CHAPTER XXI

THE KU KLUX REVOLUTION

The Ku Klux movement was an understanding among southern whites, brought

about by the chaotic condition of social and political institutions

between 1865 and 1876. It resulted in a partial destruction of the

Reconstruction and a return, as near as might be, to ante-bellum

conditions. This understanding or state of mind took many forms and was

called by many names. The purpose was everywhere and always the same: to

recover for the white race control of society, and destroy the baleful

influence of the alien among the blacks.[1860]

Causes of the Ku Klux Movement

When the surviving soldiers of the Confederate army returned home in the

spring and summer of 1865, they found a land in which political

institutions had been destroyed and in which a radical social revolution

was taking place--an old order, the growth of hundreds of years, seemed to

be breaking up, and the new one had not yet taken shape; all was confusion

and disorder. At this time began a movement which under different forms

has lasted until the present day--an effort on the part of the defeated

population to restore affairs to a state which could be endurable, to

reconstruct southern society. This movement, a few years later, was in one

of its phases known as the Ku Klux movement. For the peculiar aspects of

this secret revolutionary movement many causes are suggested.

For several months before the close of the war the state government was

powerless except in the vicinity of the larger towns, the country

districts being practically without government. After the surrender there

was an interval of four months during which there was no pretence of

government except in the immediate vicinity of the points garrisoned by

the Federal army. The people were forbidden to take steps toward setting

up any kind of government.[1861] From one end of the state to the other

the land was infested by a vicious element left by the war,--Federal and

Confederate deserters, and bushwhackers and outlaws of every description.

These were especially troublesome in the counties north of the Black Belt.

The old tory class in the mountain counties was troublesome.[1862] Of the

little property surviving the wreck of war, none was safe from thievery.

The worst class of the negroes--not numerous at this time--were insolent

and violent in their new-found freedom. Murders were frequent, and

outrages upon women were beginning to be heard of.[1863] The whites,

especially the more ignorant ones, were afraid of the effects of preaching

of the doctrines of equality, amalgamation, etc., to the blacks. There

were soon signs to show that some negroes would endeavor to put the

theories they had heard of into practice.[1864]

There was much talk of confiscation of property and division of land among

the blacks. The negroes believed that they were going to be rewarded at

the expense of the whites, and many of the latter began to fear that such

might be the case. The Freedmen's Bureau early began its most successful

career in alienating the races, by teaching the black that the southern

white was naturally unfriendly to him. In this work it was ably assisted

by the preaching and teaching missionaries sent out from the North, who

taught the negro to beware of the southern white in church and in school.

The Bureau broke up the labor system that had been patched up in the

summer and fall of 1865, and people in the Black Belt felt that labor must

be regulated in some way.[1865] In the white counties the poorer whites,

who had been the strongest supporters of the secession movement, not

because they liked slavery, but because they were afraid of the

competition of free negroes, began to show signs of a desire to drive the

negro tenants from the rich lands which they wanted for themselves.[1866]

For years after the war it was almost impossible for the farmer or planter

to raise cows, hogs, poultry, etc., on account of the thieving

propensities of the negroes.[1867] Houses, mills, gins, cotton pens, and

corn-cribs were frequently burned.[1868] The Union League was believed by

many to be an organization for the purpose of plundering the whites and

for the division of property when the confiscation should take

place.[1869] It was also an active political machine. Nearly all the

witnesses before the Ku Klux Committee who stated the causes of the rise

of Ku Klux said that the League was the principal one. The whites soon

came to believe that they were persecuted by the Washington government.

The cotton frauds in 1865; the cotton tax, 1865-1868; the refusal to admit

the southern states to representation in Congress, though they were

heavily taxed; the passage of the Reconstruction Acts, by which the

governments in the South were overturned, the negroes enfranchised, and

all the prominent whites disfranchised,--all combined to make the white

people believe that the North was seeking to humiliate them, to punish

them when they were weak. They did not contemplate such treatment when

they laid down their arms. As one soldier expressed it: the treatment

received was in violation of the terms of surrender as expressed in their

paroles; the southern soldiers could have carried on a guerilla warfare

for years; the United States had made terms with men who had arms in their

hands; they had laid them down, and the United States had violated these

terms and punished individuals for alleged crime without trial; yet their

paroles stated that they were not to be disturbed as long as they were

law-abiding; the whole Reconstruction was a violation of the terms of

surrender as the southern soldiers understood it; it was punishment of a

whole people by legislative enactment, and contrary to the spirit of

American institutions. It was not a matter of law, but of common

honesty.[1870]

General Clanton complained that the southern people passed out of the

hands of warriors into the hands of squaws.[1871] The government imposed

upon Alabama after the voters had fairly rejected it according to act of

Congress was administered by the most worthless and incompetent of

whites--alien and native--and negroes. Heavy taxes were laid; the public

debt was rapidly increased; the treasury was looted; public office was

treated as private property. The government was weak and vicious; it gave

no protection to person or property; it was powerless, or perhaps

unwilling, to repress disorder; and was held in general contempt. The

officials were notoriously corrupt and unjust in administration. There

were many disorders which the people believed the state and Federal

governments could not or would not regulate.[1872] There was a general

feeling of insecurity, in some sections a reign of terror. Innumerable

humiliations were inflicted on the former political people of the state by

carpet-bagger and scalawag, using the former slave as an instrument. Negro

policemen stood on the street corners annoying the whites, making a great

parade of all arrests, sometimes even of white women. The elections were

corrupt, and the law was deliberately framed to protect ballot-box

frauds.[1873] The highest officers of the judiciary, Federal and state,

took an active interest in politics, contrary to judicial traditions.

Justice, so called, was bought and sold. The most thoroughly political

people of the world, the proudest people of the English race, were the

political inferiors of their former slaves, and the newcomers from the

North never failed to make this fact as irritating as possible, by speech

and print and action.[1874]

In short, there was anarchy, social and political and economic. As the

negro said, "The bottom rail is on top." The strenuous editor Randolph

said, "The origin of Ku Klux Klan is in the galling despotism that broods

like a nightmare over these southern states,--a fungus growth of military

tyranny superinduced by the fostering of Loyal Leagues, the abrogation of

our civil laws, the habitual violation of our national constitution, and a

persistent prostitution of all government, all resources, and all powers,

to degrade the white man by the establishment of negro supremacy."[1875]

Secret Societies of Regulators, before Ku Klux Klan

On account of the disordered condition of the state in 1865, some kind of

a police power was necessary, the Federal garrisons being but few and

weak. The minds of all men turned at once to the old ante-bellum

neighborhood police patrol.[1876] This patrol had consisted of men usually

selected by the justice of the peace to patrol the entire community once a

week or once a month, usually at night. The duty was compulsory, and every

able-bodied white was subject to it, though there was sometimes

commutation of service. The principal need for this patrol was to keep the

black population in order, and to this end the patrollers were invested

with the authority to inflict corporal punishment in summary fashion.

There were about two companies, of six men and a captain each, to every

township where there was a dense negro population. The attentions of the

patrol were not confined to negroes alone, but now and then a white man

was thrashed for some misdemeanor.[1877] In this respect the patrol was a

body for the regulation of society, so far as petty misdemeanors were

concerned, and every respectable white man was by virtue of his color a

member of this police guard. He had the right, whether in active patrol or

not, to question any strange negro found abroad, or any negro travelling

without a pass, or any white man found tampering with the negroes. It was

to some extent a military organization of society. Much of this was simply

custom, the development of hundreds of years, not a statute regulation,

for that was a recent thing in the history of slavery. It was the old

English neighborhood police system become a part of the customary law of

slavery. After the war some regulation was necessary; the whites were

accustomed to settling such matters outside of law or court; it was bred

into their nature, and they returned perhaps unconsciously to the old

system.[1878]

But now, under the régime of the Freedmen's Bureau backed by the army, the

old way of dealing with refractory blacks was illegal. As a matter of fact

there was no legal way to control them. The result was natural--the

movement to regulate society became a secret one. The white men of each

community had a general understanding that they would assist one another

to protect women, children, and property. They had a system of signals for

communication, but no disguises, and the organization was not kept secret

except from the negroes. In one locality the young men alone were united

into a committee for the regulation of the conduct of negroes. They

requested the women who lived alone on the plantations, the old men, and

others who were likely to be unable to control the negroes, to inform the

committee of instances of misconduct on the part of the blacks. When such

information came, it was immediately acted upon, and the next day there

were sadder and better negroes on some one's plantation.[1879] As a rule

one thrashing in a community lasted a long time. In Hale County a

vigilance committee was formed to protect the women and children in a

section of the black country where there were few white men, most having

been killed in the war. They had a system of signals by means of

plantation bells. There were no disguises, and there was a public place of

meeting.[1880] In the same county, in the fall of 1865, the whites near

Newberne asked General Hardee, then living on his plantation, to take

command of their patrol. His answer was: "No, gentlemen, I want you to

enroll my name for service, but put a younger man in command. I have

served my day as commander. I will be ready to respond when called upon

for active duty. I want to advise you to get ready for what may come. We

are standing over a sleeping volcano."[1881] In Limestone County a similar

organization was composed of peaceable citizens united to disperse or

crush out bands of thieves.[1882] This was in a white county in the

northern section of the state, where the people had suffered during the

war, and were still suffering, from the depredations of the tories. In

Winston and Walker counties the returning Confederate soldiers banded

together and drove many of the tories from the country, hanging several of

the worst characters.[1883] In central and southern Alabama the citizens

resolved themselves into vigilance committees and hanged horse thieves and

other outlaws who were raiding the country, some of them disguised in the

uniforms of Federal soldiers.[1884]

In Marengo County while negro insurrection was feared a secret

organization was formed for the protection of the whites. The members were

initiated in a Masonic hall. Regular meetings were held, and each member

reported on the conduct of the negroes in his community. There were no

whippings necessary in this section, and after a few night rides the

society dissolved. The Bureau and Union League were never successful in

getting absolute control over the "Cane Brake" region, and therefore the

negroes were better behaved and there was less disorder.[1885]

Before Christmas, 1865, when there seemed to be danger of outbreaks of

that part of the negro population who were disappointed in regard to the

division of property, there was a disposition among the whites in some

counties, especially in the eastern Black Belt, to form militia companies,

though this was forbidden by the Washington authorities. Some of these

companies regularly patrolled their neighborhoods. Others undertook to

disarm the freedmen, who were purchasing arms of every description, and in

order to do this searched the negro houses at night. General Swayne,

recognizing the dangerous situation of the whites, forbore to interfere

with these militia companies until after Christmas, when, the negroes

remaining peaceable, he issued an order forbidding further

interference;[1886] but the militia organizations persisted in some shape

until the Reconstruction Acts were passed.

In the eastern counties of the state there was in 1865 and 1866 an

organization, preceding the Ku Klux, called the "Black Cavalry." It was a

secret, oath-bound, night-riding order. Its greatest strength was in

Tallapoosa County, where it was said to have 200 to 300 members. It was

not only a band to regulate the conduct of the negroes, but there was a

large element in it of the poorer whites, who wanted to drive the negro

from the rich lands upon which slavery had settled them, in order to get

them for themselves. This was generally true of all secret orders of

regulators in the white counties from 1865 to 1875, and exactly the

opposite was the case in the Black Belt, where the planters preferred the

negro labor, and never drove out the blacks. The "Black Cavalry," it is

said, drove more negroes from east Alabama than the Ku Klux did.[1887]

There were local bands of regulators policing nearly every district in

Alabama. Few of them had formal organizations or rose to the dignity of

having officers or names, but there were the "Men of Justice," in north

Alabama, principally in Limestone County, and the "Order of Peace,"

partially organized in Huntsville early in 1868,[1888] and many other

local orders.

The Origin and Growth of Ku Klux Klan

The local bands of regulators in existence immediately after the war were

a necessary outcome of the disordered conditions prevailing at the time,

and would have disappeared, with a return to normal conditions under a

strong government which had the respect of the people. But during the

excitement over the action of the Reconstruction convention in the fall of

1867 and the elections of February, 1868, a new secret order became

prominent in Alabama; and when, after the people had defeated the

constitution, Congress showed a disposition to disregard the popular will

as expressed in the result of the election, this order--Ku Klux

Klan--sprang into activity in widely separated localities. The campaign

of the previous six months had made the people desperate when they

contemplated what was in store for them under the rule of carpet-bagger,

scalawag, and negro. The counter-revolution was beginning.

The Ku Klux Klan originated in Pulaski, Tennessee, in the fall of

1865.[1889] The founders were James R. Crowe, Richard R. Reed, Calvin

Jones, John C. Lester, Frank O. McCord, and John Kennedy. Some were

Alabamians and some Tennesseeans. Lester and Crowe lived later in

Sheffield, Alabama. Crowe and Kennedy are the only survivors. It was a

club of young men who had served in the Confederate army, who united for

purposes of fun and mischief, pretty much as college boys in secret

fraternities or country boys as "snipe hunters." The name was an

accidental corruption of the Greek word _kuklos_, a circle, and had no

meaning.[1890] The officers had outlandish titles, and fancy disguises

were adopted. The regalia or uniform consisted of a tall cardboard hat

covered with cloth, on which were pasted red spangles and stars; there was

a face covering, with openings for nose, mouth, and ears; and a long robe

coming nearly to the heels, made of any kind of cloth--white, black, or

red--often fancy colored calico. A whistle was used as a signal.[1891]

This scheme for amusement was successful, and there were plenty of

applications for admission. Members went away to other towns, and under

the direction of the Pulaski Club, or "Den" as it was called, other Dens

were formed. The Pulaski Den was in the habit of parading in full uniform

at social gatherings of the whites at night, much to the delight of the

small boys and girls. Pulaski was near the Alabama line, and many Alabama

young men saw these parades or heard of them, and Dens were organized over

north Alabama in the towns. Nothing but horse-play and tomfoolery took

place in the meetings. In 1867 and 1868 the order appeared in parade in

the north Alabama towns and "cut up curious gyrations" on the public

squares.[1892] The Klan had not long been in existence and was still in

this first stage, and was rapidly speeding, when a pretty general

discovery of its power over the negro was made. The weird night riders in

ghostly disguises frightened the superstitious negroes, who were told that

the spirits of dead Confederates were abroad.[1893] There was a general

belief outside the order that there was a purpose behind all the

ceremonial and frolic of the Dens; many joined the order convinced that

its object was serious; others saw the possibilities in it and joined in

order to make use of it. After discovering the power of the Klan over the

negroes, there was a general tendency, owing to the disordered conditions

of the time, to go into the business of a police patrol and hold in check

the thieving negroes, the Union League, and the "loyalists." From being a

series of social clubs the Dens swiftly became bands of regulators, adding

many fantastic qualities to their original outfit. All this time the

Pulaski organization exercised a loose control over a federation of Dens.

There was danger, as the Dens became more and more police bodies, of some

of the more ardent spirits going to excess, and in several instances Dens

went far in the direction of violence and outrage. Attempts were made by

the parent Den to regulate the conduct of the Dens, but owing to the loose

organization, they met with little success. Some of the Dens lost all

connection with the original order.

Early in 1867 the Grand Cyclops of the Pulaski Den sent requests to the

various Dens in the southern states to send delegates to a convention in

Nashville. This convention met in May, 1867. Delegates from all of the

Gulf states and from several others were present, and the order of Ku Klux

Klan was reorganized. There were at this time Dens in all the southern

states, and even in Illinois and Pennsylvania.[1894] A constitution called

the "Prescript" was here adopted for the entire order. The administration

was centralized, and the entire South was placed under the jurisdiction of

its officials. The former slave states except Delaware constituted the

Empire, which was ruled by the Grand Wizard[1895] with a staff of ten

Genii; each state was a realm under a Grand Dragon and eight Hydras; the

next subdivision was the Dominion, consisting of several counties,[1896]

ruled by a Grand Titan and six Furies; the county as a Province was

governed by a Grand Giant[1897] and four Goblins; the unit was the Den or

community organization. There might be several in each county, each under

a Grand Cyclops and two Night Hawks. The Genii, Hydras, Furies, Goblins,

and Night Hawks were staff officers. Each of the above divisions was

called a Grand *. The order had no name, and at first was designated by

two **, later by three ***. The private members were called Ghouls. The

Grand Magi and the Grand Monk were the second and third officers of the

Den, and had the authority of the Grand Cyclops when the latter was

absent. The Grand Sentinel was in charge of the guard of the Den, and the

Grand Ensign carried its banner on the night rides.[1898] Every division

had a Grand Exchequer, whose duty it was to look after the revenue,[1899]

and a Grand Scribe, or secretary, who called the roll, made reports, and

kept lists of members (without anything to show what the list meant),

usually in Arabic figures, 1, 2, 3, etc. The Grand Turk was the adjutant

of the Grand Cyclops, and gave notice of meetings, executed orders,

received candidates, and administered the preliminary oaths. The officers

of the Den were elected semiannually by the Ghouls; the highest officers

of the other divisions were elected biannually by the officers of the next

lower rank. The first Grand Wizard was to serve three years from May,

1867.[1900] Each superior officer could appoint special deputies to assist

him and to extend the order. Every division made quarterly reports to the

next higher headquarters. In case a question of paramount importance

should arise, the Grand Wizard was invested with absolute authority.[1901]

The Tribunal of Justice consisted of a Grand Council of Yahoos for the

trial of all elected officers, and was composed of those of equal rank

with the accused, presided over by one of the next higher rank; and for

the trial of Ghouls and non-elective officers, the Grand Council of

Centaurs, which consisted of six Ghouls appointed by the Grand Cyclops,

who presided.[1902]

A person was admitted to the Den after nomination by a member and strict

investigation by a committee. No one under eighteen was admitted. The oath

taken was one of obedience and secrecy. The Dens governed themselves by

the ordinary rules of deliberative bodies. The penalty for betrayal of

secret was "the extreme penalty of the Law."[1903] None of the secrets was

to be written. There was a Register of alarming adjectives used in dating

the wonderful Ku Klux orders.[1904]

In the original Prescript no mention was made of the peculiar objects of

the order. The Creed acknowledged the supremacy of the Divine Being, and

the Preamble the supremacy of the laws of the United States.[1905] The

Revised and Amended Prescript sets forth the character and objects of the

order: (1) To protect the weak, the innocent, and the defenceless from the

indignities, wrongs, and outrages of the lawless, the violent, and the

brutal;[1906] to relieve the injured and oppressed; to succor the

suffering and unfortunate, and especially the widows and orphans of

Confederate soldiers. (2) To protect and defend the Constitution of the

United States and all laws passed in conformity thereto, and to protect

the states and people thereof from all invasion from any source whatever.

(3) To aid and assist in the execution of all "constitutional" laws, and

to protect the people from unlawful arrest, and from trial except by their

peers according to the laws of the land.[1907]

[Illustration: Facsimile of Page 3 of the Revised and Amended Prescript of

Ku Klux Klan.]

The questions asked of the candidate constituted a test sufficient to

exclude all except the most friendly whites. The applicant for admission

was asked if he belonged to the Federal army or the Radical party, Union

League, or Grand Army of the Republic, and if he was opposed to the

principles of those organizations. He was asked if he was opposed to negro

equality, political and social, and was in favor of a white man's

government, of constitutional liberty and equitable laws. He was asked if

he was in favor of reënfranchisement and emancipation of the southern

whites, and the restoration to the southern people of their

rights,--property, civil, and political,--and of maintaining the

constitutional rights of the South, and if he believed in the inalienable

right of self-preservation of the people against the exercise of arbitrary

and unlicensed power.

The Revised and Amended Prescript, made in 1868, was an attempt to give

more power of control to the central authorities in order to enable them

to regulate the obstreperous Dens. The purposes of the order, omitted in

the first Prescript, was clearly declared in the revision. Little change

was made in the administration of the order.[1908]

The order continued to spread after the reorganization in 1867. There were

scattered Dens over north Alabama and as far south as Tuscaloosa, Selma,

and Montgomery. It came first to the towns and then spread into the

country. It was less and less an obscure organization, and more and more a

band of regulators, using mystery, disguise, and secrecy to terrify the

blacks into good behavior. It was in many ways a military organization,

the shadowy ghost of the Confederate armies.[1909] The whites were all

well-trained military men; they looked to their military chieftains to

lead them. The best men were members,[1910] though the prominent

politicians as a rule did not belong to the order. They fought the fight

against the Radicals on the other side of the field.[1911]

After the elections in February, 1868, the Ku Klux came into greater

prominence in Alabama, especially in the northern and western portions,

while south Alabama was still quiet.[1912]

The counties of north Alabama infested were Lauderdale, Limestone,

Madison, Jackson, Morgan, Lawrence, Franklin, Madison, Winston, Walker,

Fayette, and Blount. In central Alabama, Montgomery, Greene, Pickens,

Tuscaloosa, Calhoun, Talladega, Randolph, Chambers, Coosa, and

Tallapoosa.[1913] There were bands in most of the other counties, and in

the counties of the Black Belt. The order seldom extended to the lower

edge of the Black Belt. In the Black Belt it met the Knights of the White

Camelia, the White Brotherhood, and later the White League, and in a way

absorbed them all.[1914]

The actual number of the men in regular organized Dens cannot be

ascertained. It was estimated that there were 800 in Madison County, and

10,000 in the state.[1915] Others said that it included all Confederate

soldiers.[1916] The actual number regularly enrolled was much less than

the number who acted as Ku Klux when they considered it necessary. In one

sense practically all able-bodied native white men belonged to the order,

and if social and business ostracism be considered as a manifestation of

the Ku Klux spirit, then the women and children also were Ku Klux.

It is the nature and vice of secret societies of regulators to degenerate,

and the Ku Klux Klan was no exception to the rule. By 1869 the order had

fallen largely under control of a low class of men who used it to further

their own personal aims, to wreak revenge on their enemies and gratify

personal animosities. Outrages became frequent, and the order was

dangerous even to those who founded it.[1917] It had done its work. The

negroes had been in a measure controlled, and society had been held

together during the revolution of 1865-1869. The people were still

harassed by many irritations and persecutions, but while almost

unbearable, they were mostly of a nature to disappear in time as the

carpet-bag governments collapsed. The most material evil at present was

the misgovernment of the Radicals, and this could not last always. But

though the organized Ku Klux Klan was disbanded, the spirit of resistance

was higher than ever; and as each community had problems to deal with they

were met in the old manner--a sporadic uprising of a local Klan. As long

as a carpet-bagger was in power, the principles of the Klan were asserted.

The Knights of the White Camelia

The order known as the Knights of the White Camelia originated in

Louisiana in 1867,[1918] and spread from thence through the Gulf states.

In Alabama it was well organized in the southwestern counties, and to some

extent throughout the lower Black Belt. It probably did not exist in the

southeastern white counties.[1919] The former local vigilance committees,

neighborhood patrol parties, and disbanded militia were absorbed into the

order, which gave them a uniform organization and a certain loose union,

and left them pretty much as independent as before. There was a closer

sympathy between southwest Alabama and Louisiana than between the two

sections of Alabama, which perhaps will account for the failure of Ku Klux

Klan to organize in the southern counties. The White Camelia came to

Alabama from New Orleans _via_ Mobile, and also through southern

Mississippi to southwestern Alabama. Later the White League came the same

way.

In June 1868 a convention of the Knights of the White Camelia was held in

New Orleans, and a constitution was adopted for the order.[1920] The

preamble stated that Radical legislation was subversive of the principles

of government adopted by the fathers, and in order to secure safety and

prosperity the order was founded for the preservation of those principles.

The order consisted of a Supreme Council of the United States, and of

Grand, Central, and Subordinate councils. The Supreme Council with

headquarters in New Orleans consisted of five delegates from each Grand

Council. It was the general legislative body of the order, and maintained

communication within the order by means of passwords and cipher

correspondence. Communication between and with the lowest organizations

was verbal only. All officers were designated by initials.[1921]

In each state the Grand Council[1922] was the highest body, and held its

sessions at the state capital. The membership consisted of delegates from

the Central Councils--one delegate for one thousand members. The Grand

Council had the power of legislation for the state, subject to the

constitution of the order and the laws of the Supreme Council. In each

county or parish there was a Central Council of delegates from Subordinate

Councils.[1923] It was charged with the duty of collecting the revenue and

extending the order within its limits. The lowest organization was the

Council (or Subordinate Council) in a community. This body had sole

authority to initiate members. In each county the Subordinate Councils

were designated by numbers. Each was composed of several Circles (each

under a Grand Chief); each Circle of five Groups (each under a Chief); and

each Group of ten Brothers. Officials of the order were elected by

indirect methods. An ex-member states that "during the three years of its

existence here [Perry County] I believe its organization and discipline

were as perfect as human ingenuity could have made it."[1924]

The constitution prohibited the order as a body from nominating or

supporting any candidate or set of candidates for public office. Each

subordinate rank had the right of local legislation. Quarterly reports

were made by each division. The officers of the higher councils were known

only to their immediate subordinates. When a question came up that

could not be settled it was referred to the next higher council.

[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF PAGE 2 OF THE ORIGINAL PRESCRIPT OF KU KLUX

KLAN.]

[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF PAGE FROM RITUAL OF THE KNIGHTS OF THE WHITE

CAMELIA.]

Only whites[1925] over eighteen were admitted to membership, after

election by the order in which no adverse vote was cast. Each council

acted as a court when charges were brought against its members. Punishment

was by removal or suspension from office; there was no expulsion from the

order; punishment was simply a reducing to ranks. The candidate for

membership into the order was required first to take the oath of secrecy,

which was administered by a subordinate official, who then announced him

to the next higher official.[1926] By the latter the candidate was

presented to the commander of the Council, and in answer to his

interrogations made solemn declaration that he had not married and would

never marry a woman not of the white race, and that he believed in the

superiority of the white race. He promised never to vote for any except a

white man, and never to refrain from voting at any election in which a

negro candidate should oppose a white. He further declared that he would

devote his intelligence, energy, and influence to prevent political

affairs from falling into the hands of the African race, and that he would

protect persons of the white race in their lives, rights, and property

against encroachments from any inferior race, especially the African.

After the candidate had made the proper declarations the final oath was

administered,[1927] after which he was pronounced a "Knight of the ----."

The Commander next instructed the new members in the principles of the

order, which he declared was destined to regenerate the unfortunate

country, and to relieve the white race from its humiliating condition. Its

fundamental object was the "MAINTENANCE OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE WHITE

RACE."[1928] History and physiology were called upon to show that the

Caucasian race had always been superior to, and had always exercised

dominion over, inferior races. No human laws could permanently change the

great laws of nature. The white race alone had achieved enduring

civilization, and of all subordinate races, the most imperfect was the

African. The government of the Republic was established by white men for

white men. It was never intended by its founders that it should fall into

the hands of an inferior race. Consequently, any attempt to transfer the

government to the blacks was an invasion of the sacred rights guaranteed

by the Constitution, as well as a violation of the laws established by God

himself, and no member of the white race could submit, without humiliation

and shame, to the subversion of the established institutions of the

Republic. It was the duty of white men to resist attempts against their

natural and legal rights in order to maintain the supremacy of the

Caucasian race and restrain the "African race to that condition of social

and political inferiority for which God has destined it." There was to be

no infringement of laws, no violations of right, no force employed, except

for purposes of legitimate and necessary defence.

As an essential condition of success, the Order proscribed absolutely any

social equality between the races. If any degree of social equality should

be granted, there would be no end to it; political equality was

necessarily involved. Social equality meant finally intermarriage and a

degraded and ignoble population. The white blood must be kept pure to

preserve the natural superiority of the race. The obligation was

therefore taken "TO OBSERVE A MARKED DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE TWO

RACES,"[1929] in public and in private life.

One of the most important duties of the members was to respect the rights

of the negroes, and in every instance give them their lawful dues. It was

only simple justice to deny them none of their legitimate privileges.

There was no better way to show the inherent superiority of the white

race, than by dealing with the blacks in that spirit of firmness,

liberality, and impartiality which characterizes all superior

organizations. It would be ungenerous to restrict them in the exercise of

certain privileges, without conceding to them at the same time the fullest

measure of their legitimate rights. A fair construction of the white man's

duty to the black would be, not only to respect and observe their

acknowledged rights, but also to see that they were respected and observed

by others.

These declarations give a good idea of what was in the minds of the

southern whites in 1867 and 1868, and later.[1930]

Like the Ku Klux Klan, the Knights of the White Camelia disbanded when the

objects of the order were accomplished, or were in a fair way toward

accomplishment. In some counties it lived a year or two longer than in

others. In certain counties, by order of its authorities, it was never

organized. It did not extend north of the Black Belt, though it existed in

close proximity to the more southerly of the Klans. As the oldest of the

large secret orders, the name of Ku Klux Klan was more widely known than

the others, and hence the name was applied indiscriminately to all. A

local body would assume the name of a large one when there was no direct

connection. The other organizations similar to Ku Klux in objects and

methods[1931] did not have a strong membership in Alabama.

The Work of the Secret Orders

The task before the secret orders was to regulate the conduct of the

blacks and their leaders, in order that honor, life, and property might be

made secure. They planned to do this by playing upon the fears,

superstitions, and cowardice of the black race; by creating a white terror

to offset the black one. To this end they made use of strange and horrible

disguises, mysterious and fearful conversation, midnight rides and drills,

and silent parades.

The costume varied with the locality, often with the individual.[1932] The

Tennessee regalia was too fine for the backwoods Ku Klux to duplicate. The

cardboard hat was generally worn. It was funnel-shaped, eighteen inches to

two feet high, covered with white cloth, and often ornamented with stars

of gold, or by pictures of animals. The mask over the face was sometimes

white, with holes cut for eyes, mouth, and nose. These holes were bound

around with red braid so as to give a horrible appearance. Other eyes,

nose, and mouth were painted higher up on the hat. Black cloth with white

or red braid was also used for the mask. Sometimes simply a woman's veil

was worn over the head and held down by an ordinary woollen hat. The "hill

billy" Ku Kluxes did not adorn themselves very much. To the sides of the

cardboard hats horns were sometimes attached, and to the mask a fringe of

quills, which looked like enormous teeth and made a peculiar noise. The

mask and the robe were usually of different colors. Sometimes a black sack

was drawn over the head, and eyes, mouth, and nose holes cut in it. False

or painted beards were often worn. The robe consisted of a white or

colored gown, reaching nearly to the heels, and held by a belt around the

waist; it was usually made of fancy calico; white gowns were sometimes

striped with red or black. As long as the negro went into spasms of fear

at the sight of a Ku Klux, the usual costume seems to have been white; but

after the negro became somewhat accustomed to the Ku Klux, and learned

that there were human beings behind the robes, the regalia became only a

disguise, and less attention was devoted to making fearful costumes. As a

rule the ordinary clothes worn were underneath, but in Madison County the

Ghouls sported fancy red flannel trousers with white stripes, while the

west Alabama spirits were content with wearing ordinary dark trousers, and

shirts slashed with red. The white robe was often a bed sheet held on by a

belt. After a night ride the disguise could be taken off and stowed about

the person. The horses were covered with sheets or white cloth, held on by

the saddle and by belts. There was, at times, a disguise which fitted the

horse's head, and the horses were sometimes painted. Skeleton sheep's

heads or cows' heads, or even human skulls, were frequently carried on the

saddle-bows. A framework was sometimes made to fit the shoulders of a

Ghoul and caused him to appear twelve feet high. A skeleton wooden hand at

the end of a stick served to greet negroes at midnight. Every man had a

small whistle. The costume was completed by a brace of pistols worn under

the robe.[1933]

[Illustration: KU KLUX COSTUMES. Worn in Western Alabama.]

The trembling negro who ran into the Ku Klux on his return from the

love-feasts at the Loyal League meetings was informed that the white-robed

figures he saw were the spirits of the Confederate dead, killed at

Chickamauga or Shiloh, and that they were unable to rest in their graves

because of the conduct of the negroes. He was told in a sepulchral voice

of the necessity for his remaining at home more and taking a less active

part in various predatory excursions. In the middle of the night the

sleeping negro would wake to find his house surrounded by the ghostly

company, or find several standing by his bedside, ready, as soon as he

woke, to inform him that they were the ghosts of men whom he had formerly

known, killed at Shiloh. They had scratched through from Hell to warn the

negroes of the consequences of their misconduct. Hell was a dry and

thirsty land; they asked him for water. Buckets of water went sizzling

into a sack of leather, rawhide, or rubber, concealed within the flowing

robe. At other times, Hell froze over to give passage to the spirits who

were returning to earth. It was seldom necessary at this early stage to

use violence. The black population was in an ecstacy of fear. A silent

host of white-sheeted horsemen parading the country roads at night was

sufficient to reduce the black to good behavior for weeks or months. One

silent Ghoul, posted near a League meeting place, would be the cause of

the dissolution of that club. Cow bones in a sack were rattled. A horrible

being, fifteen feet tall, walking through the night toward a place of

congregation, was pretty apt to find that every one vacated the place

before he arrived. A few figures, wrapped in bed sheets and sitting on

tombstones in a graveyard near which negroes passed, would serve to keep

the immediate community quiet for weeks, and give it a reputation for

"hants" which lasts perhaps until to-day. At times the Klan paraded the

streets of the towns, men and horses perfectly disguised. The parades were

always silent, and so conducted as to give the impression of very large

numbers. Regular drills were held in town and country, and the men showed

that they had not forgotten their training in the Confederate army. There

were no commands unless in a very low tone or in a mysterious language;

usually they drilled by signs or by whistle signals.[1934]

For a year or more,--until the spring of 1868,--the Klan was successful so

far as the negro was concerned, through its mysterious methods. The

carpet-bagger and the scalawag were harder problems. They understood the

nature of the secret order and knew its objects. As long as the order did

not use violence they were not to be moved to any great extent. Then, too,

the negro lost some of his fear of the supernatural beings. Different

methods were now used. In March and April, 1868, there was an outbreak of

Ku Kluxism over a large part of the state.[1935] For the first time the

newspapers were filled with Ku Klux orders and warnings. The warnings were

found posted on the premises of obnoxious negroes or white Radicals. The

newspapers sometimes published them for the benefit of all who might be

interested. One warning was supposed to be sufficient to cause the erring

to mend their ways.[1936] If still obstinate in their evil courses, a writ

from the Klan followed and punishment was inflicted. Warnings were sent to

all whom the Klan thought should be regulated--white or black. The

warnings were written in disguised handwriting and sometimes purposely

misspelled. The following warning was sent to I. D. Sibley, a

carpet-bagger in Huntsville:--

Mr. Selblys you had better leave here. You are a thief and you know

it. If you don't leave in ten days, we will cut your throat. We aint

after the negroes; but we intend for you damn carpet bag men to go

back to your homes. You are stealing everything you can find. We mean

what we say. _Mind your eye._

JAMES HOWSYN.

WILLIAM WHEREATNEHR.

[Rude drawing of coffin.] JOHN MIXEMUHH.

SOLIMAN WILSON.

P. J. SOLON.

Get away!

We ant no cu-cluxes but if you dont go we will make you.[1937]

[Illustration: KU KLUX WARNING.

"Dam Your Soul. The Horrible _Sepulchre_ and Bloody Moon has at last

arrived. Some live to-day to-morrow "Die." We the undersigned

understand through our Grand "Cyclops" that you have recommended a big

Black Nigger for Male agent on our nu rode; wel, sir, Jest you

understand in time if he gets on the rode you can make up your mind to

pull roape. If you have any thing to say in regard to the Matter, meet

the Grand Cyclops and Conclave at Den No. 4 at 12 o'clock midnight,

Oct. 1st, 1871.

"When you are in Calera we warn you to hold your tounge and not speak

so much with your mouth or otherwise you will be taken on supprise and

led out by the Klan and learnt to stretch hemp. Beware. Beware.

Beware. Beware.

(Signed) "PHILLIP ISENBAUM,

"_Grand Cyclops_.

"JOHN BANKSTOWN.

"ESAU DAVES.

"MARCUS THOMAS.

"BLOODY BONES.

"You know who. And all others of the Klan."]

The published orders of the Klan served a double purpose--to notify the

members of contemplated movements, and to frighten the Radicals, white or

black, who had made themselves offensive. The newspapers usually published

these orders with the remark that the order had been found or had been

sent to them with a request for publication.[1938] Each Cyclops composed

his own orders, but there was a marked resemblance between the various

decrees. The most interesting and lively orders were concocted by the

Cyclops editor of the _Tuscaloosa Independent Monitor_.[1939] Some

specimens are given below.

A Black Belt warning was in this shape:--

_K. K. K._

Friday, April 3rd, 1868

Warning--For one who understands.

26/3/68 No. 5--116

Recorded 8th / 16 / 24--B.

_K. K. K._

The following order was posted in Tuscaloosa:--

KU KLUX.

Hell-a-Bulloo Hole--Den of Skulls.

Bloody Bones, Headquarters of the

Great Ku Klux Klan, No. 1000

Windy Month--New Moon.

Cloudy Night--Thirteenth Hour.

_General Orders, No. 2._

The great chief Simulacre summons you!

Be ready! Crawl slowly! Strike hard!

Fire around the pot!

Sweltered venom, sleeping got

Boil thou first i' the charmed pot!

Like a hell broth boil and bubble!

The Great High Priest Cyclops! C. J. F. Y.

Grim Death calls for one, two, three!

Varnish, Tar, and Turpentine!

The fifth Ghost sounds his Trumpet!

The mighty Genii wants two black wethers!

Make them, make them, make them! Presto!

The Great Giantess must have a white barrow. Make him, make him, make

him! Presto!

Meet at once--the den of Shakes--the Giant's jungles--the hole of

Hell! The second hobgoblin will be there, a mighty Ghost of valor. His

eyes of fire, his voice of thunder! Clean the streets--clean the

serpents' dens.

Red hot pincers! Bastinado!! Cut clean!!! No more to be born. Fire and

brimstone.

Leave us, leave us, leave us! One, two, and three to-night! Others

soon!

Hell freezes! On with skates--glide on. Twenty from Atlanta. Call the

roll. _Bene dicte!_ The Great Ogre orders it!

By order of the Great

BLUFUSTIN.

G. S. K. K. K.

A true copy,

PETERLOO.

P. S. K. K. K.

The following was circulated around Montgomery in April, 1868:--

K. K. K.

CLAN OF VEGA.

HDQR'S K. K. K. HOSPITALLERS.

_Vega Clan_, New Moon.

3rd Month, Anno K. K. K. 1.

_Order No. K. K._

Clansmen--Meet at the Trysting Spot when Orion Kisses the Zenith. The

doom of treason is Death. _Dies Iræ._ The wolf is on his walk--the

serpent coils to strike. Action! Action!! Action!!! By midnight and

the Tomb; by Sword and Torch and the Sacred Oath at Forrester's

Altar, I bid you come! The clansmen of Glen Iran and Alpine will greet

you at the new-made grave.

_Remember the Ides of April._

By command of the Grand D. I. H.

CHEG. V.

The military authorities forbade the newspapers to publish Ku Klux

orders,[1940] and the Klan had to trust to messengers. Verbal orders and

warnings became the rule. The Den met and discussed the condition of

affairs in the community. The cases of violent whites and negroes were

brought up, one by one, and the Den decided what was to be done. Except in

the meeting the authority of the Cyclops was absolute.

C. C. Sheets, a prominent scalawag, had been making speeches to the

negroes against the whites. The Klan visited him at his hotel at Florence,

caught him as he was trying to escape over the roof, brought him back, and

severely lectured him in regard to his conduct. They explained to him that

the Klan was a conservative organization to hold society together. A

promise was required of Sheets to be more guarded in his language for the

future. He saw the light and became a changed man.[1941] When a

carpet-bagger became unbearable, he would be notified that he must go

home, and he usually went. If an official, he resigned or sold his office;

the people of the community would purchase a $100 lot from him for $2500

in order to pay for the office. The office was not always paid for; a

particularly bad man was lucky to get off safe and sound.[1942]

Objectionable candidates were forced to withdraw, or to take a

conservation bondsman, who conducted the office.[1943]

Before the close of 1868 the mysterious element in the power of Ku Klux

Klan ceased to be so effective. The negroes were learning. Most of the

mummery now was dropped. The Klan became purely a body of regulators,

wearing disguises. It was said that in order to have time to work for

themselves, and in order not to frighten away negro laborers, the Klan

became accustomed to making its rounds in the summer after the crops were

laid by, and in the winter after they were gathered.[1944]

The activities of the Klan were all-embracing. From regulating bad negroes

and their leaders they undertook a general supervision of the morals of

the community. Houses of ill-fame were visited, the inmates, white or

black, warned and sometimes whipped. Men who frequented such places were

thrashed. A white man living with a negro woman was whipped, and a negro

man living with a white woman would be killed.[1945] A negro who aired his

opinion in regard to social equality was sure to be punished. One negro in

north Alabama served in the Union army and, returning to Alabama, boasted

that he had a white wife up North and expected to see the custom of mixed

marriages grow down South. He was whipped and allowed a short time in

which to return North.[1946] White men who were too lazy to support their

families, or who drank too much whiskey, or were cruel to their families,

were visited and disciplined. Such men were not always Radicals--not by

any means.[1947] Special attention was paid to the insolent and dangerous

negro soldiers who were mustered out in the state. As a rule they had

imbibed too many notions of liberty, equality, and fraternity ever to

become peaceable citizens. They brought their arms back with them, made

much display of them, talked largely, drilled squads of blacks, fired

their hearts with tales of the North, and headed much of the deviltry. The

Klan visited such characters, warned them, thrashed them, and disarmed

them. Over north Alabama there was a general disarming of negroes.[1948]

The tories or "unionists," who had never ceased to commit depredations on

their Confederate neighbors, were taken in hand by the Klan. In parts of

the white counties where there were neither negroes nor carpet-baggers the

Klan's excuse for existence was to hold in check the white outlaws. For

years after the war the lives and property of ex-Confederates were not

safe. A smouldering civil war existed for several years, and the Klan was

only the ex-Confederate side of it.

During the administration of Governor Smith there was no organized

militia. The militia laws favored the black counties at the expense of the

white ones, and Smith was afraid to organize negro militia; he shared the

dislike of his class for negroes. There were not enough white

reconstructionists to organize into militia companies. The governor was

afraid to accept organizations of Conservatives; they might overthrow his

administration. So he relied entirely upon the small force of the Federal

troops stationed in the state to assist the state officials in preserving

order. The Conservative companies, after their services were rejected,

sometimes proceeded to drill without authority, and became a kind of

extra-legal militia. In this they were not secret. But the drills had a

quieting effect on marauders of all kinds, and the extra-legal militia of

the daytime easily became the illegal night riders of the Klan.[1949]

The operations of the Klan, especially in the white counties which had

large negro populations, were sometimes directed against negro churches

and schoolhouses, and a number of these were burned.[1950] This hostility

may be explained in several ways: The element of poor whites in the Klan

did not approve of negro education; all negro churches and schoolhouses

were used as meeting places for Union Leagues, political gatherings, etc.;

they were the political headquarters of the Radical Party;[1951] again,

the bad character of some of the white teachers of negro schools or the

incendiary teachings of others was excuse for burning the schoolhouses.

The burning of school and church buildings took place almost exclusively

in the white counties of northern and eastern Alabama. The school and

church buildings of the whites were also burned.[1952] The negroes were

invariably assisted by the whites in rebuilding the houses. Most of the

burnings were probably done by the so-called spurious Ku Klux. The

teachers of negro schools who taught revolutionary doctrines or who became

too intimate with the negroes with whom they had to board were

disciplined, and the negroes also with whom they offended.[1953] It was

likewise the case with the northern missionaries, especially the Northern

Methodist preachers who were seeking to disrupt the Southern Methodist

Church. Parson Lakin when elected president of the State University was

chased away by the Ku Klux, and life was made miserable for the Radical

faculty.[1954] Thieves, black and white, and those peculiar clandestine

night traders who purchased corn and cotton from the negroes after dark

were punished.[1955]

The quietest and most effective work was done in the Black Belt

principally by the Knights of the White Camelia. Nothing was attempted

beyond restraining the negroes and driving out the carpet-baggers when

they became unbearable. There were few cases of violence, fewer still of

riots or operations on a large scale.[1956] In northern and western

Alabama were the most disordered conditions.[1957] The question was

complicated in these latter regions by the presence of poor whites and

planters, negroes, Radicals and Democrats, Confederates and Unionists.

Tuscaloosa County, the location of the State University, is said to have

suffered worst of all. A strong organization of Ku Klux cleared it out. In

the northern and western sections of the state politics were more likely

to enter into the quarrels. The Radicals--white and black--were more apt

to be disciplined because of politics than in the Black Belt. Negroes and

offensive whites were warned not to vote the Radical ticket. There was a

disposition to suppress, not to control, the negro vote as the Black Belt

wanted to do. There were more frequent collisions, more instances of

violence.

The most famous parade and riot of the Ku Klux Klan occurred in

Huntsville, in 1868, before the presidential election. A band of 1500 Ku

Klux[1958] rode into the city and paraded the streets. Both men and horses

were covered with sheets and masks. The drill was silent; the evolutions

were executed with a skill that called forth praise from some United

States army officers who were looking on. The negroes were in a frenzy of

fear, and one of them fired a shot. Immediately a riot was on. The negroes

fired indiscriminately at themselves and at the undisguised whites who

were standing around. The latter returned the fire; the Ku Klux fired no

shots, but formed a line and looked on. Several negroes were wounded, and

Judge Thurlow, a scalawag, of Limestone County, was accidentally killed by

a chance shot from a negro's gun. The whites who took part received only

slight wounds. Some of the Ghouls were arrested by the military

authorities, but were released.[1959] This was, in the annals of the

Radical party, a great Ku Klux outrage.

Another widely heralded Ku Klux outrage was the Patona or Cross Plains

affair, in Calhoun County, in 1870. It seems that at Cross Plains a negro

boy was hired to hold a horse for a white man. He turned the horse loose,

and was slapped by the white fellow. Then the negro hit the white on the

head with a brick. Other whites came up and cuffed the negro, who went to

Patona, a negro railway village a mile away, and told his story. William

Luke, a white Canadian, who was teaching a negro school at Patona, advised

the negroes to arm themselves and go burn Cross Plains in revenge and for

protection. Thirty or forty went, under the leadership of Luke, and made

night hideous with threats of violence and burning, but finally went away

without harming any one. The next night Luke and his negroes returned, and

fired into a congregation of whites just dismissed from church. None were

injured, but Luke and several negroes were arrested. There were signs of

premeditated delay on the part of some of the civil authorities, so the Ku

Klux came and took the Canadian and four negroes from the officers,

carried them to a lonely spot, and hanged some and shot the rest.[1960]

In Greene County the county solicitor, Alexander Boyd, an ex-convict,

claimed to have evidence against members of the Ku Klux organization. He

boasted about his plans, and the Ku Klux, hearing of it, went to his hotel

in Eutaw and shot him to death.[1961]

Another famous outrage was the Eutaw riot, in 1870. Both Democrats and

Radicals had advertised political meetings for the same time and place.

The Radicals, who seem to have been the latest comers, asked the Democrats

for a division of time. The latter answered that the issues as to men or

measures were not debatable. So the Democrats and Radicals held their

meetings on opposite sides of the court-house. The Democrats' meeting

ended first, and they stood at the edge of the crowd to hear the Radical

speakers. Some of the hot bloods came near the stand and made sarcastic

remarks. One man who was to speak, Charles Hays, was so obnoxious to the

whites that even the Radicals were unwilling for him to speak. He

persisted, and some one, presumably a Conservative, pulled his feet out

from under him, and he fell off the table from which he was speaking. The

negroes, seeing his fall, rushed forward with knives and pistols to

protect him. A shot was fired, which struck Major Pierce, a Democrat, in

the pocket. Then the whites began firing, principally into the air. The

negroes tore down the fence in their haste to get away. After the whites

had chased the negroes out of town the military came leisurely in and

quelled the riot.[1962] The campaign report of casualties was five killed

and fifty-four wounded. As a matter of fact only one wounded negro was

ever found, and no dead ones.[1963]

A common kind of outrage was that on James Alston, the negro

representative in the legislature from Macon County in 1870. Alston was

shot by negro political rivals just after a League meeting in Tuskegee.

They were arrested, and Alston asked the whites to protect him. The

Democratic white citizens of Tuskegee guarded him. The carpet-bag

postmaster in Tuskegee saw the possibilities of the situation and sent

word to the country negroes to come in armed, that Alston had been shot.

They swarmed into Tuskegee, and, thinking the whites had shot Alston, were

about to burn the town. The white women and children were sent to

Montgomery for safety. About the same time the negroes murdered three

white men. The excitement reached Montgomery, and a negro militia company

was hastily organized to go to the aid of the Tuskegee negroes. General

Clanton got hold of the sheriff, and they succeeded in turning back the

negro volunteer company. The affair passed off without further bloodshed,

and Alston was notified to leave Tuskegee.[1964]

There were no collisions between the United States soldiers and the night

riders. At first they were on pretty good terms with one another. The

soldiers admired their drills and parades and the way they scared the

negroes. One impudent Cyclops rode his band into Athens, and told the

commanding officer that they were there to assist in preserving order,

and, if he needed them, would come if he scratched on the ground with a

stick.[1965]

While there was not much dependence upon central authority,[1966] there

was a loose bond of federation between the Dens. They coöperated in their

work; a Den from Pickens County would operate in Tuscaloosa or Greene and

_vice versa_. Alabama Ku Kluxes went into Mississippi and Tennessee, and

those states returned such favors. When the spurious organizations began

to commit outrages, each state claimed that the other one furnished the

men.[1967]

The oath taken by the Ku Klux demanded supreme allegiance to the order so

far as related to the problems before the South. Members of the order sat

on juries and refused to convict; were summoned as witnesses and denied

all knowledge of the order; were members of the legislature, lawyers, etc.

It is claimed that no genuine members of the order were ever caught and

convicted.[1968]

Though the Klan was almost wholly a Democratic organization,[1969] it took

little share in the ordinary activities of politics, more perhaps in the

northern counties than elsewhere. In Fayette County, in 1870, the Klan

went on a raid, and when returning stopped in the court-house, took off

disguises, resolved themselves into a convention, and nominated a county

ticket.[1970] Nothing of the kind was done in south Alabama; indeed, the

constitution of the White Camelias forbade interference in politics.[1971]

The Union League meetings were broken up only when they were sources of

disorder, thievery, etc. When cases of outrage were investigated, it was

almost invariably found that they had no political significance. Governor

Lindsay sent an agent into every community where an outrage was reported,

and in not a single instance was a case of outrage by Ku Klux discovered.

It is probably true that few, if any, of the leading Democratic

politicians were members of the Klan or of any similar organization. Under

certain conditions they might be driven by force of circumstances to join

in local uprisings against the rule of the Radicals. But as a rule they

knew little of the secret orders. There were various reasons for this. The

Conservative leaders saw the danger in such an organization, though

recognizing the value of its services. It was sure to degenerate. It might

become too powerful. It would have a bad influence on politics and would

furnish too much campaign literature for the Radicals. It would result in

harsh legislation against the South. The testimony of General

Clanton[1972] and Governor Lindsay[1973] shows just what the party leaders

knew of the order and what they thought of it. The Ku Klux leaders were

not the political leaders.[1974] The newspapers of importance opposed the

order. The opposition of the political leaders to the Klan in its early

stages was not because of any wrong done by it to the Radicals, but

because of fear of its acting as a boomerang and injuring the white party.

It was the middle classes, so to speak, and later the lower classes, who

felt more severely the tyranny of the carpet-bag rule, who formed and led

the Klan. The political leaders thought that in a few years political

victories would give relief; the people who suffered were unable to wait,

and threw off the revolutionary government by revolutionary means.[1975]

The work of the secret orders was successful. It kept the negroes quiet

and freed them to some extent from the baleful influence of alien leaders;

the burning of houses, gins, mills, and stores ceased; property was more

secure; people slept safely at night; women and children were again

somewhat safe when walking abroad,--they had faith in the honor and

protection of the Klan; the incendiary agents who had worked among the

negroes left the country, and agitators, political, educational, and

religious, became more moderate; "bad niggers" ceased to be bad; labor was

less disorganized; the carpet-baggers and scalawags ceased to batten on

the southern communities, and the worst ones were driven from the

country.[1976] It was not so much a revolution as a conquest of

revolution.[1977] Society was bent back into the old historic grooves from

which war and Reconstruction had jarred it.

Spurious Ku Klux Organizations

After an existence of two or three years the Ku Klux Klan was disbanded in

March, 1869, by order of the Grand Wizard. It was at that time illegal to

print Ku Klux notices and orders in the newspapers. It is probable,

therefore, that the order to disband never reached many Dens. However, one

or two papers in north Alabama did publish the order of dissolution, and

in this way the news obtained a wider circulation.[1978] Many Dens

disbanded simply because their work was done. Otherwise the order of the

Grand Wizard would have had no effect. Numbers of Dens had fallen into the

hands of lawless men who used the name and disguise for lawless purposes.

Private quarrels were fought out between armed bands of disguised men.

Negroes made use of Ku Klux methods and disguises when punishing their

Democratic colored brethren and when on marauding expeditions.[1979] This,

however, was not usual except where the negroes were led by whites. Horse

thieves in northern and western Alabama, and thieves of every kind

everywhere, began to wear disguises and to announce themselves as Ku Klux.

All their proceedings were heralded abroad as Ku Klux outrages.[1980]

In Morgan County a neighborhood feud was resolved into two parties calling

themselves Ku Klux and Anti Ku Klux, and frequently fights resulted. In

Blount and Morgan counties (1869) former members of the Ku Klux organized

the Anti Ku Klux along the lines of the Ku Klux, held regular meetings,

and continued their midnight deviltry as before. It was composed largely

of Union men who had been Federal soldiers.[1981] In Fayette County the

Anti Ku Klux order was styled, by themselves and others, "Mossy Backs" or

"Moss Backs," in allusion to their war record. They were regularly

organized and had several collisions with another organization which they

called the Ku Klux. The Radical sheriff summoned the "Moss Backs" as a

_posse_ to assist in the arrest of the Ku Klux, as they called the

ex-Confederates.[1982] As long as the Federal troops were in the state it

was the practice of bands of thieves to dress in the army uniform and go

on raids.

The Radicals took care that all lawlessness was charged to the account of

Ku Klux. It was to their interest that the outrages continue and furnish

political capital. Governor Smith accused Senator Spencer and Hinds and

Sibley, of Huntsville, of fostering Ku Klux outrages for political

purposes.[1983]

The disordered condition of the country during and after the war led to a

general habit among the whites of carrying arms. This fact and the

drinking of bad whiskey accounts for much of the shooting in quarrels

during the decade following the war. Few of these quarrels had any

connection with politics until they were catalogued in the Ku Klux Report

as Democratic outrages. As a matter of fact, nearly all the whites killed

by whites or by blacks were Democrats. The white Radicals were too few in

number to furnish many martyrs.[1984] The anti-negro feeling of the poorer

whites found expression after the war in movements against the blacks,

called Ku Klux outrages. In Winston County, a Republican stronghold, the

white mountaineers met and passed resolutions that no negro be allowed in

the county. General Clanton stated that he found a similar prejudice in

all the hill counties.[1985]

In the Tennessee valley the planters found difficulty in securing negro

labor because of the operations of the spurious Ku Klux. In Limestone,

Madison, and Lauderdale counties the tory element hated the negroes, who

lived on the best land, and attempts were made to drive them off. The

tories were incensed against the planters because they preferred negro

labor.[1986] Judge W. S. Mudd of Jefferson County testified that the

anti-negro outrages in Walker and Fayette counties were committed by the

poorer whites, who did not like negroes and wanted a purely white

population there. In the white counties generally the negro held no

political power and hence the outrages were not political, but because of

racial prejudice. In the north Alabama mountain counties the majority of

the whites were in favor of deportation and colonization of the blacks.

But in nearly every county there was also the large landholder, formerly a

slaveholder, who wanted the negro to stay and work, and who treated the

ex-slave kindly. The poorer whites who had never owned slaves nor much

property wanted the negro out of the way.[1987] As a general rule, where

the population was exclusively white, the people disliked the negro and

wanted no contact with the black race. They wanted a white society, and

all lands for the whites. In one precinct in Jefferson County, where all

the whites were Republican, an organization of boys and young men was

formed to drive out the negroes and keep the precinct white. In the black

counties exactly the opposite was true. The secret orders merely wanted to

control negro labor and keep it, regulate society, and protect property.

General Forney stated that in Calhoun the small mountain farmers,

non-slaveholding, poorer whites, were intensely afraid of social equality

and hated the negroes, who called them "poor white trash." The feeling was

cordially returned by the negroes.[1988]

From Tallapoosa County and from eastern Alabama generally, where the

Black Cavalry and its successors flourished, there was a general exodus of

negroes who had lived on the richer lands of the larger farms and

plantations. The white renters and small farmers were afraid, after

slavery was abolished and the negroes were free, that the latter would

drag all others down to negro level. The planters preferred negro labor.

Therefore the poorer whites united to drive out the negro. This was called

Ku Kluxism. The whites wanted higher pay.[1989] Wage-earners felt that

they could not compete with the negro, who could work for lower wages.

General Crawford, who commanded the United States troops in Alabama,

stated that the planter bore no antagonism toward the negro at all, but he

wanted his labor; that at present he saw the uselessness of interfering

with the negro's politics and was indifferent about whether the negro

voted or not; he looked forward to the time when the black voters would

fall away from their alien leaders and would vote according to the advice

of their old masters; on the other hand, the poorer whites, many of them

from the hill country, were hostile to the negroes; they disliked to see

them at work building the new railroads, and on all the rich lands, and

possessed of political privileges. If rid of the negro, they could be more

prosperous and divide the political spoils now shared by the adventurers

who controlled the black vote. In north Alabama the negro was more

generally kept away from the polls.[1990] This feeling on the part of the

poor whites was not new, but had survived from slavery days, and its

manifestations were now called Ku Kluxism. The negro was no longer under

the protection of a master, and the former master was no longer able to

protect the negro. However, there was a general movement among the

ex-slaves, under the pressure, to return to their old masters.

Attempts to suppress the Ku Klux Movement

In March and April, 1868, the operations of the Ku Klux Klan came to the

notice of General Meade, who was then in command of the Third Military

District. By his direction General Shepherd issued an order from

Montgomery, requiring sheriffs, mayors, police, constables, magistrates,

marshals, etc., under penalty of being held responsible, to suppress the

"iniquitous" organization and apprehend its members. The expenses of

_posses_ were to be charged against the county. If the code of Alabama was

silent on the subject of the offence, the prisoners were to be turned over

to the military authorities for trial by military commission. The state

officers were reminded that the code of Alabama derived its vitality from

the commanding general of the Third Military District, and in case of a

conflict between the code and military orders, the latter were paramount.

The posting of placards and the printing in newspapers of orders,

warnings, and notices of Ku Klux Klans was forbidden. In no case would

ignorance be considered as an excuse. Citizens who were not officers would

not be held guiltless in case of outrage in their community.[1991] This

was a revival of the method of holding a community responsible for the

misdeeds of individuals.

Troops were shifted about over northern and central Alabama in an endeavor

to suppress Ku Klux. Several arrests were made, but there were no trials.

There was much parade and night riding, but as yet little violence. The

soldiers could do nothing.

When the carpet-bag government was installed, the military forces of the

United States remained to support it. Every one called upon the military

commands for aid--governor, sheriffs, judges, members of Congress,

justices of the peace, and prominent politicians. No request from official

sources was ever refused, and they were frequent. From October 31, 1868,

to October 31, 1869, there were fifteen different shiftings of bodies of

troops for the purpose of checking the Ku Klux movement. This does not

include the movements made in individual cases, but only changes of

headquarters. These were principally in northern and western Alabama--at

Huntsville, Livingston, Guntersville, Lebanon, Edwardsville, Alpine,

Summerfield, Decatur, Marysville, Vienna, and Tuscaloosa.[1992]

After a few months' experience of the carpet-bag government, the bands of

Ku Klux were excited to renewed activity. The legislature which met in

September, 1868, memorialized the President to send an armed force to

Alabama to execute the laws, and to preserve order, etc., during the

approaching presidential election. Governor Smith with two members of the

Senate and three of the lower house were appointed to bear the

application to the President.[1993] In December an act was passed

authorizing any justice of the peace to issue warrants running in any part

of the state, and authorizing any sheriff or constable to go into any

county to execute such process.[1994] This enabled a sheriff of proper

politics to enter counties where the officials were not of the proper

faith, and arrest prisoners.

One of the members of the general assembly, M. T. Crossland, was killed by

the Klan, it was alleged. The legislature offered a reward of $5000 for

his slayers, and authorized the appointment of a committee to investigate

the recent alleged outrages and to report by bill.[1995] The

committee,[1996] after pretence of an examination of about a dozen

witnesses, all Radicals, some by affidavit only, reported that there was

in many portions of Alabama a secret organization, purely political, known

as Ku Klux Klan, and that Union men and Republicans were the sole objects

of its abuse, none of the opposite politics being interfered with. It

worked by means of threatening letters, warnings, and beatings; by

intimidation and threats negroes were driven from the polls; negro

schoolhouses were burned; teachers were threatened, ostracized, and driven

from employment; officers of the law were obstructed in the discharge of

their duty and driven away. In some parts of the state, the report

declared, it was impossible for the civil authorities to maintain order.

The governor was authorized and advised to declare martial law in the

counties of Madison, Lauderdale, Butler, Tuscaloosa, and Pickens.[1997]

The committee reported a bill, which was passed, with a preamble of

twenty-two lines reciting the terrible condition of the state. To appear

away from home in mask or disguise was made a misdemeanor, punishable by

a fine of $100 and imprisonment from six months to one year. For a

disguised person to commit an assault was made a felony, and punishment

was fixed at a fine of $1000, and imprisonment from five to twenty years.

Any one might kill a person in disguise. The penalty for destruction of

property by disguised persons--burning a schoolhouse or church--was

imprisonment from ten to twenty years. A warrant might be issued by any

magistrate directed to any lawful officer of the state to arrest disguised

offenders, and in case of refusal or neglect to perform his duty, the

official was to forfeit his office and be fined $500.[1998]

Two days later it was enacted that in case a person were killed by an

outlaw, or by a mob, or by disguised persons, or for political opinion,

the widow or next of kin should be entitled to recover of the county in

which the killing occurred the sum of $5000. The claimants should bring

action in the circuit court, and in case judgment were rendered in favor

of the claimants, the county commissioners should assess an additional tax

sufficient to pay damages and costs. Failure of any official to perform

his duty in such cases was punishable by a fine of $100 or imprisonment

for twelve months for every thirty days of neglect or failure. In case of

whipping the amount of damages collectible from the county was $1000. But

if the offenders were arrested and punished, there could be no claim for

damages. And if the offenders were arrested during the pendency of the

suit for damages, the presiding judge might suspend proceedings in the

damage suit until the result of the trial of the offenders was known. It

was made the duty of the solicitor to prosecute the claim for the

relatives, and his fee was fixed at 10 per cent of the amount recovered;

and if the relatives failed to sue within twelve months, the solicitor was

to prosecute in the name of the state, and the damages were to go to the

asylums for the insane, deaf, dumb, and blind.[1999]

A number of arrests were made under these acts, but only one or two

convictions were secured. It resulted that most of the arrests were of

ignorant and penniless negroes, who were unable to pay any fine whatever.

Governor Lindsay defended several such cases. The laws were so severe that

the officials were unwilling to prosecute under them, but always

prosecuted under the ordinary laws.

After 1868 there was no further anti-Ku-Klux legislation by the state

government, but in 1869-1870 some of the southern states, Alabama among

them, began to show signs of going Democratic. Virginia, Georgia,

Mississippi, and Texas had been forced to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment

in order to secure the requisite number for its adoption.[2000] President

Grant then sent in a message announcing the ratification as "the most

important event that has occurred since the nation came into life."[2001]

Congress responded to the hint in the message by passing the first of the

Enforcement Acts, which had been hanging fire for nearly two years. The

excuse for its passage was that the Ku Klux organizations would prevent

the blacks from voting in the fall elections of 1870.[2002] The act, as

approved on May 31, 1870, declared that all citizens were entitled to vote

in all elections without regard to color or race and provided that

officials should be held personally responsible that all citizens should

have equal opportunity to perform all tests or prerequisites to

registration or voting; election officials were held responsible for fair

elections; any person who hindered another in voting might be fined $500,

to go to the party aggrieved, and persons in disguise might be fined $5000

or imprisoned for ten years, or both, and should be disfranchised besides.

Federal courts were to have exclusive jurisdiction over cases arising

under this law, and Federal officials were to see to its execution; the

penalty for obstructing an official or assisting an escape might be $500

fine and six months' imprisonment; the President was given authority to

use the army and navy to enforce the law; the district attorneys of the

United States were to proceed by _quo warranto_ against disfranchised

persons who were holding office, and such persons might be fined $1000 and

imprisonment for one year,--such cases were to have precedence on the

docket; the same penalties were visited upon those who under color of any

law deprived a citizen of any right under this law; the Civil Rights Bill

of 1866, April 9, was reënacted;[2003] fraud, bribery, intimidation, or

undue influence or violation of any election law at Congressional

elections might be punished by a fine of $500 and imprisonment for three

years; registrations--congressional, state, county, school, or town--came

under the same regulation, and officials of all degrees who failed in

their duty were liable to the same penalties; a defeated candidate might

contest the election in the Federal courts when there were cases of the

negro having been hindered from voting.[2004]

This act marked the arrival of the most ruthless period of Reconstruction.

Endowing the negro with full political rights had not sufficed to overcome

the white political people. Disappointed in that, an attempt was now to be

made so to regulate southern elections as to put the mass of the white

population permanently under the control of the negroes and their white

leaders, and to secure the permanent control of those states to the

Republican party. Tennessee had already escaped from the Radical rule, and

stringent measures were necessary to prevent like action in the other

states. Notwithstanding the Enforcement Act, Alabama, in the election of

1870, went partially Democratic, which was to the Radical leaders _prima

facie_ evidence of the grossest frauds in elections. Other states were in

a similarly bad condition.

The supplementary Enforcement Act of February 28, 1871, provided for the

appointment of two supervisors to each precinct by the Federal circuit

judge upon the application of two persons; the Federal courts were to be

in session during elections for business arising under this act; the

supervisors were to have full authority around the polls, and were to

certify and send in the returns, and report irregularities, which were to

be investigated by the chief supervisor, who was to keep all records; the

supervisors were to be assisted in each precinct by two special deputy

marshals appointed by the United States marshal for that district. These

deputies and also the supervisors had full power to arrest any person and

to summon a _posse_ if necessary. Offenders were haled at once before the

Federal court. Any election offence was punishable by a fine of $3000 and

imprisonment of two years, with costs. To refuse to give information in an

investigation subjected the person to a fine of $100 and thirty days'

imprisonment and costs. State courts were forbidden to try cases coming

under the act, and proceedings after warning, by state officials, resulted

in imprisonment and fine amounting to one year and $500 to $1000, plus

costs.[2005]

It was feared that these acts might prove insufficient to carry the

southern states for the Republican party in 1872. Grant was becoming more

and more radical as the Republican nominating convention and the elections

drew nearer. Under the influence of the Radical leaders, he sent, on March

23, 1871, a message[2006] to Congress, declaring that in some of the

states a condition of affairs existed rendering life and property

insecure, and the carrying of mails and collection of revenue dangerous;

the state governments were unable to control these evils; and it was

doubtful if the President had the authority to interfere. He therefore

asked for legislation to secure life, property, and the enforcement of

law.[2007]

Congress came to the rescue with the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871, "in

which Congress simply threw to the winds the constitutional distribution

of powers between the states and the United States government in respect

to civil liberty, crime, and punishment, and assumed to legislate freely

and without limitation for the preservation of civil and political rights

within the state."[2008]

It gave the President authority to declare the southern states in

rebellion and to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_--after a proclamation

against insurrection, domestic violence, unlawful combinations, and

conspiracies. Such a state of affairs was declared a rebellion, and the

President was authorized to use the army and navy to suppress it. Heavy

penalties were denounced ($500 to $5000 fine, and six months' to six

years' imprisonment) against persons who conspired to overthrow or destroy

the United States government or to levy war against the United States; or

who hindered the execution of the laws of the United States, seized its

property, prevented any one from accepting or holding office or

discharging official duties, drove away or injured, in person or property,

any official or any witness in court, went in disguise on highway or on

the premises of others, and hindered voting or office-holding. Any person

injured in person, property, or privilege had the right to sue the

conspirators for damages under the Civil Rights Bill. In Federal courts

the jurors had to take oath that they were not in any way connected with

such conspiracies, and the judges were empowered to exclude suspected

persons from the jury. Persons not connected with such conspiracies, yet

having knowledge of such things, were liable to the injured party for all

damages.[2009]

On May 3, 1871, Grant issued a proclamation calling attention to the fact

that the law was one of "extraordinary public importance" and, while of

general application, was directed at the southern states, and stating that

when necessary he would not hesitate to exhaust the powers vested by the

act in the executive. The failure of local communities to protect all

citizens would make it necessary for the national government to

interfere.[2010]

Ku Klux Investigation

In order to justify the passage of the Enforcement Acts and to obtain

material for campaign use the next year, Congress appointed a committee,

which was organized on the day the Ku Klux Act was approved, to

investigate the condition of affairs in the southern states.[2011] From

June to August, 1871, the committee took testimony in Washington. In the

fall subcommittees visited the various southern states selected for the

inquisition. About one-fourth of the Alabama testimony was taken in

Washington, the rest was taken by the subcommittee in Alabama.

The members of the subcommittee that took testimony in Alabama were

Senators Pratt and Rice, and Messrs. Blair, Beck, and Buckley of the

House. Blair and Beck, the Democratic members, were never present

together. So the subcommittee consisted of three Republicans and one

Democrat. C. W. Buckley was a Radical Representative from Alabama, a

former Bureau reverend, who worked hard to convict the white people of the

state of general wickedness. The subcommittee held sessions in Huntsville,

October 6-14; Montgomery, October 17-20; Demopolis, October 23-28;

Livingston, October 30 to November 3; and in Columbus, Mississippi, for

west Alabama, November 11. All these places were in black counties.

Sessions were held only at easily accessible places, and where scalawag,

carpet-bag, and negro witnesses could easily be secured. Testimony was

also taken by the committee in Washington from June to August, 1871.

It is generally believed that the examination of witnesses by the Ku Klux

committees of Congress was a very one-sided affair, and that the testimony

is practically without value for the historian, on account of the immense

proportion of hearsay reports and manufactured tales embraced in it. Of

course there is much that is worthless because untrue, and much that may

be true but cannot be regarded because of the character of the witnesses,

whose statements are unsupported. But, nevertheless, the 2008 pages of

testimony taken in Alabama furnish a mine of information concerning the

social, religious, educational, political, legal, administrative,

agricultural, and financial conditions in Alabama from 1865 to 1871. The

report itself, of 632 pages, contains much that is not in the testimony,

especially as regards railroad and cotton frauds, taxation, and the public

debt, and much of this information can be secured nowhere else.

The minority members of the subcommittee which took testimony in Alabama,

General Frank P. Blair and later Mr. Beck of New York, caused to be

summoned before the committee at Washington, and before the subcommittee

in Alabama, the most prominent men of the state--men who, on account of

their positions, were intimately acquainted with the condition of affairs.

They took care that the examination covered everything that had occurred

since the war. The Republican members often protested against the evidence

that Blair proposed to introduce, and ruled it out. He took exceptions,

and sometimes the committee at Washington admitted it; sometimes he

smuggled it in by means of cross-questioning, or else he incorporated it

into the minority report. On the other hand, the Republican members of the

subcommittee seem to have felt that the object of the investigation was

only to get campaign material for the use of the Radical party in the

coming elections. They summoned a poor class of witnesses, a large

proportion of whom were ignorant negroes who could only tell what they had

heard or had feared. The more respectable of the Radicals were not

summoned, unless by the Democrats. In several instances the Democrats

caused to be summoned the prominent scalawags and carpet-baggers, who

usually gave testimony damaging to the Radical cause.

An examination of the testimony shows that sixty-four Democrats and

Conservatives were called before the committee and subcommittee. Of these,

fifty-seven were southern men, five were northern men residing in the

state, and two were negroes. The Democrats testified at great length,

often twenty to fifty pages. Blair and Beck tried to bring out everything

concerning the character of carpet-bag rule.[2012]

Thirty-four scalawags, fifteen carpet-baggers, and forty-one negro

Radicals came before the committee and subcommittee. Some of these were

summoned by Blair or Beck, and a number of them disappointed the

Republican members of the committee by giving Democratic testimony.[2013]

The Radicals could only repeat, with variations, the story of the Eutaw

riot, the Patona affair, the Huntsville parade, etc. Of the prominent

carpet-baggers and scalawags whose testimony was anti-Democratic, most

were men of clouded character.[2014] The testimony of the higher Federal

officials was mostly in favor of the Democratic contention.[2015] The

negro testimony, however worthless it may appear at first sight, becomes

clear to any one who, knowing the negro mind, remembers the influences

then operating upon it. From this class of testimony one gets valuable

hints and suggestions. The character of the white scalawag and carpet-bag

testimony is more complex, but if one has the history of the witness, the

testimony usually becomes intelligible. In many instances the testimony

gives a short history of the witness.

The material collected by the Ku Klux Committee, and other committees that

investigated affairs in the South after the war, can be used with profit

only by one who will go to the biographical books and learn the social and

political history of each person who testified. When the personal history

of an important witness is known, many obscure things become plain. Unless

this is known, one cannot safely accept or reject any specific testimony.

To one who works in Alabama Reconstruction, Brewer's "Alabama," Garrett's

"Reminiscences," the "Memorial Record," old newspaper files, and the

memories of old citizens are indispensable.

There is in the first volume of the Alabama Testimony a delightfully

partisan index of seventy-five pages. In it the summary of Democratic

testimony shows up almost as Radical as the most partisan on the other

side. It is meant only to bring out the violence in the testimony.

According to it, one would think all those killed or mistreated were

Radicals. The same man frequently figures in three situations, as "shot,"

"outraged," and "killed." General Clanton's testimony of thirty pages gets

a summary of four inches, which tells nothing; that of Wager, a Bureau

agent, gets as much for twelve pages, which tells something; and that of

Minnis, a scalawag, twice as much. There is very little to be found in the

testimony that relates directly to the Ku Klux Klan and similar

organizations. Had the sessions of the subcommittee been held in the white

counties of north and southwest Alabama, where the Klans had flourished,

probably they might have found out something about the organization. But

the minority members were determined to expose the actual condition of

affairs in the state from 1865 to 1871. No matter how much the Radicals

might discover concerning unlawful organizations, the Democrats stood

ready with an immense deal of facts concerning Radical misgovernment to

show cause why such organizations should arise. Consequently the three

volumes of testimony relating to Alabama are by no means pro-Radical,

except in the attitude of the majority of the examiners.[2016]

Below is given a table of alleged Ku Klux outrages, compiled from the

testimony taken. The Ku Klux report classifies all violence under the four

heads: killing, shooting, outrage, whipping. The same case frequently

figures in two or more classes. Practically every case of violence,

whether political or not, is brought into the testimony. The period

covered is from 1865 to 1871. Radical outrages as well as Democratic are

listed in the report as Ku Klux outrages. In a number of cases Radical

outrages are made to appear as Democratic. Many of the cases are simply

hearsay. It is not likely that many instances of outrage escaped notice,

for every case of actual outrage was proven by many witnesses. Every

violent death of man, woman, or child, white or black, Democratic or

Radical, occurring between 1865 and 1871, appears in the list as a Ku Klux

outrage. Evidently careful search had been made, and certain witnesses had

informed themselves about every actual deed of violence. There were then

sixty-four counties in the state, and in only twenty-nine of them were

there alleged instances of Ku Klux outrage.

TABLE OF ALLEGED OUTRAGES COMPILED FROM THE KU KLUX TESTIMONY

==========================================================

COUNTY |KILLINGS|OUTRAGES|SHOOTINGS|WHIPPINGS|TOTAL

--------------|--------|--------|---------|---------|-----

Autauga | -- | 1 | -- | -- | 1

Blount (k) | 2 | 3 | -- | 6 | 11

Calhoun | 6 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 9

Chambers (k) | 1 | -- | 1 | -- | 2

Cherokee (k) | -- | 2 | -- | 1 | 3

Choctaw (x) | 11 | 1 | 3 | -- | 15

Coosa | -- | -- | 1 | 12 | 13

Colbert (k) | 1 | 1 | -- | 1 | 3

Dallas (x) | 1 | 1 | -- | -- | 2

Fayette (k) | 1 | -- | -- | 3 | 4

Greene (x) | 11 | 4 | 1 | 3 | 19

Hale (x) | 1 | 3 | 2 | 1 | 7

Jackson | 4 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 10

Lauderdale | -- | -- | -- | 1 | 1

Lawrence (k) | 2 | -- | -- | -- | 2

Limestone (k) | 7 | 1 | -- | 1 | 9

Macon (x) | 1 | 4 | 1 | 1 | 7

Madison (x) | 6 | 19 | 5 | 19 | 49

Marshall (k) | 1 | -- | 1 | 1 | 3

Marengo (x) | 1 | 6 | -- | 4 | 11

Montgomery (x)| -- | 1 | -- | -- | 1

Morgan (k) | 4 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 10

Perry (x) | 2 | -- | 2 | 2 | 6

Pickens (x) | -- | -- | -- | 9 | 9

Sumter (x) | 21 | 4 | 9 | 4 | 38

St. Clair | 1 | 1 | 1 | -- | 3

Tallapoosa (k)| -- | -- | -- | 1 | 1

Tuscaloosa (k)| 8 | -- | -- | -- | 8

Walker (k) | -- | -- | -- | 1 | 1

| | | | +-----

Total | | | | 258

==========================================================

(x) = black counties, and (k) = white counties, where Ku Klux Klan

operated.

The Ku Klux Committee reported a bill[2017] providing for the execution of

the Ku Klux Act until the close of the next session of Congress. It passed

the Senate May 21, 1872, and failed in the House on June 6.[2018] The act

of February 28, 1871, was amended by extending the Federal supervision of

elections from towns to all election districts on application of ten

persons. Other unimportant amendments were made.[2019]

The passage of these laws had no effect on the Ku Klux Klan proper, which

had died out in 1869-1870. Nor did they have any effect in decreasing

violence. It is quite likely that there was more violence toward the negro

in 1871 and 1872 than in 1869-1870. But the laws did affect the elections.

The entire machinery of elections was again under Radical control, and in

1872 the state again sank back into Radicalism. But it was the last

Republican majority the state ever cast. The execution of these laws did

much to hasten the union of the whites against negro rule.

Few cases were tried under the Enforcement Acts, though District Attorney

Minnis and United States Marshal Healy were very active.[2020] Busteed, in

1871, testified that at Huntsville he had tried several persons for an

outrage upon a negro, and that there were still untried two indictments

under the Act of 1870. He stated that his jurors and witnesses were never

interfered with. One of his grand juries, in 1871, encouraged by the

attitude of Congress, reported that while there was no organized

conspiracy throughout the middle district, there was such a thing in

Macon, Coosa, and Tallapoosa. Two of the jurors--Benjamin F. Noble and

Ex-Governor William H. Smith--objected to the report, and Busteed, the

Federal judge, condemned it as unwarranted by the facts.[2021]

Nearly all of the carpet-bag and scalawag witnesses who testified on the

Radical side before the Ku Klux Committee complained that the courts would

not punish Ku Klux when they were arrested, and that juries would not

indict them.[2022]

In 1872 a gang of men in eastern Alabama, the home of the Black Cavalry

and the spurious Ku Klux Klan, burned a negro meeting-house where

political meetings were held. They were arrested and tried under the Ku

Klux Act. Four of them, R. G. Young, S. D. Young, R. S. Gray, and Neil

Hawkins, were fined $5000 each and sentenced to ten years' imprisonment in

the penitentiary at Albany, New York. Ringold Young was fined $2000 and

sent to prison for seven years. ---- Blanks and ---- Howard were each

fined $100 and imprisoned for five years. The prisoners were taken from

state officers by force, and during the trial there was much parade by a

guard of United States troops. There was complaint that the evidence was

insufficient, and the punishment disproportionate to the offence even if

proven.[2023]

In the elections of 1872 and 1874 there were numerous arrests of Democrats

by the deputy marshals, who often made their arrests before election day

and paraded the prisoners about the country for the information of the

voters. I have been unable to find record of any convictions.[2024]

Later Organizations

While the Ku Klux Klan was disbanded by order in 1869, it is not likely

that the order of the White Camelia disbanded except when there was no

longer any necessity for it. In one county it might disband; in another it

might survive several years longer. It is said that its operations were by

order suspended in counties when conditions improved.

The White Brotherhood was a later organization, but had only a limited

extension over south Alabama. The most widely spread of the later

organizations was the White League, which in some form seems to have

spread over the entire state from 1872 to 1874. The close connection

between southwestern Alabama and Louisiana accounts for the introduction

of both the White Camelia and the White League. In 1875 Arthur Bingham,

the ex-carpet-bag-treasurer of the state, stated that he had secured a

copy of the constitution of the White League and had published it in the

_State Journal_. Its members were sworn not to regard obligations taken in

courts, and to clear one another by all means.[2025]

The White League in Barbour and Mobile, in 1874, declared that no

employment should be given to negro Radicals and no business done with

white Radicals, and in Sumter County they were said to have gone on raids

like the Ku Klux of former days. Military organizations of whites were

enrolled and applications made to the Radical Governor Lewis for arms. He

rejected the services of these companies, but they remained in

organization and drilled. The Confederate gray uniforms were worn. In

Tuskegee arms were purchased for the company by private subscription. By

1874 the white people of the state had become thoroughly united in the

White Man's Party. There had been no compromises. The color and race line

had been sharply drawn by the white counties, and the black counties later

fell into line. The campaign of 1874 was the most serious of all. The

whites intended to live no longer under Radical rule, and the whole state

was practically a great Klan. There was but little violence, but there was

a stern determination to defeat the Radicals at any cost; and if

necessary, violence would have been used. At the inauguration of Governor

Houston, in 1874, several of the gray-coated White League companies

appeared from different parts of the state.[2026]

In several later elections the old Ku Klux methods were used, and there

was much mysterious talk of "dark rainy nights and bloody moons." The

"Barbour County Fever" was prevalent for many years: young men and boys

would serenade the Radicals of the community and mortify them in every

possible way, and their families would refuse to recognize socially the

families of carpet-baggers and scalawags. They would not sit by them in

church. The children at school imitated their elders.[2027]

The Ku Klux method of regulating society was nothing new; it was as old as

history; it had often been used before; it may be used again; when a

people find themselves persecuted by aliens or by the law, they will find

some means outside the law for protecting themselves; it is certain also

that such experiences will result in a great weakening of respect for law

and in a return to more primitive methods of justice.