago or the

Mississippi. He pushed his line to Pittsburgh, to Cleveland, to Sandusky,

to Chicago. It began to reach new and growing traffic centres. The

Baltimore & Ohio entered upon an era of magnificent prosperity.

The first cloud upon that era came in the early seventies, when its

powerful rival, the Pennsylvania, secured control of the Philadelphia,

Wilmington & Baltimore, the B. & O.'s connecting link on its immensely

profitable through route from New York to Washington. Pennsylvania

interests tunnelled for long miles through the rocky foundations of

Baltimore, purchased an independent line to Washington--the Baltimore &

Potomac--and the B. & O. found itself deprived of its best congested

traffic district. For eleven years it was unable to retaliate, though not

a soul believed the Baltimore & Ohio to be other than a splendid,

conservative property. It owned its own sleeping-car company, its own

express company, its own telegraph company. The name of Garrett was behind

it. Logan G. McPherson says:

"When it was desired to obtain additional funds, bonds were always

issued instead of the capital stock being increased. Interest on bonds

has always to be met, whereas dividends on stocks can be passed. It

was announced, however, that the retention of the stock

capitalization at less than fifteen millions of dollars was an

evidence of conservatism, as the continuance of semi-annual dividends

of five per cent was thereby permitted."

John W. Garrett died in 1884, and was succeeded in the presidency by his

son Robert Garrett, who announced himself ready to continue a policy of

expansion. The younger Garrett sought to regain an entrance for his

traffic to New York. To that end he built a line into Philadelphia and

prepared to strike across the State of New Jersey. He failed in that end

by the failure of one of his confidential aides; the line that he had

counted on for entrance into the American metropolis was snapped up by his

greatest rival just as his own fingers were almost upon it. Later the B. &

O. was permitted a trackage entrance into Jersey City, but the terms of

that entrance were so stringent as to mean a practical surrender upon its

part.

If Baltimore & Ohio had won that battle, a different story might have been

chronicled. As it was, it stood a loser in a fearfully expensive fight;

the English investors in the property became investigators--of a sudden

the bottom dropped out of things. The stock went slipping down as only a

mob-chased stock in Wall Street can drop; the road that had been the pride

of Baltimore became, for the moment, her shame. It was shown, upon

investigation, that the road had long gone upon a slender standing:

millions of dollars that should actually have been charged to loss had

been charged against its capital and included in the surplus. Ten years

after Mr. Garrett's death the road found itself in even more bitter

straits. It was a laughing stock and a reproach among railroad men. Its

profitable side-properties--the sleeping-car company, the express company,

the telegraph company,--the first two of which should never be permitted

to go outside of the control of any really great railroad company--had

been sold, one after another, in attempts to save the day of reckoning.

Just before the Chicago Fair the road reached low-water mark. Its

passenger cars were weather-beaten and ravaged almost beyond hope of

paint-shops; it was sometimes necessary to hold outgoing trains in the

famous old Camden station at Baltimore, until the lamps and drinking

glasses could be secured from some incoming train. In that day of

low-water mark it was actually and seriously proposed to abandon the

passenger service of the road!

Out of that chaos came the B. & O. of to-day, a substantial and

well-managed railroad property. Mr. Garrett was the first of the

railroaders to construct a single property from the Atlantic seaboard to

the Mississippi; John F. Cowan, L. F. Loree, Oscar G. Murray, and Daniel

Willard have been his successors in the revamping of the B. & O.,

eliminating its costly grades, enlarging yard and terminal facilities, and

making the historic road a carrier of the first class.

* * * * *

The history of the Erie Railroad is hardly less dramatic than that of the

Baltimore & Ohio; its financial disasters were not owing to the errors

that come of crass stupidity. For the Erie did its good part in the making

of railroad law. Built and operated in the earliest railroad days as a

single enterprise through the southern tier of counties of New York State

from the Hudson River to Lake Erie, while the roads to the north that were

eventually to be welded by Commodore Vanderbilt into the great New York

Central were still quarrelling among themselves, it was wrecked time and

time again by unscrupulous schemes of high finance. It was made to wear

mill-stones in the shape of outrageous bonded indebtednesses that acted as

a fearful handicap for many years and prevented a remarkably well located

property from standing to-day as the peer of the Pennsylvania or of the

New York Central. The story of these outrages has been told and

retold--they are integral parts of the financial history of the country.

Suffice it to say here and now that the Erie has been operated with more

or less success by no less than four struggling corporations; that it has

never come closer to achieving success than under its present president,

F. D. Underwood; and that no one save those who have stood close to

Underwood has known or appreciated the heritage of handicap that was given

to him to shoulder. For it has been part of our railroad principle in this

country--a mighty sad part, too--that no matter how villainously stocks

and bonds may have been issued at any time--only to bring failure swiftly

and inevitably,--such bogus paper has always been protected in

reorganization. A railroad which becomes bankrupt cannot be abandoned.

That has been done only in rare cases. Even the Baltimore & Ohio, at the

end of its rope less than twenty years ago, was not permitted to abandon

its passenger service. It must pull itself up out of the difficulties,

and--in America at least--it must pull its trashy paper up too, in order

that no holder of such paper may be unprotected. The paper can no more be

abandoned than the right-of-way. The result is seen in railroads

staggering under vast and questionable capitalization (there is no

cleaning of the slate); but the sins of those that have gone before are

truly visited upon the third and the fourth generation, as well as upon

the poor humans who, under such burdens, are trying to operate a railroad

property.

From the beginning the story of Erie has been a story of difficulties. The

original scheme of building a New York railroad from Piermont-on-Hudson to

Dunkirk on Lake Erie--some 450 miles--seems in the face of the resources

of the State at that time and the engineering difficulties to be solved,

almost quixotic. But the road was built step by step, section by section,

until in May, 1851, a triumphal first train was operated over its entire

length. President Fillmore was the guest of honor on the train, but shared

attention with Daniel Webster on the trip. Webster, in order that he might

see the country, insisted on making the entire tedious journey in a

rocking-chair, which was lashed upon a flat-car. Another flat-car was

occupied by a railroad officer who was designated to receive the flags. C.

F. Carter, in his interesting sketch on the early days of the Erie,

writes:

"By a singular coincidence, the ladies at every one of the more than

sixty stations between Piermont and Dunkirk had conceived the idea

that it would be as original as it was appropriate to present a flag

wrought by their own fair hands to the railroad company when the first

train passed through to Lake Erie. As it would have consumed

altogether too much time to make a stop for each of these flag

presentations, the engineer merely slowed down at three-fourths of the

stations long enough to permit the man on the flat-car to scoop up the

banners in his arms, much like the hands on the old-fashioned Marsh

harvesters gathered up armfuls of grain for binding. At the end of the

journey the Erie Railroad had a collection of flags that would have

done credit to a victorious army."

Mr. Carter has also told how in that same eventful year 1851 the telegraph

came into use on the Erie, first of all railroads: A crude telegraph line,

built for commercial purposes, had been stretched along the eastern end of

the road. People did not think very much of the telegraph in those days.

It was only seven years old; and when a man wired another man he wrote his

message like a letter, beginning with "Dear sir" and ending with "Yours

truly." The railroads scorned its use. Their trains ran by hard and fast

train rules. Then, as now, north and east-bound trains held the

right-of-way over those south and west-bound, and the meeting places on

single-track lines were each carefully designated on the time-card. If a

train was waiting for another coming in an opposite direction, and the

train came not after an hour, the first train proceeded forward "under

flag." That meant that a man, walking with a flag in his hand preceded the

train to protect it. The locomotive and its train of cars necessarily

proceeded at snail's pace.

It was not so very long after that observation-car trip that Daniel

Webster took in the rocking-chair up to Dunkirk, before the Erie's

superintendent, Charles Minot, was taking a trip up over the east end of

the road. The train on which he was riding was due to meet a west-bound

express at Turner's. After waiting nearly an hour there, without seeing

the opposing train, Minot was seized with an inspiration. He telegraphed

up the line fourteen miles to Goshen to hold that west-bound train until

he should arrive there. He then ordered his train-crew to proceed. They

rebelled. Engineer Isaac Lewis had too much regard for his own precious

neck to break the time-card rules, even under the superintendent's orders.

So finally Minot took charge of the engine himself, while Lewis cautiously

seated himself in the last seat of the last car and awaited the worst.

It never came, of course. When they reached Goshen, the agent had received

the message, and was prepared to hold the west-bound train. But it had not

arrived, and Minot by repeating his method was enabled first to reach

Middletown and then Port Jervis before meeting the delayed train. By the

use of the telegraph he had saved his own train some three hours in

running time; and it was not long thereafter until the operation of trains

by telegraph order became standard on the Erie and all others of the early

railroads.

At the beginning, one of the promoters of the Erie announced his belief

that the road would eventually earn, by freight alone, "some two hundred

thousand dollars in a year," and his neighbors laughed at him for his

extravagant promise. Yet, in the first six months' operation of the road

the receipts--mostly from freight--were $1,755,285.

To tell the full story of Erie would require a sizable book. It has not

yet been told. It is a story of intrigue and deceit, of trickery and of

scheming; the story of Daniel Drew and Jim Fisk and Jay Gould; the

monumental tragedy of the wrecking of a great railroad property--a

property with possibilities that probably will never now be realized. The

present management of the road has labored valiantly and well. It has seen

the future of Erie as a great freighting road, has carefully laid its

lines for the full development of the property as a carrier of goods,

rather than of through passengers.

* * * * *

The history of the railroad divides itself sharply into epochs. In the

beginning, the different roads--such as Erie, Pennsylvania, Baltimore &

Ohio, and New York Central--were being pushed west over the Alleghany

Mountains to the Great Lakes and the Ohio River. There followed an era

where the railroads were reaching Chicago and St. Louis. That was the era

which saw the weird railroads of the Middle West, the strange

stock-watering companies that made the very names of Ohio, Michigan, and

Illinois financial bywords in the late forties and the early fifties. The

first railroad in Ohio was the old Mad River & Lake Erie, which was built

in 1835, from Sandusky, south about a hundred miles to Columbus, the State

capital. The pioneer engine on the road, the _Sandusky_, was the first

locomotive ever equipped with a whistle.

The first railroad of the prairies was the Northern Cross railroad--now a

part of the Wabash--extending from Merodosia on the Illinois River, to

Springfield. It was started in 1837, and late in the following fall a

locomotive built by Rogers, Grosvenor, and Ketchum of Paterson, N.

J.,--the founders of a famous locomotive works--was landed from a

packet-steamer at Merodosia. Then was the first puff of a locomotive heard

upon the prairies of the great West. A contemporary account says:

"The little locomotive had no whistle, no spark-arrester, no

cow-catcher, and the cab was open to the sky. Its speed was about six

miles an hour, and where the railroad and the highway lay parallel to

each other there was frequently a trial of speed between the

locomotive with its 'pleasure cars' and the stage-coaches. Sometimes

the stage-coaches came in ahead. Six inches of snow were sufficient to

blockade the trains drawn by this American engine."

In 1846 James M. Forbes was building the Michigan Central west from

Detroit, 145 miles to Kalamazoo. A little later it was extended to the

east shore of Lake Michigan, at New Buffalo; eventually it reached Chicago

with its own rails. While the Michigan Central was pushing its rails, its

chief competitor to the south, the Michigan Southern,--afterwards a part

of the Lake Shore, and eventually united with its traditional rival in the

extended New York Central system--was also pushing toward Chicago as a

goal. Both roads reached Chicago in 1852. But railroad building was slow

work. The country expanded too quickly after the golden promises of the

railroad promoters. Money came too easily; then there would come a fearful

financial time, and the reputable railroad enterprises would be halted

beside the "fly-by-night" schemes. As late as 1850, Ohio had only the

single trunk-line connecting Sandusky and Cincinnati; but the railroad to

Cleveland that was afterwards the main stem of the Big Four and the

trunk-line connection east to the Baltimore & Ohio, were nearing

completion.

* * * * *

Chicago's first railroad was the Galena & Chicago Union, and it was the

cornerstone of the great Chicago and Northwestern system, one of the

really great railroads of America. The Galena & Chicago Union was

incorporated in 1836, but not until eleven years later was work begun in

laying tracks, for a short ten-mile stretch from the Chicago River to Des

Plaines; and its first locomotive, the _Pioneer_, had been bought

second-hand from the Buffalo & Attica Railroad, away east in New York

State. The rails were second-hand, too, of the strap variety, which the

Western railroads were already discarding in favor of solid rails. But it

was a railroad, and it was with a deal of pride that John B. Turner, its

president, used to ascend to an observatory on the second floor of the old

Halsted Street depot to sight with a telescope the smoke of his morning

train coming across the prairie. The Chicago and Northwestern, itself, was

organized in 1859. For a time it was so desperately poor that it could not

pay the interest on its bonds, and there was a time when its officers had

to meet the pay-roll out of their own pockets; but it succeeded in

absorbing about six hundred miles of railroad at the beginning. In another

decade the Union Pacific Railroad, first uniting the Far West with the

populous Middle and Eastern States, was completed. The Chicago and

Northwestern formed one of the most direct links between the Lakes and the

eastern terminal of the Union Pacific at Council Bluffs. The business that

came to it because of that linking was the first strong impulse that led

to the ultimate greatness of the Northwestern.

The distinctive mid-Western road was and always has been the Illinois

Central. Originally incorporated in 1836, it was nearly twenty years later

when, through substantial aid from the State whose name it bears,

construction actually began. The first track was laid from Chicago to

Calumet to give an entrance to the Michigan Central in its heart-breaking

race to the Western metropolis against the Michigan Southern. The main

line through to Cairo was pushed forward rapidly, however, and was ready

for traffic at the end of 1855. A large number of Kentucky slaves promptly

showed their appreciation of the new railroad enterprise by using it to

effect their escape to the North.

* * * * *

Of course with the railroad pushing its way westward all the while (the

Rock Island in April, 1859, was the first to span the Mississippi with a

bridge), it was only a question of time when some adventurous soul should

seek to reach the Pacific coast. Indeed it was away back in 1832, while

there was still less than a hundred miles of track in the United States,

that Judge Dexter of Ann Arbor, Michigan, proposed a railroad through to

the Pacific Ocean, through thousands of miles of untrodden forest. Six

years later, a Welsh engineer, John Plumbe, held a convention at Dubuque,

Iowa, for the same purpose. The idea would not down. Hardly had Plumbe and

his convention disappeared from the public notice when Asa Whitney, a New

York merchant of considerable reputation, began to agitate the Pacific

railroad. Whitney was a good deal of a theorist and a dreamer; but he was

a shrewd publicity man, and he held widely attended meetings for the

propagation of his idea, in all the Eastern cities. Eventually, like Judge

Dexter and John Plumbe, he was doomed to disappointment. After Whitney had

died broken-hearted and bankrupt because of his devotion to an idea, came

Josiah Perham, of Boston. Josiah Perham was the Raymond & Whitcomb of the

fifties. He began by organizing excursions for New England folk to come to

Boston to see the Boston Museum and the panoramas, which were the gay

diversion of that day. In one year he brought two hundred thousand folk

into that sacred Massachusetts town, and he began to be rated as a rich

man. He absorbed the Pacific railroad idea and freely spent his money in

its propagation. He organized the People's Pacific Railroad,--and a part

of his scheme formed the foundation of the Northern Pacific. Perham, like

the others, spent his money and failed to see the fruition of his plan.

There seemed to be something ill-fated about that plan of a railroad to

the Pacific. Even the citizens of St. Louis, who had gathered on the

Fourth of July, 1851, to see soil broken for the first real

transcontinental railroad, found that it could only manage to reach Kansas

City by 1856. That particular railroad--the Missouri Pacific--through its

western connection, the Western Pacific, only succeeded in reaching the

coast within the past year.

When Theodore D. Judah brought himself to the seemingly hopeless task of

trying to build a Pacific railroad, he brought with him all the enthusiasm

of Asa Whitney, and with it the experience of a trained railroad engineer.

The thing was beginning to take shape. The men, like Whitney and Perham,

who had been before Congress at session after session, finally brought

that august body, even when the nation stood on the verge of civil war,

into making an appropriation for a survey for a scheme, which nine out of

ten men regarded as a mere visionary dream. Theodore D. Judah, filled with

enthusiasm for his mighty plan, went West that he might roughly plan the

location of the railroad. He went to San Francisco and he went to

Sacramento, where the little twenty-two-mile Sacramento Valley Railroad

had been running since 1856. The Californians listened to him with

interest, but they proffered him no financial aid. Then Judah went up into

the high passes of the Sierras, through which a railroad to the east would

certainly have to reach, to find a crossing for the line in which he

believed so earnestly. He found it--making a route that would save 148

miles and $13,500,000 over that proposed by the Government authorities.

When he went back to Sacramento, to the hardware store of his old friends,

Huntington & Hopkins, in K Street, it was with a rough profile of that

pass in his pocket. What Judah said to Collis P. Huntington and Mark

Hopkins has never been known, but certain it is that in a little time they

were sending for the three other capitalists of Sacramento--the Crocker

brothers, who had a dry-goods store down the street, and Leland Stanford,

a wholesale grocer. Out of the efforts of those six men the Central

Pacific Railroad was organized with a capital of $125,000. Work began on

the new line at Sacramento on the first day of 1863, while California

shook with laughter at the idea of a parcel of country store-keepers

building a railroad across the crest of the Sierras.

How they built their railroad successfully and amassed six really great

American fortunes is all history now. Sufficient is it that they turned a

deaf ear to the ridicule (the project was considered so visionary that

bankers dared not subscribe to the stock of the road for fear of injuring

their credit), found their route through the mountains just as Judah had

promised, brought their materials around the Horn, imported ten thousand

Chinese laborers, hurled thousands of tons of solid rock down among the

pines by a single charge of nitro-glycerine, bolted their snow-sheds to

the mountains, and filled up or bridged hundreds of chasms and valleys.

"Two thousand feet of granite barred the way upon the mountain-top where

eagles were at home. The Chinese wall was a toy beside it. It could

neither be surmounted nor doubled; and so they tunnelled what looks like a

bank swallow's hole from a thousand feet below. Powder enough was expended

in persuading the iron crags and cliffs to be a thoroughfare, to fight

half the battles of the Revolution."

While the Central Pacific was being built east from the coast, the Union

Pacific was pushing its rails west from the Missouri River to meet it. A

Federal subsidy was paid to each road for each mile of transcontinental

track it laid, and the result was the Credit Mobilier, the worst financial

blot upon the pages of American government transactions. Early in the

Spring of 1868 the companies were on equal terms in this great game of

subsidy getting. Each finally had ample funds and each was about 530 miles

away from the Great Salt Lake. So in 1868 a construction campaign began

that has never been approached in the history of railroad building.

Twenty-five thousand men, and 6,000 teams, together with whole brigades of

locomotives and work-trains, were engaged in the work; in a single day ten

miles of track was laid and that was a world-beating record. The result of

such speed was that the two railroads met, May 9, 1869. Leland Stanford,

who was ridiculed when he first turned earth for the Central Pacific at

Sacramento six years before, drove the last spike, and was for that moment

the central figure in an attention that was world-wide.

After the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific came the Southern Pacific,

and after them came Collis P. Huntington binding them into a tight single

railroad. But close on the heels of the Southern Pacific, and right into

its own territory, reached the Santa Fe, while to the north, first the

Northern Pacific and then the Great Northern was built from the lake

country straight to Puget Sound. On a November day in 1885 the last spike

was driven in the great transcontinental Canadian Pacific, the first and

so far the only railroad to lay its rails from the North Atlantic to the

Pacific. Within a year the Western Pacific--the westernmost of the chain

of Gould roads--has begun to run its through trains to the Golden Gate. As

this volume goes to press finishing touches are being placed upon the

Puget Sound extension of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, probably the

last transcontinental to be stretched across these United States for a

number of years to come. Far to the north, the Grand Trunk Pacific is

finding its way across the wilderness of the Canadian Rockies, creating a

great city--Prince Rupert--at its western terminal. It should be ready for

its through traffic within the next three years.

* * * * *

This then, in brief, is the history of American railroading--an

eighty-year struggle from East to West. The railroad has passed through

many vicissitudes; days of wild-cat financing, and days when men refused

to invest their money under any inducements whatsoever. It has been

assailed by legislatures and by Congress; it has been scourged because of

the so-called "pooling agreements," and it has cut its own strong arms by

building foolish competing lines. But it has survived masterfully, while

the highroads have become grass-grown, and the once proud canals have

fallen into decay. Railroading is to-day in the full flush of successful

existence. Science has been brought to each of the infinite details of the

business; and for the first time the country sees practically every line,

large or small, honestly earning its way. The railroad receiver has all

but passed into history.

The Modern Railroad · 第 2 / 27 章