FOOTNOTES:

[1] In a letter to Professor W. H. Holmes, published in his paper,

“Flint Implements and Fossil Remains from a Sulphur Spring at Afton,

Indian Territory,” Mr. A. R. Graham gives an instructive account of

cleaning out the Faywood Hot Springs where he found the following

relics: (1) parts of skulls and bones of several human beings; (2)

over fifty spearheads and arrowheads of every shape and style of

workmanship, the spearheads being valuable for their size and symmetry;

(3) nine large warclubs made of stone; (4) a large variety of teeth

of animals as well as large bones of extinct animals; (5) the most

interesting relics are ten stone pipes from four to seven inches in

length; (6) flint hatchet and a stone hammer, together with stones worn

flat from use; beads made of vegetable seed and bird bones; part of two

Indian bows with which was found a quiver in which was quite a bunch

of long, coarse black hair that was soon lost after being dried.—Amer.

Anthrop., n. s., vol. 4, pp. 126, 127.

[2] The Santa Rita mines early attracted the conquistadors looking

for gold, and were worked in ancient times by the Spaniards, the ores

obtained finding an outlet along a road down the valley to the city of

Chihuahua. The prehistoric people also mined native Mimbres copper,

and probably obtained from these mines and from those in Cook’s Range,

the native copper from which were made the hawk-bells sometimes found

in Arizona and New Mexico. From these localities also were derived

fragments of float copper often found in Southwestern ruins and

commonly ascribed to localities in Mexico. From here came also a form

of primitive stone mauls used in early days of the working of the mines.

[3] The National Museum had nothing from the Lower Mimbres before this

addition, although it has a few specimens, without zoic designs, from

Fort Bayard, in the Upper Mimbres. The latter are figured by Dr. Hough,

Bull. 87, U. S. National Museum.

[4] Archæological Institute of America, American Series, vol. 4, Final

Report, Part 2, pp. 356, 357.

[5] American Antiquarian, vol. 24, p. 397, 1902.

[6] Bandelier (_op. cit._, p. 357) speaks of sixty ruins in a small

section thirty miles along the river.

[7] Bull. 35, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 83. See also an article subsequently

published on the Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River

Region, Bull. 87, 1913, U. S. National Museum, in which several bowls

with geometrical designs from Fort Bayard are figured.

[8] Bandelier found that Mimbres pottery resembles that of several

regions, including Casas Grandes.

[9] The Archæological Bulletin, vol. 3, No. 3, p. 70.

[10] During the author’s stay in Deming he was much indebted to Dr. S.

D. Swope for many kindnesses, among which was an opportunity to study

his valuable collection, now in the high school of that city. He was

also greatly aided by Mr. E. D. Osborn and several other citizens, and

takes this opportunity to thank all who rendered assistance in his

studies. The photographs reproduced in the present paper were made by

Mr. Osborn.

[11] Specimens were also found by Mr. Osborn at the Byron Ranch ruin,

at the Black Mountain site, and elsewhere.

[12] This is the ruin called Osborn ruin in subsequent descriptions.

[13] On some of the skulls excavated at Sikyatki, Arizona, in 1895,

the author found concave disks of kaolin perforated in the center.

One of these disks is represented in Fig. 356, p. 729, 17th Ann. Rep.

Bur. Amer. Ethnol. In an article on “Urn Burial in the United States”

(Amer. Anthrop., vol. 6, No. 5), Mr. Clarence B. Moore, quoting his

own observations and those of many others, records burials in which

an inverted mortar, bowl, basket, or other object was placed over the

skull of the dead, and shows the wide distribution of the custom.

[14] A beautiful view of the valley can be obtained from the top

of Black Mountain, above the small ruin at its base, that will be

mentioned presently.

[15] The drawings of pottery designs in this article were made by Mrs.

M. W. Gill; the stone and other objects were drawn by Mr. R. Weber.

[16] A significant feature in the Mimbres form of “urn burial” is the

invariable puncturing of the bowl inverted over the head. The ancient

Peruvians in some instances appear to have “killed” their mortuary

bowls, and life figures depicted on Peruvian pottery are sometimes

arranged in pairs as in the Mimbres.

[17] Although not placed in the proper locality on his map, this ruin

seems to be one of the “pueblos” (Nos. 162–164) mentioned by Dr. Hough.

[18] Archæological and Ethnological Researches in Southwestern New

Mexico, Part 2, Ruin, Ancient Work Shop, Rock Mounds, etc., at Swarts’

Ranch. (The Archæological Bulletin, vol. 4, No. 1, p. 14, 1913.)

[19] For a description of ruins at Swarts’ and Brockman’s Mills see C.

L. Webster, Archæological and Ethnological Researches in Southwestern

New Mexico. (The Archæological Bulletin, vol. 3, No. 4.)

[20] It is said that a Spanish bell in the Chamber of Commerce at

Deming, was dug up on this ranch near the ruin. This bell might

indicate an old mission at this place.

[21] The author visited these rocks in company with Dr. Swope, who has

known of them for many years.

[22] Archæological and Ethnological Researches in Southwestern New

Mexico, Part 4. (The Archæological Bulletin, vol. 5, No. 2, p. 21.)

[23] Mr. Webster describes “ancient pueblos” on the western side of

this group of mountains as well as on the eastern slope of Cook’s

Range. Certain cave lodges, or walled caves, in a wild canyon on the

east side of Cook’s Peak are supposed by him to be the recent work of

Apaches.

[24] Elaborate metal objects of early historical times have been found

at various places in the Mimbres. The best of these is a fragment of an

elaborately decorated stirrup, now owned by Mr. Pryor of the Nan Ranch.

A copper church bell was found near his house, and other metal objects

belonging to the historic epoch are reported from various ruins in the

valley.

[25] Similar stone idols from the San Pedro Valley and other

localities, in Arizona and New Mexico, have mortar-like depressions on

their backs.

[26] One of the exceptional forms of pottery has a flat rectangular

base, the four sides being formed by bending up segments of a circular

disk (fig. 18).

[27] Called also a “wedding blanket” since it is presented to a girl on

marriage by her husband’s family.

[28] 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pl. 129, fig. _a_.

[29] The hand of the hunter pictured on a bowl already described (fig.

13), also carried a curved stick.

[30] Bull. 87, U. S. National Museum.

[31] The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi. Amer. Anthrop., 1st ser.,

vol. 11, Nos. 3, 4, pp. 65–87, 101–115.

[32] An ancient crook found in a cave near Silver City is figured by

Dr. Hough. Bull. 87, U. S. National Museum.

[33] Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 4, p. 502.

[34] Rabbits are abundant in the Mimbres Valley and several well-drawn

pictures of this animal are found on the pottery.

[35] This picture resembles that of a wolf depicted on the east wall of

the warrior chamber at Walpi. See Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 4, pl. 22.

[36] Pictures of the mountain lion by Pueblo artists, at least among

the Hopi, have the tail turned over the back. The animal on the Mimbres

bowl having no horns is not a horned deer or antelope.

[37] The decoration of the bodies of animals with rectangular figures

is a common feature in Mimbres pottery, as will be seen in pictures of

birds soon to be considered.

[38] In addition to the figure with the hunters which is probably a

deer, as it has not the antelope marks on the neck.

[39] These horns are represented on a plane at right angles to that in

which they naturally lie.

[40] 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 682.

[41] This is known as the sinistral circuit and is regarded as

beneficial in Hopi ceremonials.

[42] 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pls. 121_a_, 138_c_. There are

one or two examples of Sikyatki pottery where a geometrical design is

attached to an animal figure which leads to the belief that possibly

the figure attached to the rear of the above may not represent a

part of another animal but rather a geometrical design of unknown

significance, in this particular recalling old time Hopi ware.

[43] This figure may also be identified as a locust.

[44] Possibly depicted on a food bowl because grasshoppers were eaten

by the prehistoric people of the Mimbres.

[45] A picture of a horned toad on a food bowl was recorded from Cook’s

Peak by Professor Webster, and there is a picture of what appears to be

the same reptile in Mr. Osborn’s collection. It is of course sometimes

difficult to positively distinguish representations of frogs, toads,

lizards, and Gila monsters, but the anatomical features are often well

indicated.

[46] The Winter Solstice Ceremony. Amer. Anthrop., 1st ser., vol. II,

Nos. 3, 4, pp. 65–87, 101–115.

[47] A Theatrical Performance at Walpi. Proc. Washington Acad. Sci.,

vol. 2, pp. 605–629. Native pictures of the Hopi horned snake may be

found, pl. 26, 21st Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.

[48] The horned serpent cult at Walpi is said to have been introduced

from the south.

[49] Of all the designs representing the horned snake known to the

author this picture from the Mimbres resembles most closely the

pictures of this being on pottery from Casas Grandes. It has, however,

the single horn found on the clay image in the Hano altar of the Winter

Solstice Ceremony, although quite unlike figures on pottery from the

Pajarito region. The bodily decorations in the Mimbres bowl are unlike

those of the Hopi horned snake.

[50] The Mimbres formerly had many more fishes than at present, and

Bartlett records that his men often brought in fine trout for his camp.

These, with turkeys, quail, deer and antelopes, led him to say that his

“fare might be called sumptuous in some respects” (_op. cit._, p. 236).

[51] Fishes are sometimes represented on Keresan pottery.

[52] As elsewhere mentioned in this paper, one of the bird figures

(fig. 25) has a fish in its mouth.

[53] 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Part 2, figs. 277–355.

[54] Ceremonially, every piece of pottery is supposed by the Hopi

to be a living being, and when placed in the grave of the owner, it

was broken or killed to let the spirit escape to join the spirit of

the dead in its future home. There is no evidence that the Sikyatki

mortuary pottery was purposely broken when deposited in the grave, and

probably no need of perforating it to allow free exit of the spirit,

for the broken encircling line, “life gateway,” absent in Mimbres

pottery, but almost universally present in ancient Hopi pottery,

answered the same purpose, in their conception.

[55] Following Hopi analogies, where these geometrical figures

frequently occur with animals they may have the same symbolic meaning

as when alone, and represent shrines or prayer-offering houses.

[56] Unfortunately there are few decorated vases represented in the

collection, but exploration in the field may later bring many of these

to light.

[57] The author brought to Washington fragments of a food bowl from the

ruin near Byron Ranch, identical with Casas Grandes ware.

[58] We must look to renewed explorations to shed light on this and

many other questions which the paucity of material is yet insufficient

to answer.

[59] In dry seasons the river flows under the superficial soil at a

varying depth, but in floods it follows the surface bed.

[60] As the author has pointed out in several articles, the abandonment

of Southwestern ruins is due to a variety of causes, chief of which

are changes of climate. It is often due to other more local causes, as

attacks by hostiles, salinity of soil, poor site for defence, presence

of wizards, contagious diseases, etc.

[61] The designation “pueblo ruins” sometimes applied to any cluster of

ancient house walls in Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona, should

be restricted to a well-defined architectural type which originated and

reached its highest development in a small area in New Mexico. It was

eventually carried by colonists in all directions from the center of

origin, becoming intrusive as far west as the Hopi, Zuñi, and Little

Colorado. The boundaries of this type never extended into Mexico in

prehistoric times. The ruins along the Mimbres are not community houses

of terraced character and should not be called pueblo ruins.

[62] This statement is made with reservation, as the true architectural

form of the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua is not yet known. The published

plans show no encircling wall like that of Casa Grande on the Gila;

probably the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua belong to a highly specialized

type different from others.

[63] While neither the terraced nor the “compound” type of architecture

has been seen in the Mimbres for the reason that both were specialized

in their distinct geographical areas, the fragile-walled, jacal type

of habitation is identical in form, though not in time, in all three

localities.

Transcriber’s Notes:

- Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

- Blank pages have been removed.

- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.

Archeology of the lower Mimbres valley, New Mexico · 第 44 / 44 题