CHAPTER III.

Psychological Analysis and Re-education.

The methods of treatment which have been described in the foregoing

pages: sympathy, firmness, isolation, suggestion in its various forms,

and hypnosis; while all useful in their proper place, often prove to be

of no avail in cases of psychoneurosis. Where the distressing symptoms

lie on the surface so that both they and their causes are easily

discoverable by the physician—if, indeed, they have not been known

from the beginning, to the patient himself—it is sometimes possible

to bring about a complete cure without any very penetrating analysis

by the doctor of the mental antecedents of the patient’s present

condition. Thus, for example, a courageous and keen soldier who,

suffering from loss of sleep and from the harassing experiences of the

battlefield, eventually breaks down, the precipitating cause perhaps

being shell-shock, may need little more to set him on his legs than the

comfort, assiduous attention, and pleasant distractions of a Red Cross

hospital. For the civilian whose chief trouble is the irritability

caused by a multiplicity of minor business worries, or family jars, a

few days of isolation, giving perhaps, among the other benefits which

we have mentioned, the opportunity to think things out, may have

excellent results. The beneficent action of hypnosis in removing the

acute disturbances caused by shell-shock has already been illustrated.

But a large number of cases fall into none of these categories.

Sympathy merely annoys them, isolation tortures them, for besides

letting them think—usually in a very unwise way—it helps to confirm

their impression that they are seriously ill, just because it involves

the treatment of them as special cases. Suggestive measures may be to

them like water on a duck’s back, and hypnosis may prove of no avail.

Firmness may have merely the effect of proving to the doctor that

there exist patients firmer than himself. But, fortunately, psychical

methods are not exhausted. There still remains at least one—that of

psychological analysis and re-education.

The employment of psychological analysis in medicine means the

resolution of the patient’s mental condition into its essential

elements, just as by chemical analysis it is possible to determine

that water, for example, is composed of certain definite proportions

of oxygen and hydrogen combined in a particular way. Re-education is

the helping of the patient, by means of the new knowledge gained by

analysis, to face life’s difficulties anew.

It is sometimes urged that if this be all that is meant by

psychological analysis, alienists have been doing this ever since

insanity was first treated, nay, further, doctors have been practising

it since the time of Hippocrates. It is pointed out that when a patient

is first interviewed by the physician, an inquiry is always made into

his mental state and behaviour, and into the presence of delusions and

hallucinations or other unusual mental phenomena. His relatives are

questioned concerning the relation of his recent behaviour to that

at the time when he was considered normal. Now the answer to this

assertion is that such an investigation is useful, indispensable in

fact, but it cannot be called psychological analysis.

The point may become clearer to the untechnical reader if he will

imagine for a moment that a carver, skilled in separating the legs and

wings from the body of a bird, should claim to be practising anatomy.

The anatomist would at once object that while such separation of

limbs from trunk is a small detail which sometimes forms part of the

anatomist’s task, it can scarcely be called more than a preliminary to

his study. For first of all, while to a carver a leg is an ultimate

unit, to the anatomist it is, for the naked eye, a collection of

bones, muscles, tendons, skin, nerves, veins, arteries, nails and the

rest, and, seen through the microscope, a tremendous organisation of

infinitely more complex structures. Furthermore, it might be pointed

out that merely to separate these more minute structures into their

constituent parts and to name them, by no means constitutes the whole

of the work of the intelligent anatomist. He wishes to study the

inter-relations of these parts, the way in which they work together for

the common good of the leg. And lastly, the leg must not be studied

only in separation from the trunk, for its functions are subordinate to

the requirements of the body as a whole.

So, in the same way, to record that a man is suffering from a delusion

of persecution or an unreasonable fear of open spaces is merely

to “carve up” the condition of his mind. First of all it must be

ascertained how far that delusion has interpenetrated with the rest of

his mental life; whether, for example, his false belief is restricted

to a specific kind of persecution from a particular person, or is a

general delusion that everybody and everything in the world is against

him. And again, if the delusion is strictly specific, it is important

to know whether it has been the cause of secondary false beliefs,

produced by rationalisation, to buttress the primary delusion against

the inevitable contradiction from facts which it would otherwise

suffer.

Further, the nature of the delusion must be analysed. Why is it of this

and not of that persecution? Why is this particular person feared or

hated? Is it a constant factor in the patient’s existence, or does it

break out at certain times? If so, the patient’s life at these critical

periods must be carefully examined. The doctor must discover where the

patient was at the time, what he was doing and thinking, who were his

companions, and so on.

Next comes the important inquiry into the history of the delusion. And

here, just as the anatomist is able nowadays to mobilise for service

all his knowledge of comparative anatomy and evolution, so if the

physician has really scientific knowledge, not only of the delusions

in other patients, but also of the development of ordinary beliefs in

sane people,[37] he will be immensely helped in his search, and may be

enabled thereby to make many short cuts to the essential facts. He will

endeavour to date the important stages of development of the delusion;

to find a time when, so far as the patient knows, his mind was free

from it.

Thus we may say that a psychological investigation of a case of mental

disorder dissects its normal as well as its abnormal phenomena into

their functional elements. Compared with the procedure which merely

records such gross units as delusions or hallucinations, it is as

anatomy to mere carving, however skilful the latter may be.

But the psychological investigation is not merely comparable to

anatomical dissection. We have also compared the mind to a chemical

compound, rather than a mechanical mixture. Especially is this true not

only of the normal but also of the abnormal mind, when the latter has

had time to settle down into its new position of relative equilibrium

and integration; when, for example, a delusion has become so fixed

that the patient’s life is entirely ordered in obedience to it, and

he has ceased to have any doubts as to its reality or to struggle

against its domination.[38] It is only when the warring elements in

the mind are relatively independent, and before they have succeeded in

“making terms” with each other, that the mind even remotely resembles a

mechanical mixture. It follows, therefore, that psychological analysis

of a case of mental disorder is usually comparable to _chemical

analysis_ as well as to anatomical dissection.

Now the most striking result of chemical analysis is to show that the

appearance and general properties of the elements composing a compound

are different from the appearance and properties of the compound

itself. This is exactly the case, too, with mental analysis. A mere

dissection of an abnormal condition is sometimes sufficient in the

milder cases to serve as the basis for curative measures,[39] but in

more advanced cases, or those of longer standing, real analysis is

necessary in order to get at the unknown factors.

It is just at this point that a number of investigators of mental

disorder decline to go any farther on the path of research. Up to this

stage, they say, one is relying upon ascertained facts, for one has

the warrant of the patient’s own memory for the data obtained. Further

analysis of a mental phenomenon must inevitably involve appeal to

unconscious factors. And, once one has called in the unconscious as a

means of explanation, psychology becomes a mere “tumbling ground for

whimsies.”

Probably there are few people to whom this statement does not appear

to express the universal verdict of common sense. That is precisely

what it does. But it should be unnecessary to point out that common

sense alone is not always the most reliable guide to the discovery of

fact. Unaided common sense not only informed men for centuries that

the sun moved round the earth, but told them so with such finality and

conviction that extraordinarily unpleasant consequences ensued for

those who did not believe in such an obvious fact. And the old belief,

wholly false as it is, has still to be unlearnt by every child.

In the same way, the ‘common sense’ point of view which we have

described is not flawless. It assumes that a patient is able not only

to surmount the great difficulties of translating his experiences

and beliefs precisely into words—a difficult task even for the

well-educated person—but also to account for and explain them

truthfully.

It may, however, be pointed out that, though this last-mentioned

misleading assumption is widespread, it is by no means so universal

or so tenacious in man as the “belief of his own senses” that the sun

goes round the earth. In fact, quite apart from the teachings of modern

psychology, we frequently find well-founded suspicions in the lay mind

that a man is not always competent to give the basis of and reasons for

his mental condition. This view is summed up in the famous advice to

the future judge, “Give your decision, it will probably be right. But

do not give your reasons, they will almost certainly be wrong.”[40]

What ordinary man, unversed in the subtleties of theology or

comparative religion, could give to an agnostic a satisfactory account

of the reason why—being let us say, a Christian, and a Protestant

Christian—he is a Primitive Methodist or an English Presbyterian? Let

us complicate the matter further by supposing that this sect to which

he now belongs is not that in which he was brought up by his family!

Many of the factors which have contributed to his present religious

beliefs may have been entirely forgotten now, recallable only with the

greatest difficulty[41] and with the help of a second person skilful in

such investigation.

We may take as a good example of the historical complexity of

significant attitudes and actions in life, the process of falling in

love—especially if it is not, or at least seems not to be, love at

first sight. It is generally admitted that, in the development of this

psychological phenomenon, onlookers see most of the game. In other

words, the actions of the two persons who are gradually becoming more

and more attracted to each other are partly determined by motives,

which, unknown to them, are patent to their observant relations and

friends.

Further examples may be given to illustrate this important and

oft-disputed point. Let us suppose that a musical critic, after

hearing a new symphony by an unconventional composer, immediately

writes a lengthy appreciation of the performance. It is clear that

nobody would expect him to be able to give, off-hand, an account of

his reasons for every sentence of the criticism. But it is obvious

that a single phrase in this account may be but the apex of a whole

pyramid of memories emanating from the critic’s technical training,

his attitude towards the new departure, experiences highly coloured

with emotion which a few notes of the music may have evoked, and his

mental condition at the time he heard the performance. Nobody denies

that these may have shaped or even determined his criticism. But who

believes either that they were all conscious at the time of writing

the article, or that he could resuscitate them without much time and

trouble and perhaps the help of a cross-examiner?

Again, there are occasions when society expects that a man shall be

unconscious of the reasons for some of his actions. He is expected, for

example, to behave politely, attentively and chivalrously to ladies,

not because at the moment of taking the outside of the pavement he

remembers why he does so, but simply because he has been brought up in

this way. And conversely, too conscious politeness in a man arouses in

others—and often rightly—the suspicion that it is a recent acquisition.

We see then that it is rare for a man to be able to give a true

account, even to himself, of the reasons underlying his important acts

and beliefs, when his mental condition is relatively calm and his

social relationships are normal. But when a case of mental disorder is

in question it becomes quite obvious that the patient is frequently

not in a position to give, either to himself or to another, anything

like a complete or true enumeration and description of the antecedent

experiences which have brought about his present condition.

It therefore becomes necessary to admit that unconscious factors of

great importance may play an influential part in the production of

mental disorder and that, therefore, some way must be found of tapping

these submerged streams.

The most direct way into the complexities of the unconscious mental

processes of a person is afforded by a study of his more “unusual”

actions and thoughts. For few persons are so completely adapted to

their environment or so perfectly balanced that moments never arise in

which their mental behaviour is not surprising, either to themselves

or to others. And even the Admirable Crichtons of our acquaintance are

not entirely immune from errant moments—at least in their sleep. The

dream, then, is the chief gate by which we can enter into the knowledge

of the unconscious. For in sleep, the relatively considerable control

which most of us in waking life possess over the coming and going

of mental events is almost if not entirely abrogated. Thoughts and

desires, which, if they attempted to dominate consciousness in waking

life, would be promptly suppressed, arise, develop and expand to an

astounding extent in the dream.

This statement, of course, is entirely independent of the implications

of any one “theory of dreams.” Its truth is evident to anyone who has

honestly recorded or considered his own dreams for even a short period.

Other unusual mental processes are manifested in such events as “slips

of the tongue,” “slips of the pen,” the mislaying of important objects,

the forgetting of significant facts, or conversely the inability to

get an apparently unimportant memory out of one’s mind. All these

phenomena, common enough in the normal individual, are usually more

frequent in the abnormal mind. Besides the patient’s voluntary account

of, and comments upon, these events,[42] other methods of obtaining

data are possible to the physician. He will note the matters about

which in conversation the patient is apt to become silent, embarrassed

or inexplicably irritated, to hesitate, to say he has forgotten, or

even to lie. All these sidelights upon the mental make-up are carefully

noted by the physician and the deductions from them compared, not only

with the patient’s accounts of himself on different days—narratives

which when put together may show important discrepancies and thin

places—but also with the information obtainable from his family. These

devices serve to bring to light in an extraordinary manner a whole

number of memories, many of them of immense significance for the

comprehension of the patient’s present mental state, which it would

be utterly impossible to discover in mere conversation or even by

cross-questioning.

It is sometimes felt that these methods which savour strongly of

catching the patient tripping, while they may unearth some interesting

details of his past life, do no more than exhibit under a strong

magnifying glass a few minute excrescences upon his otherwise fair

mental countenance. But it should be pointed out that nobody who has

ever honestly collected together and compared the memories which have

coalesced to compose a dozen of his dreams—especially if he has done

so with the help and under the cross-examination of a candid friend

who knows him well—will maintain that the material thus found is

unimportant. As Professor Freud says, “The dream never occupies itself

with trifles.” It is probably just because the thoughts and desires

underlying the dreams have been refused their normal outlet, that they

express themselves in such bizarre forms.

Moreover, the fact should not be overlooked that in other

sciences—including the most exact, the physical sciences—the most

profoundly important general conclusions are often arrived at by the

examination of unusual phenomena, of nature “caught tripping.” The

study of the thunderstorm was the foundation of our present knowledge

of that great force which is active not only in thunderstorms but

throughout all matter. Observation of the sporadic and relatively

unusual volcanic eruptions of the mind may prove to be an important

foundation of our future knowledge of general psychology. As in the

inorganic, so in the organic world, there is no sharp line dividing

normal from abnormal, and the unusual phenomenon is sometimes simpler

and more easily studied than the usual, as “Sherlock Holmes” was so

fond of demonstrating.[43] From a scientific standpoint, then, we

have every justification for pressing to the utmost our study of the

unusual mental phenomena exhibited by the patient, and for our belief

that their nature is not unimportant, but highly significant for

therapeutical purposes.

Another objection, however, is frequently levelled against such a

procedure, from quite a different direction, or rather from a number

of directions. This objection can be expressed simply in words, such

as “One ought not to probe so deeply into a patient’s innermost mental

life,” and is not to be met by a single argument. The reason is that it

is polyhedral in form, and that each of its faces or aspects must be

considered separately. For it should be obvious to everyone that such

an objection cannot be flippantly waved away.

The aspects of this question which seem to have more particularly

appealed to the critics of the method which we are describing, are at

least four in number, which we may describe as the æsthetic, social,

medical and moral.

The origin of the first, the æsthetic aspect, is easily seen. It is

quite clear that in the investigation of the inmost secrets of a

person’s life (and particularly of a life which has become so entangled

and complicated that the help of another is sought for its restoration

to ‘mental tidiness’) there must emerge frequently much that the

patient finds unpleasant to relate. When we remember that a neurosis

often (perhaps always) occurs as a result of the patient’s inability to

adjust his instinctive demands to the opportunities of his environment,

it becomes clear that in the investigation of his history discussion

is inevitable of mental events in which the fundamental instincts have

played a great part. Now, of those important instinctive impulses, it

is obvious that in a civilised community few are so often thwarted,

deliberately repressed, or otherwise obstructed as the powerful one

of sex. It therefore follows that in a large number of cases the

discussion of sexual matters becomes unavoidable. Some critics have

seized on this point as the weak spot against which to launch their

attacks, descanting upon the unpleasantness, even the nauseousness, of

such discussion. Not all of them, however, make it clear whether in

their opinion it is the patient or the doctor who should be shielded

from such unpleasant experiences. If the latter, the verdict of society

would probably be that the sooner a man requiring such protection was

excused not only from these uncongenial duties, but from all medical

obligations whatever, the better for the community. If the former, it

may be pointed out that every reasonable person will agree that the

man who does not tell the whole truth to his doctor or his lawyer is a

fool. Furthermore, even under present conditions, if it be considered

advisable in the interests of the patient’s bodily health, the doctor

does not hesitate to ask, and the patient to answer, questions about

the most intimate matters, some of them literally and not merely

metaphorically nauseous.

We may therefore dismiss the æsthetic objection as unworthy of the

consideration either of a conscientious doctor, or of a reasonable

patient.

We may turn now to what we have designated the social aspect of the

objection. It should need little explanation. There has arisen a

convention, subscribed to consciously or unconsciously by many, that

the doctor shall ask and the patient answer quite freely questions

relating to the patient’s bodily well-being, but that any unusual

mental occurrences must be considered the patient’s private affair into

which it is not the business of the doctor to pry.

It would be rash to deny that up to a certain point this convention

is susceptible of defence. But, carried too far, it is productive

of disastrous results. Moreover, it is impossible for a doctor to

treat many varieties even of physical disease without becoming to a

great extent the confidant not only of the patient but often of his

family. And there is no doubt that the present unwritten law that the

doctor should confine himself to the patient’s physical ills is often

judiciously disobeyed by very many successful practitioners. Yet it

must be recognised that the convention exists, and like all social

usages is extremely tenacious.

The chief medical objection, which we shall now consider, is usually

expressed in some such form as the assertion that “it makes the

patient worse to talk about his worries” and that one should rather

“try to make him forget them.” Let us examine these statements, both

of which contain a certain amount of truth, but if applied without

qualification to serious cases of incipient mental disorder can by

their respective negative and positive tendencies do an incalculable

amount of harm. They are often the result of applying experience

acquired by the successful reassuring of a certain type of “malade

imaginaire,” to the consideration of far more complicated cases in

which such easy and straightforward treatment is impossible. A man,

let us say, visits a doctor and confesses to him his fear that he is

suffering from some organic disease. The physician after a careful

examination proves to the patient by objective means that there is

nothing the matter with him; the sufferer is reassured and returns to

his daily business and in due course forgets about this worry or ceases

to be troubled by the memory of it. Here the diagnosis, treatment,

and cure may be uncomplicated and “on the surface.” But even here it

should be emphasised that in one sense, far from “making the patient

worse” to talk about his trouble, the talking about it was the _sine

quâ non_ of cure; otherwise the doctor would never have known of the

fear. In another sense, however, talking about the trouble did make the

sufferer worse—but for a short time only, during a confession of his

apprehensions, or perhaps even for a few days, if more than one visit

to the consulting room were necessary before the doctor’s verdict could

be obtained.

But not all visits to the doctor end so briefly or so easily as this.

The patient’s trouble, on examination, may prove to be organic and

of long standing. Does the doctor consider then that it is his duty

to emulate the Christian Scientist or to “make the patient forget

it?” On the contrary, he does not flinch from the employment of the

most searching methods of investigation, lengthy and often painful

treatment, and, if it seems necessary in the patient’s interest, he

will carry out or arrange for operative interference which may be

difficult, expensive, by no means free from danger, and is quite likely

to “make the patient worse,” perhaps for a considerable time, before

its beneficial results appear.

It is therefore idle to argue that on the one hand psychological

methods of treating mental disorder are unnecessary because some

patients get better without their application; while, on the other,

they are dangerous because they may make a patient worse. The same

remarks could be applied to most of the successful operative methods of

present-day medicine. All of them are fraught with grave potentiality

for harm if applied by unskilled persons.

The degree to which the doctor is medically justified in probing the

patient’s intimacies is obviously dependent upon the individual case.

Not all patients require such drastic incisions; a fact which has been

clearly shown in the special military hospitals. An intelligent man

of strong will, whose social relations have hitherto been normal and

happy, might be temporarily “bowled over” by the emotional stress of

the campaign, but after a few inquiries into the causes of his mental

anguish and a few explanations, he is often set on his feet again.

We must not forget, however, the other side of the picture. There are

many patients, who, far from being made worse by the confidential

recital and discussion of their mental troubles to a suitable person,

experience great relief as a result of this unburdening. Men in the

military hospitals have expressed this over and over again, in such

phrases as, “I have been bursting to tell this to someone who would

understand,” or, “I have seen many doctors since I left the front,

but you are the first who has asked me anything about my mind.”

Frequently the troubles prove to be caused by their ignorance of the

great individual differences in minds, so that the appearance in them

of a new but by no means pathological mental phenomenon frightens them

unduly. We have already referred to cases of this kind in Chapter

I.[44] Another frequent cause of the most intense and continuous mental

anguish is the exaggerated self-reproach which the patients attach to

some real, but in the judgment of others, comparatively trivial defect

or delinquency in themselves. To borrow an expressive phrase, the

neurasthenic has “lost his table of values.” It is in such cases that

a talk with a tactful, sympathetic, broad-minded physician may produce

the happiest results.

To assume that one can make the patient forget such worries as these

without first discovering what they are, is obviously fatuity at its

grossest. Moreover, as we have seen, it is quite insufficient merely

to discover that the patient is “suffering from hallucinations” or

delusions and then to tell him to dismiss them from his mind. To

suppose that, without understanding the nature of and the specific

reasons for the development of a particular hallucination, one can

“make the patient forget” his interpretation of a real experience which

has appealed to him night and day for weeks, or banish a delusion which

is gradually becoming systematised and rationalised—_i.e._, intimately

interwoven into the tissues of the whole of his experience—is an

assumption which has no foundation in fact.

The point cannot be too much emphasised that many of these patients are

quite sane, if conduct be regarded as the criterion of sanity; but

they are growing afraid of the appearance of these abnormal phenomena,

and take them for signs of incipient—or, more usually perhaps, of

established—insanity. Hence follows the important corollary that while

treatment by isolation has obvious advantages in certain cases, in the

particular group of patients which we are now discussing it is often

dangerous, for the reasons already emphasised in the last chapter. The

presence of such mental phenomena is usually confided to the physician

only after great hesitation, and such worrying experiences are common

in cases of insomnia and other disorders, which, though troublesome,

do not appear to be grave. It is therefore possible that isolation may

have serious effects in many cases in which its net result seems merely

to be that the patient is no better.

It is granted then that in some instances (by no means all), the

patient may be temporarily pained by the dragging into daylight of the

causes of his worry, but it is usually a case of _reculer pour mieux

sauter_. This procedure is often inevitable in the medical treatment of

many disorders which have become complicated to any considerable extent.

We pass now to a difficult task; the consideration of the moral

objections to the procedure of psychological analysis. The difficulty

obviously lies in the circumstance that, while in the discussion of the

other objections one could continually point to facts upon which at

least, the great majority of civilised people are in cordial agreement,

such unanimity is not so complete upon moral questions. Some of the

varieties of the moral objection, however, are not based on such

disputable grounds. For example, there is the argument that it is bad

for the patient that he should have his inmost mental life dissected

and analysed in the thoroughgoing way which we have described, since

it is important for the preservation of his self-regard that, as far

as possible, he should consider himself “master of his soul.” With the

latter sentiment no reasonable person would quarrel. And where it is

possible (as it often is) for a slight mental tangle to be straightened

out without an extensive and lengthy inquisition, we hold that it is

urgent in the patient’s interest that his privacy shall be respected.

It should be pointed out, however, that since this procedure is equally

in the interests of the honest physician—for it will save him time and

trouble—it is likely to be adopted wherever possible. In the special

military hospitals, for instance, it was often found unnecessary, in

mild cases, to press the inquiry very far; the patient “learning his

lesson” successfully at an early stage of the proceedings.

But it obviously does not follow that the fact of a man having for very

sufficient reasons, admitted the physician into his confidence, must

necessarily bring as a consequence a diminution in his self-respect. On

the contrary, he often emerges from such an examination with increased

confidence and a better opinion of himself, especially if, as so

often happens, his self-reproaches have been unfounded. The civilised

world contains a relatively large proportion of people who habitually

confess their shortcomings to priests. One may recognise that the

confessional has its defects, but the assumption that to have recourse

to it inevitably promotes mental flabbiness is obviously unfounded.

The business man who, when faced with the necessity of successfully

meeting an entirely new situation, consults his legal adviser, is not

usually blamed for his lack of self-reliance. Conducting one’s own

legal transactions, like doctoring oneself, may appear (to the vulgar)

to show independence, but its results are not always happy.

It is therefore perfectly fair to claim that none of the arguments

against the use of psychological analysis have any very great

significance. In some cases, however, they express valuable reminders

that this delicate and powerful instrument, like all others with these

attributes, must be used with care and discretion.

We may now proceed to take stock of our present position and briefly

to summarise the contents of the foregoing remarks. Many cases of

“functional nervous disorder” or “neurosis” exhibit as their most

important characteristics symptoms, the underlying factors of which

are demonstrably _mental_. A neurosis may be regarded as the failure

of an act of adaptation.[45] The resultant mental disturbances do

not seriously affect the “reason” or the “intellect” as was formerly

supposed, but are in character predominantly instinctive and emotional.

The neurotic’s behaviour in the face of an insurmountable difficulty

presents a considerable resemblance to that of a child. The reasons why

this analogy is not always obvious (though often it is quite plain) is

that while in the child one can usually appreciate the cause of the

emotional disturbance and watch its progress, these possibilities are

often excluded in the case of the civilised neurotic adult. Both his

insurmountable difficulty and the historical circumstances which have

made it unconquerable may (they do not always) lie within his inmost

mental life. Further, the child’s difficulty usually is caused simply

by his inability to adjust himself to his environment; or perhaps more

often to adjust his environment to himself. The adult neurotic, on the

other hand, adds to these difficulties the further significant one of

a lack of inner harmony. There are warring elements inside as well as

outside him: he is trying to fight the enemy with an army which has

mutinied.

It follows then that any attempt to restore equilibrium between

himself and his social environment must be accompanied by a similar

endeavour to bring about his inner harmony. Therefore, in such cases,

a certain amount of psychological analysis is indispensable. Without

such investigation the application of physical or psychical methods of

treatment must inevitably be a shot in the dark.

The task of psychological analysis is rendered difficult by the fact

that not all the motives of the patient’s present beliefs, attitudes

and actions are conscious; the entry into consciousness of some of

the unacceptable motives and memories is obstructed by various mental

processes. When the action of these shielding mechanisms has been

subverted by various means the real significance and history of the

patient’s present mental condition becomes clear to him. In the light

of this new self-knowledge he begins to cure himself. In a few cases he

may require little or no subsequent assistance, but usually a process

of re-education[46] is necessary. He may still require to be helped

over some of the obstacles which he meets, and he may need more or

less frequent encouragement and advice to an extent determined by his

disposition, temperament, and character. By these means he is “freed

from himself,” liberated from the exaggerated emotional tone which has

become attached to so many of his memories, and so enabled to face life

anew with a harmonious and integrated mind.

The procedure which we have discussed is precisely that which the

sensible mother adopts towards a child who exhibits sudden and

unreasonable fear, anger, or any socially undesirable emotion. The same

method is adopted towards the man who, having muddled his financial

affairs, appeals for advice to an experienced and judicious business

friend. “Firmness”—of the unsympathetic and unintelligent order—may

occasionally produce good results in both these instances, but usually

it only makes matters worse. Paying for the commercial muddler a few

of his chief debts may remove his embarrassment for the time, but if

unaccompanied by an attempt to reform his business methods, the result

will usually be merely that such a treatment will enable him to incur

fresh liabilities. So it is when a symptom or set of symptoms in a

neurosis is unintelligently removed: new troubles frequently break out

in fresh places.

We believe that there exist and can exist no serious arguments against

the procedure of psychological analysis and re-education which we have

just described. But now we come to speak of a procedure introduced

during the last few years which has certainly not escaped criticism

both of the most flattering and the most hostile kind. This is the

method of “psychoanalysis” which we owe to Professor Sigmund Freud, of

Vienna, who developed it as an extension and elaboration of the pioneer

work of his former master, Professor Pierre Janet[47], of Paris.

Perhaps few terms in medicine have aroused so much misunderstanding,

so much criticism, well-informed and ill-informed—and so much enmity

as this word “psychoanalysis.” This latter fact alone, however, should

not prejudice the reader for or against it. He will probably remember

that it is the exception, rather than the rule, for an innovation to be

received without hostility, not only from the general public, but also

from experts who work in provinces bordering upon the field in which

the new method is introduced.

It should be pointed out that much of the heated discussion which has

raged around this word psychoanalysis is due to the fact that the

term has different meanings, as used, not only by its enemies, but by

its friends. Psychoanalysis, according to Dr. Jung, is a _method_;

“a method which makes possible the analytic reduction of the psychic

content to its simplest expression, and the discovery of the line of

least resistance in the development of a harmonious personality.”[48]

Psychoanalysis is therefore a method of psychological analysis. Why,

then, have we not used the term psychoanalysis in the earlier part of

the book? It was purely to avoid unnecessary and acrimonious discussion

on any particular doctrinal aspect of the question which this term may

be taken to imply.

It is clear to every thinking person that, in analysing a mental state

the physician should use every legitimate means at his disposal. If

these means include, as they do, the valuable assistance derived

from the study of the patient’s dreams, his “associations” whether

free or constrained,[49] and other mental phenomena, the doctor may

use them freely without thereby subscribing to any one “doctrine of

psychoanalysis.”

The term psychoanalysis has been widely applied, not only to the

diagnostic method, but also to the theories which underlie and

determine the subsequent process of re-education. This seems to be a

misuse of the useful word “analysis.” It may be objected that in all

scientific analysis there is some directive hypothesis to be confirmed

or disproved, and that in this sense all analysis is based on theory.

This is true, but it seems inadvisable to confuse the analytic process

with the theory which directs one form of it.

When we come to consider the theoretical presuppositions which underlie

the different methods of re-education adopted by various physicians,

it is not surprising, at this early stage of our knowledge, to discover

differences of opinion. The physician will find at every step that in

“tidying up” the disentangled functions of the patient’s mentality he

will need not one theory but many, for his problem is life itself.

All his own human sympathy, with its indispensable basis, a knowledge

of his own strength and weaknesses, all his learning in physical

science and psychology, all his knowledge of morality and religion

must be available for immediate and efficient use. In one interview

he may have to lay down the law for the benefit of some ignorant and

distressed patient who is desperately anxious to follow his advice

unquestioningly; in the next he may be at close grips with a mind more

flexible and independent than his own, knowing well that his every

little victory must be consolidated, and that every position won may

be subsequently counter-attacked by his patient. He must be ready to

suggest, discuss, persuade as the time and the conditions indicate.

While, therefore, the ultimate lines on which an ideal diagnostic

analysis and curative re-education will be possible are as yet

undefined, it would serve no good purpose in a book of this length to

raise discussion on the question of psychoanalysis. Its future will

be settled, not in the heated atmosphere of the debate, not in the

acrid polemics of the correspondence columns, but in the calm, careful

examination by the individual worker of his own actual findings and the

honest comparison of them with those of others.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] Such development involves a complicated set of processes the

nature of which is by no means obvious to unaided common sense.

[38] “... for example, a patient may maintain that he is the king, but

that an organised conspiracy exists to deprive him of his birthright.

In this way delusions are sometimes elaborated into an extraordinarily

complicated system and every fact of the patient’s experience is

distorted until it is capable of taking its place in the delusional

scheme.” Bernard Hart, _The Psychology of Insanity_, Cambridge, 1914,

p. 32.

[39] _Cf._ p. 15_f._

[40] _Cf._ Hart, _op. cit._, p. 66_f._

[41] The reader may pass an interesting time in trying to give himself

or others an historical account of the events in his life which

caused him to choose his present profession. He will probably find

that memories emerge of incidents and conversations which have been

forgotten for years. Yet he may find that they have influenced his

present life and his action at any moment of the present, to a very

great extent. Their present action clearly has been unconscious.

[42] It should not be forgotten that when a patient in an early

stage of mental disorder voluntarily seeks the doctor, his _active

co-operation_ in the task of tracing the causal factors of his trouble

is of the greatest value. This assistance cannot be relied upon after

the patient has been certified as insane and removed to an asylum, or

even after he has been taken to the doctor at the instance of others.

For obvious reasons he is then more likely to hide than to reveal his

eccentricities. The simulation of insanity is comparatively rare: it

is difficult and usually easily detected. It is dissimulation—the

concealment of symptoms of disease—which is the doctor’s greatest

enemy. The deluded man may hide his delusions because “everyone knows

that these beliefs are mad:” the melancholic may pretend for the time

to be cheerful in order that his liberty may not be interfered with.

(_Cf._ K. Jasper’s _Allgemeine Psychopathologie_, Berlin, 1913, p.

317.) Such attitudes of the patient are obviously strengthened by our

present custom of delaying the treatment of mental disorder.

[43] In his account of the wonderful exploits of “Sherlock Holmes,”

Sir Arthur Conan Doyle was merely applying, with inimitable skill and

literary resourcefulness, the methods of clinical diagnosis in medicine

to the detection of imaginary crimes. The unusual phenomenon in

medicine or in crime often affords the most obvious clue to the expert

who can appreciate its significance, whereas a simple dyspepsia or a

commonplace murder may present insoluble problems, because they reveal

no distinctive signs to guide the investigator.

[44] p. 17_f._

[45] Dr. C. G. Jung’s view, _Analytic Psychology_, p. 234.

[46] It is of importance to remember that successful re-education

utilises the emotional factors in the patient’s mental make-up, by

helping him to realise the value of the things which will make life

once more attractive and worth living. In this process the more the

physician knows of the patient’s social, moral or religious relations,

the earlier and more satisfactory will be his success.

[47] CORRECTION.

An unfortunate error in the second paragraph on page 73 escaped our

notice during the correction of proofs. Professor Pierre Janet was not

formerly the teacher of Professor Freud, but his fellow pupil when they

were studying under Charcot in Paris.

[48] _Op. cit._, p. 256_f._

[49] _Cf._ Hart, _op. cit._, p. 69_f._, Jung, _op. cit._

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