Philadelphia Post-Office—Posts, etc.
“Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia, _Philadelphia
is still erect, a column in a scene of ruins_, a pleasing
example that the paths of honor and safety may sometimes be
the same.”—GIBBON.
We purposely passed over Pennsylvania in giving a statistical account of
post-offices, as we intend to make the Philadelphia post-office the
starting-point of a more general history, as far as the State is
concerned, as also a more extended notice of the system of the general
postal department. Again, there are more historical and remarkable
events associated with Pennsylvania, in connection with the Revolution,
than any other State in the Union.
The history of any one post-office after the Revolution would be a
history of all; and, as the writer is more familiar with that of
Philadelphia, he is enabled to gather more materials for the
miscellaneous portion of his work than if he had selected any other.
The general business routine of one office differs very little from that
of another: yet every office has its “unwritten history” and its own
“romance and realities.”
New York, with its vast commercial interests both at home and abroad,
and justly termed the metropolis of America, could, from the archives of
her post-office, give to the world incidents that perhaps would find no
parallel in the annals of all the calendars that have registered events
of a startling character since the creation of the world.
A post-office, with its millions of letters, is an epitomized world. The
letters represent the human race, and contain the written records of
their vices and virtues; or it may be compared to a huge volume, and the
letters passing to and fro, the indexes to its contents.
Not that the secrets of a post-office become known to its officers by
improper means, but by that process of secret modes of detection whose
mysterious workings are unknown to those unconnected with the
institution. Very little behind the great city we have named stands that
of Philadelphia; and its post-office, like the tomb, has buried secrets
which an “Old Mortality” alone has the power to bring forth. The task be
ours to paint the mysteries of the postal tomb.
_THE ROMANCE OF THE POST-OFFICE._
History and romance have, as it were, by mutual consent allied
themselves together for the sole purpose of mystifying mankind. It is
true the first cannot pervert a living fact, but it can materially
affect the character of one long since passed away and mingled with the
revolution of words, men, and nations. The latter is simply a colorist:
the one maps, the other paints. And yet how often do we hear it said
that truth is stranger than fiction! The romance of a post-office would
be a far more truthful history of the human heart than any other work
ever written upon the subject. The post-office is the pulsation of a
nation, the beating of a million of hearts, and its records would be the
world’s volume. “A mail-bag,” says a writer, “is an epitome of human
life. All the elements which go to form the happiness or misery of
individuals—the raw material, so to speak, of human hopes and fears—here
exist in a chaotic state. These elements are imprisoned, like the winds
in the fabled cave of Æolus, ‘biding their time’ to go forth and fulfil
their office, whether it be to refresh and invigorate the drooping
flower, or to bring destruction upon the proud and stately forest
king.”[26]
We have selected the Philadelphia post-office as the scene of our
romantic portion of this work, because, as stated, it is familiar to us,
and many of the incidents, anecdotes, &c. related came under our
immediate notice. We mention this simply to do away with any impression
that may arise that our purpose was to exalt one city over another and
praise its institutions at the expense of those of other places. The
author having received some little credit as a critic in another
department of our literature for impartiality at least, it is hoped that
he will not be accused of a departure from it in this instance.
The history of Philadelphia is fraught with much interest; it is
identified with the name of one whose mild and conciliating views with
regard to the Indians made his colonization one of holy peace, and gave
to the name of Philadelphia by Christian practice what its Biblical
meaning conveys,—“the City of Brotherly Love.”
We annex an extract from a Latin poem, inscribed to James Logan, Esq.,
by Thomas Makin, dated 1728. It was found among James Logan’s papers
many years after his death. The poem seems to have been written for
amusement in his old age:—
“First, Pennsylvania’s memorable name
From Penn, the founder of the country, came;
Sprung from a worthy and illustrious race,
But more ennobled by his virtuous ways.
High in esteem among the great he stood;
His wisdom made him lovely, great, and good.
Tho’ he be said to die, he will survive;
Thro’ future time his memory shall live;
This wise proprietor, in love and praise,
Shall grow and flourish to the end of days.
With just propriety, to future fame
Fair Pennsylvania shall record his name.
This Charles the Second did at first command,
And for his father’s merits gave the land;
But his high virtue did its value raise
To future glory and to lasting praise.”[27]
_HENRY WALDY, WM. PENN’S FIRST POSTMASTER._
The want of a regular postal system was not felt in the colonies until
they had reached a certain point in trade, commerce, and population. The
mode of conveying letters and packages, indeed, as well as merchandise
of all kinds, was perfectly simple and of a decided primitive character.
Pack-horses were used for the purpose of conveying goods from
Philadelphia to towns west. Pack-horses afforded almost the sole means
of transportation until about 1788, when the roads were made accessible
for wagons; and even then, when the first wagon made its appearance at
Carlisle, Pennsylvania, the “packers” became greatly excited, and looked
upon it as an improvement likely to “ruin their trade.”
The year 1683 was remarkable for the number of emigrants who arrived in
the colony. It was in this year the first Assembly was held in
Philadelphia, and laws enacted which had a wonderful bearing on the
future prospects of the colony.
In July of this year William Penn issued an order for the establishing
of a post-office, and granted to Henry Waldy, of Tekonay (now written
Tacony), authority to hold one, and to supply passengers with horses
from Philadelphia to New Castle, or to the Falls. The rates of postage
were as follows: “Letters from the Falls, 3_d._; to Chester, 5_d._; to
New Castle, 7_d._; to Maryland, 9_d._; and from Philadelphia to Chester,
2_d._; to New Castle, 4_d._; and to Maryland, 6_d._” The post went once
a week, and was to be carefully published “on the meeting-house door and
other public places.”
There being no other mode of conveyance except by horse,—wagons and
stages not being then established,—the transporting of letters was, of
course, made by “post-horses:” these were of the slow order and
conducted on that principle. It was not until 1756 that the first line
of stages was established. The chief office was in Strawberry Alley, at
the sign of the “Death of the Fox.”
The stage _viâ_ Perth Amboy and Trenton made its trip to New York in
three days. John Butler was the proprietor, he having been set up in the
business by the “Old Hunting Club,” to whom Butler had been huntsman and
kennel-keeper. The same year “British packet-boats” are first announced
between New York and Falmouth. In 1765 a second line of stages was set
up for New York, to start twice a week, using three days in going
through, at twopence a mile. It was a covered Jersey wagon, without
springs, and had four owners or proprietors concerned in its management.
The same year the first line of stages, vessels, and wagons is set up
from Philadelphia to Baltimore _viâ_ Christiana and Frenchtown on Elk
River, to go once a week from Philadelphia. In 1766 a third line of new
stages for New York, modestly called the “Flying Machine,” and intended,
of course, to beat the two former ones, was set up to go through in two
days,—to start from Elm Street, near Vine Street, under the ownership
of John Barnhill. They were to be “good stage wagons, and the seats set
on springs.” Fare, threepence per mile, or twenty shillings for the
whole route. In the winter season, however, the “Flying Machine” was to
cleave to the rough roads for three days, as in former times.
In the “Weekly Mercury” of March 8, 1759, we find the following quaint
advertisement:—
“PHILADELPHIA STAGE WAGGON AND NEW YORK STAGE BOAT
“_performs their stages twice a week_.
“John Butler with his waggon, sets out on Mondays from his house at the
sign of the Death of the Fox, in Strawberry Ally, and drives the same
day to Trenton Ferry, when Francis Holman meets him, and proceeds on
Tuesday to Brunswick, and the passengers and goods being shifted into
the waggon of Isaac Fitzrandolph, he takes them to the New Blazing Star
to Jacob Fitzrandolph’s the same day, where Rubin Fitzrandolph, with a
boat well suted, will receive them and take them to New York that night.
John Butler returning to Philadelphia on Tuesday with the passengers and
goods delivered to him by Francis Holman, will again set out for Trenton
Ferry on Thursday and Francis Holman &c. will carry his passengers and
goods, with the same expedition as above to New York.
“March 8, 1759.”
“In 1773, as perfection advanced, Messrs. C. Bessonett & Co., of
Bristol,” start stage-coaches—being the first of that character—to run
from Philadelphia to New York in two days, for the fare of $4. At the
same time “outside passengers” were to pay 20 shillings each.[28]
In 1785 the legislature of New York passed an act of exclusive
privilege for ten years to Isaac Vanwick and others to run a four-horse
stage from New York to Albany at fourpence a mile. This to encourage the
experiment.
It would be a curious history to follow up that of stage-coaches until
the introduction of railroads and steamboats. It would be a history
fraught not only with interest, but showing the enterprise of men under
a new mode of government, and the developing of minds which under
monarchical rule were chained as it were to ignorance and fanaticism.
Liberty and that freedom a republican system gives both to mind and body
create a desire
“To learn and know the truth of every thing
Which is co-natural and born with it,
And from the essence of the soul doth spring.”
We have stated that Butler was the “kennel-keeper” to the Old Hunting
Club. This club was composed of the “first men of the day.” The kennel
for the hounds belonging to the company was situated on the brow of the
hill north of Callowhill Street, descending to Pegg’s Run, near Second
Street. Butler lived in a low brick house adjoining the northwest corner
of Callowhill and Second Streets. Fox-hunting was a favorite amusement
of the club. When the population of the city increased and game
disappeared, the members removed their establishment over to Gloucester,
so as to make their hunts in the Jersey pines.
The passion for hunting led to other amusements not quite so interesting
or innocent, both as regarded their character and the influence they
were calculated to have on society. These were horse-racing and
bull-baiting. The latter were frequent, more particularly in the
Northern Liberties, and were first supported chiefly by butchers, but
gradually assumed a more aristocratical character, being encouraged by
many members of the “Old Hunting Club.” John Ord, an Englishman, kept
bull-dogs for the purpose of the breed. His establishment was at the
corner of Second and High Streets. The cruel amusement of
bull-baiting—one which gave to Old Spain a character for cruelty only
equalled by that of the Inquisition—continued until about 1798, when
Robert Wharton, Esq., was elected mayor of the city. He attended one of
these “bull-baits,” and actually, just as they were about to loose the
dogs, jumped into the ring, and, calling aloud, said he would arrest the
first man who should commence the cruel work. The effect was tremendous:
men started back in affright; the very dogs cowed beneath the glance of
his flashing eyes; and the bull gave a roar,—no doubt one of rejoicing
for his escape. There were no more bull-baitings after that.
William Penn did not enter upon his mission in the colonies unprepared
for all the difficulties he had to encounter, nor was he ignorant of the
history of those nations and their great cities which ages ago gave them
a classic habitation and a home.
Penn evidently had the celebrated city of Babylon in view as a model for
Philadelphia; and, from a draft before us, the idea, as far as
regularity and order were concerned, appears to have been well
conceived, and, as proved, subsequently carried out.
The history of Philadelphia, as it was during its colonial, caterpillar
state, and as it is now in dazzling, butterfly beauty under a far
different system of government, is familiar to all: yet we shall have
occasion, in connection with our subject, to allude to its former
history as we proceed.
The post-office scheme of Colonel John Hamilton was well adapted to the
wants of the colonists. In 1717 a settled post was established from
Virginia to Maryland, which went through all the Northern colonies,
bringing and forwarding letters from Boston to Williamsburg, in
Virginia, in four weeks.
In 1727 the mail to Annapolis was opened, to go once a fortnight in
summer, and once a month in winter, _viâ_ New Castle, &c., to the Western
Shore, and back to the Eastern Shore, managed by William Bradford in
Philadelphia, and by William Parks, of Annapolis.
William Bradford established a press in Philadelphia in 1687, the
first-fruits of which was a sheet almanac. The title was, “An Almanac
for the Year of the Christian Era 1687; particularly respecting the
meridian and latitude of Burlington, but may indifferently suit all
places adjacent. By William Leeds, Student in Agriculture. Printed and
Sold by William Bradford, near Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania.”
A copy of this rare print is in the Philadelphia Library.
William Bradford was the then deputy postmaster, but, having proved
negligent respecting his official accounts, was removed, and Benjamin
Franklin was appointed in his stead. Colonel Spottswood was the
postmaster-general, at whose instigation Bradford was removed.
Now commenced a new and important era in the postal department of our
country, bearing date 1737. It was at that period, however, a very
unimportant matter, but in time has become a gigantic institution. We
look back to that period now with more interest, for two reasons: one
is, to contrast it with the present, and the other, because the name of
Benjamin Franklin is identified with the first great move in our postal
history.
Franklin assumed the deputy-postmastership in 1737. The only pecuniary
available result from it, however, was that it afforded him better
facilities for procuring news for his paper, and for its distribution.
This paper was originally entitled “The Universal Instructor in all Arts
and Sciences, and Pennsylvania Gazette,” and had reached its
thirty-ninth number when its proprietor sold out to Franklin and
Meredith. October 2, 1729, was the date of No. 40, edited by B.
Franklin. It was reduced in name to “Pennsylvania Gazette.” The increase
and emoluments of his paper were still further aided by the diminishing
patronage received by his rival Bradford, the displaced postmaster, who
had while in office forbidden his post-riders to distribute any papers
but his own. Franklin, speaking of this ungenerous conduct on the part
of Bradford, said, “I thought so meanly of the practice on his part,
that when I afterwards came into the situation I took care never to
imitate it.” He also says, in his Life, “Thus Bradford suffered greatly
from his neglect in due accounting; and I mention this fact as a lesson
to those young men who may be employed in managing affairs for others,
that they should always render accounts and make remittances with great
clearness and punctuality, &c.”
Perhaps there is no portion of our postal history more interesting than
that which characterized its early dawn. It presents a sort of political
and financial struggle between trade, commerce, and a government.
Franklin, however, settled the question by making it both a national and
commercial feature. It is also interesting to note the difference
between the movements of the public mail in those old colonial days,
when its bags, at most but a few score pounds in weight, were almost
universally carried on horseback, and in these times, when it is speeded
in tons by steam!
Perhaps there was not another man in the colonies better adapted for the
postmastership than Franklin. He had been, up to that period, an active
business-man. He was a printer, editor, compositor, publisher,
bookseller, and stationer,—in fact, a modern Faust in the first, and a
Mathew Carey in the latter.
The postal services of the colonies now began to assume a somewhat
business form, and, although some of these services were not immediately
connected with the department, they were nevertheless highly
advantageous to the community: as, for instance, letters arriving from
beyond sea were usually delivered on board the ship into the hands of
the persons to whom they were addressed; families expecting letters
would send a messenger on board for the purpose of receiving letters.
Those that were not called for before the sailing of the vessel were
taken to the “Coffee-House,” where everybody could make inquiry for
them; thus showing that the post-office did not seem to claim a right to
distribute them, as now. Persons coming from adjacent settlements called
at the “Coffee-House,” and carried away not only their own letters, but
all those belonging to their neighborhood. These were called “neighborly
posts.”
As the trade of the colonies extended, the system of letter-delivery
began to vary; and thus the “neighborly post” system resolved itself
into that of the “post-rider.”
Perhaps Boston deserves the credit of the first formation of a foreign
postal system; for in 1639 the General Court of Massachusetts issued the
following decree:—
“It is ordered that notice be given that Richard Fairbanks his house in
Boston is the place appointed for all letters which are brought from
beyond the seas, or are to be sent thither to be left with him; and he
is to take care that they are to be delivered or sent accordingly to the
directions; and he is allowed for every letter a penny; and he must
answer all miscarriages through his own neglect in this kind.”
In Philadelphia, the Old Coffee-House system prevailed for many years.
In Virginia, the mail-bag was passed along from plantation to
plantation, and each planter was required by law, passed in 1757, to
send a messenger with it to his next neighbor, under a penalty of a
hogshead of tobacco. Every man took out his own letters from the bag,
and so on to the remainder.
In 1672 the government of New York established a monthly mail to Boston,
advertising that those disposed to send letters should bring them to the
secretary’s office, where, in a “locket-box,” they shall be preserved
till the messenger calls for them; all persons paying the post before
the “bagg be sealed up.”
In 1692 the office of postmaster-general for North America was created;
but as late as 1704 no post-rider went farther east than Boston, or
farther south than Baltimore. When Franklin was appointed
postmaster-general, in 1753, the line of posts still began at Boston,
and went no farther south than Charleston.
In 1738 Henry Pratt was made riding-postmaster for all the stages
between Philadelphia and Newport, Virginia, “_to set out in the
beginning of each month, and to return in twenty-four days. To him all
merchants, &c. may confide their letters and other business, he having
given security to the postmaster-general._”
In 1744 it was announced in the Gazette that the “Northern post begins
his fortnight stages on Tuesday next for the winter season.” In 1745
John Dalley, Surveyor of the State, says that he has just made survey of
the road from Trenton to Amboy, and has set up marks at every two miles
to guide the traveller!
An attempt was made in 1692 to establish post-routes throughout
Virginia. A patent was laid before the Virginia Assembly for making a
Mr. Neal postmaster-general of that and other parts of America; but
though the Assembly passed an act in favor of this patent, it had no
effect. The reason assigned was that it was impossible to carry it into
execution, on account of the dispersed situations of the inhabitants.
The locality of the colonial post-offices is a matter of doubt; but, as
nearly all the public departments were located in private houses, the
presumption is that the post-office was, under Bradford, at his
printing-office, and it is more than probable that Benjamin Franklin’s
residence, corner of Second and Race, was, or at least a portion of it,
used for postal purposes. The first located building used for the
purpose was on the east side of Water Street, a few doors below High
Street,—the same house which had before been the residence of the chief
justice.
It is evident from the old records that all along Water Street and Front
Street, extending to South, the chief business of the city was
transacted. The earliest papers show by their advertisements that many
of the goods for retail were sold on Water Street. Even Penn Street at
that early period was of some note; and there are to this day many
buildings in its immediate vicinity which bear date prior to 1750. As
early as 1737 Mrs. Fishbourne kept a store in Water Street below Walnut,
expressly for “ladies’ goods.” In Water Street above Pine Street, in
1755, there was a fashionable furnishing-store for gentlemen’s wearing
apparel. The “Old London Coffee-House” stood at the corner of Front and
Market Streets: it was the resort of merchants and the _élite_ of the
city.[29] All that portion of Front and Second Streets extending as far
down as Almond was termed “Society Hill,” and was the nucleus around and
near which the tradesmen, the milliners, mantuamakers, and retail
merchants gathered.
William Penn, Jr., had a small house at the corner of Second and South
Streets. The scenery in the neighborhood of Second and Dock Streets is
described by old historians as being very beautiful. Watson says,
“Looking across the ‘Dock Creek,’ westward, we see all the margin of the
creek adorned with every grace of shrubbery and foliage; and beyond it a
gently sloping descent from the line of Second Street, whereon were
hutted a few of the natives’ wigwams, intermixed among the shadowy
trees. A bower near there, and a line of deeper verdure on the ground,
marked ‘the Spring,’ where the naiad weeps her emptying urn.”
In the neighborhood of Union and Front Streets, “Alderman Plumstead” had
a splendid garden on the “Sloping Hill:” it was the admiration of the
town. In 1739 the Rev. George Whitefield preached to fifteen thousand
people on “Society Hill,” near to the flag-staff near Front and Pine.
There was also a place of resort in this vicinity, called “Cherry
Garden.” “The Friends’ Meeting-House” was also located here, and “George
Wells’s place” was much admired. The Loxley House, which stood back of
177 South Second Street (old number), below Little Dock, and only within
a few years torn down, is well known for its historical reminiscences to
our readers. Near to the Loxley House there was a peculiar spring of
water, called “Bathsheba’s Spring and Bower.” The origin of the name is
somewhat curious. “Bathsheba Bowers” was the name of a young lady. She
erected a small house near to the best spring of water that was in our
city. The house she furnished with books, a table, and a cup, in which
she, or any that visited her, drank of the spring. Some people gave it
the name of “Bathsheba’s Bower,” and the spring long afterwards bore the
name of “Bathsheba’s Spring.”
It was in the immediate vicinity of this then beautiful portion of the
city the first theatre was opened.
Perhaps there are many of our readers unacquainted with the early
history of the stage and the drama in Philadelphia. True, much has been
written upon the subject; but in almost every instance discrepancies
both in dates and names have occurred.
In the year 1747, one hundred and nineteen years ago, a company of
comedians were performing in this city. As this announcement will no
doubt startle many, we must, as pioneers in the cause of truth and the
drama, be chronological as well as logical in establishing the fact.
The state of society at the period alluded to above was different from
what it is now. A feeble, sickly spirit of aristocracy, even at that
early stage of our history, disgraced alike the moral and intellectual
character of those who caught the infection; and hence a bitter feeling
existed among the various classes making up the great body politic. This
dangerous foe to all social and religious forms was brought over to the
colonies by a few decayed branches of the nobility-trees of England, who
had established a sort of “West End” fraternity along Front Street below
Spruce (in the immediate vicinity of the Loxley House), and which was
known for many years as Society Hill. Broad lines of distinction were
drawn between the classes, and mechanics were looked upon as being so
far beneath the consideration of these “Malaprops” of real life that
servants had to negotiate all business transactions: _the quality had
nothing to do with them_!
In the principal streets, such as Second, Front, Spruce, and even as far
down as South Street, various artisans, shopkeepers, and others had
established themselves in business; and it was here the first attempt
was made to enact plays and lay the foundation of the drama’s temple.
The Quakers, and the more sober portion of other denominations, left no
means untried to break up what they termed “these Satan-like doings.”
It is true, these exhibitions were not publicly announced, and the
citizens generally were not aware of their secret place of exhibiting
“profane plays.” Private as they were, however, sufficient publicity was
given to them to create an alarm among a class of people possessing all
the primitive qualities, as well as virtues, of their great founder.
The dawn of literature in this country (_that is, admitting it ever had
a morning_) dates at a much later period than the year 1747. It is true
many obstacles stood in the way of its advancement; apart from which,
the colonists were not a reading community, and the press throughout the
land might be likened unto “angels’ visits, few and far between.” It is
true the colonists could boast of a few names, whose works bear date as
far back as 1640. In 1639 manuscripts were used in courts. The laws by
which the colonies were governed were not printed until 1641. The art of
printing was introduced into North America in 1639. The first
printing-press established in the States was put up at Cambridge,
Massachusetts, in 1639, by Stephen Day. In 1640 he published the Bay
Psalm-Book. The year 1678 may be said to form an era in our literature;
for at that time John Foster, Boston, published the works of Anne
Bradstreet; in 1676, Peter Folger wrote and published his famous
“Looking-Glass for the Times.” Various poems, orations, sermons, &c.
&c., were published; but it was not until 1720 the _first play was
written on the American continent_; and we deem it of sufficient
importance to engross it in our sketch of the American stage.
Benjamin Coleman, or, as some wrote it, Colman, was born in Boston,
October 19, 1676. While at Harvard College, he wrote the tragedy of
“Gustavus Vasa;” and this was the first play enacted by a company of
amateurs in the colonies. The history of our literature is associated
with that of the press: without the press it would have been as learning
was when vellum and beech received the impression of certain figures
called letters, and were sold at enormous prices, in proportion to the
intellectual and physical labor bestowed upon their productions. The
moment the press was put in operation in Connecticut, poetry,
Pallas-like, sprang from its mystic womb, and, if unlike Pallas,
completely armed, was at least so decently clad that criticism
faltered at the threshold of censure. The next play written and the
first published in the colonies was “The Prince of Parthia,” by Thomas
Godfrey: it was printed in 1768. A copy of it is in the Philadelphia
Library. This author was the son of Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and
inventor of the celebrated quadrant now in use. He was born in
Philadelphia, in the year 1736. We never refer to these pioneers in the
cause of our drama and literature without feeling a desire to moralize.
Indeed, to look back over a series of years, and call up images to the
mind which have long since passed away, strikes so forcibly the
conviction of man’s identity with the infinite works of God, that he
trembles, while he meditates, and feels his own insignificance while
mourning o’er “visions fled.”
They are brought up to our view by the “Old Mortalities” of every
generation; and the selfsame enthusiastic feeling which prompted them to
remember coming ages urges us to fulfil our destiny in this. It would be
curious to us in this generation, if it were possible, to raise up the
curtain of the mouldering past and bring to view “the things that
were,”—paint the lowly dwellings of our ancestors, the simplicity and
primitive qualities of their minds, and the stern moral rectitude of
their even lives. All this would contrast fearfully with what we are
now, not only as regards our temporal but our spiritual state. If we
differ from our good old friends of the eighteenth century, it is on
the subject of the drama and the strange notion they had of its immoral
tendency; for we never could imagine that the choicest gems from the
British poets—conveyed to us through the medium of the stage—could have
any other effect than to exalt the mind, expand the intellect, and open
to the view the rich and inexhaustible mental wealth of the mimic world.
It would be curious, we say, if it were possible to describe that state
of society which could exist without _music_, _poetry_, and
_painting_,—a state of society no doubt perfectly moral, strictly pure,
but rather stiffly starched with the old-fashioned notions of propriety
and the right of enjoyment. At that period, dancing was prohibited, and
a fencing-master from Paris almost hunted down for attempting to teach
the art in this city. It is true, a few wax figures and Punch and Judy
made their appearance on some holidays; but they soon _melted_ away
before the heat of puritanical sunshine.
We now come to the first attempt at theatrical representations. In the
year 1747 a company was formed, composed chiefly of young men whose
education and birth placed them in positions to advance the cause of
science or art, as their tastes and inclinations might have led them to
advocate. A family by the name of Courtland, an English family, had but
recently arrived in this country, and, possessing many of the prevailing
notions at that time popular in England, their astonishment at our total
ignorance of the drama and its literature was fully shown by a display
of their knowledge and a familiar acquaintance with the living
dramatists of that period in England. It is not our purpose to connect
the name of Courtland with the organization of this company: indeed,
such a thing would be almost impossible, inasmuch as the association was
as secret as were the names of its members. One thing, however, was
evident: a taste for dramatic reading soon became prevalent, and the
plays of Shakspeare found favor even in the eyes of the godly. Young
Courtland, the leader of “Society Hill” boys, soon inoculated his
companions with many of their follies, and the playgrounds about the
Loxley House resounded with their shouts. From this circle came forth
the pioneers of our drama. A companion of Courtland’s, by the name of
Aitken, was the first to propose a dramatic association. The name of
Garrick and the uprising of the English drama in London had already
enlisted many here in its favor.
The place of meeting for the early pioneership of the drama was held in
a house on Second Street adjoining the then gardens of the Loxley House,
and immediately connected with an old white building, recently altered
into stores, and which was used in our Revolutionary War as a hospital.
The front portion of this dramatic temple was used as a boot and shoe
store; the rear was occupied by the proprietor’s family, and the range
of rooms over the back building was the scene of the drama’s birth. It
was here “Richard III.” was enacted, and it was here the few plays that
had crossed the Atlantic found favor in the eyes of the aspirants for
histrionic fame, and whose dramatic efforts kindled a flame in many a
youthful breast, which has sent its light down through the mimic world
to brighten it in all ages.
A great sensation was created by this theatrical outbreak, and on its
reaching the ears of the Quakers, they, with others opposed to such
“unlawful proceedings and profane exhibitions,” had the matter brought
before the council, or, rather, the recorder, and we find upon his
office-books, bearing date January 8, 1749, gravely written, “The
recorder then acquainted the board that certain persons had taken upon
them to act plays in this city, and, as he was informed, intended to
make a frequent practice thereof, which it was feared would be attended
with mischievous effect, such as the encouraging of idleness, and
drawing great sums of money from weak and inconsiderate people, who are
apt to be fond of such kinds of entertainments, though the performance
be ever so mean and contemptible. Whereupon the board unanimously
requested the magistrates to take most effectual measures for
suppressing this disorder, by sending for the actors and binding them to
their good behavior, or by such other means as they should judge most
proper.”
This proceeding, strange as it may seem, produced quite a contrary
effect; for the company, which was now regularly organized, and was made
subservient to the interests of all concerned, actually stepped out from
behind the law and boldly asked permission from the authorities to enact
plays in some more public place other than the obscure spot they had
selected. Backed by the aristocracy of “Society Hill,” their application
was granted.
What aided to strengthen this company and give it character was the fact
of several members of a West India company arriving here, who
immediately joined them; and thus Richard III., Hamlet, Beau Stratagem,
&c., were played in a manner to please the “million.”
The Philadelphia company left the Quaker City at the close of 1749, and
opened a temporary theatre in a wooden building in Nassau Street, New
York. A writer, alluding to this company and the early history of the
drama, says, “The earliest theatrical performances, in the recollection
of the oldest inhabitants, were in a store on Crugar’s wharf, near Old
Slip, by a company of Thespians, composed of ‘choice spirits’ of a
certain order. They were roystering young men, full of tricks and
mischief, who used to play cricket in the fields, and who spent their
nights at the Boat-House, on Broad Street, near where the United States
Public Stores now stand.” Our readers will recognize in these young men
the Thespian company from the Quaker City. After playing here with some
success, the company left for Virginia.
They then went to Williamsburg, Virginia, and, although William Dunlap
denies the fact in his “History of the American Stage,” yet it is true
that under the presidency of Thomas Lee the Philadelphia company,
strengthened by the addition made to it in New York, obtained permission
to erect a theatre in Williamsburg, and in the year 1750 it was begun
and finished. They played here in 1751.[30]
Hallam opened at this very theatre on the 5th of September, 1752, and on
the evening of July 13, 1752, the Philadelphia and New York company
opened their second new theatre in Annapolis, and performed “The Beau
Stratagem” and the farce of “The Virgin Unmasked:” boxes, 10_s._; pit,
7_s._ 6_d._ Richard III. was performed twice,—the character of Richard
by Mr. Wynel, and that of Richmond by Mr. Herbert. Mr. Eyniason, Mr.
Aitken, and Mr. Courtland are the only names handed down to us as
belonging to the colonial company.
As Hallam’s company arrived at Yorktown in June, 1752, and did not open
until September at Williamsburg, there is no doubt that a portion of his
company joined Eyniason at Annapolis and played until the opening at
Williamsburg.
The first play, therefore, acted in this country by what may be termed a
regular company (and this company was composed of the old actors, and
two or three of Hallam’s, viz.: Wynel and Herbert) was “The Beau
Stratagem,” and the farce of “The Virgin Unmasked.” After the
organization of Hallam’s company the members of the old became
incorporated with it. The Annapolis theatre, which in 1752 was called
the New Theatre, was built of brick, and was calculated to hold over
five hundred persons. Dunlap says _this was the first theatre erected in
this country_, not being advised of the one erected in Williamsburg in
1750. In justice, however, to Dunlap, the author has a letter from the
veteran of the drama within a short time before his death, wherein he
acknowledges his error and does justice to Burke the historian, and
admits the justice of our correction made in the year 1835.
The following are the names of a portion of the company who played in
the “The Beau Stratagem:”—Mr. Eyniason, Mr. Bell, Mr. Miller, Mr. Love,
Mr. Courtney, Mr. Aitken, Mrs. Love, and Mrs. Becceley. These we have
every reason to believe were of the old company.
COPY OF THE FIRST PLAY-BILL ISSUED BY THE ENGLISH COMPANY AT
WILLIAMSBURG, VIRGINIA, SEPTEMBER 5, 1752.