THE ARGUMENT BASED ON OUR BALANCE OF TRADE.

One of the staple arguments of the advocates of the single gold standard

is, that if our stock of gold were greatly reduced we should be unable

to make payments to foreign countries in case the balance of trade

turned against us. It is only through an excess of imports over exports

that gold could go, and this country now produces of nearly all articles

almost all that it consumes. With the exception of two years there has

not been a balance of trade against us for fourteen years, as the

following table will show:

_Value of merchandise imported into, and exported from, the United

States, from 1876 to 1889, inclusive; also annual excess of imports

or of exports--specie values._

------+------------+------------+--------------+-----------+----------

Year | | | | Excess of |Excess of

ending| Total | Total |Total exports | exports | imports

June | exports. | imports. | and imports. | over | over

30-- | | | | imports. | exports.

------+------------+------------+--------------+-----------+----------

| _Dollars._ | _Dollars._ | _Dollars._ |_Dollars._ |_Dollars._

1876 |540,384,671 |460,741,190 |1,001,125,861 | 79,643,481| --

1877 |602,475,220 |451,823,126 |1,053,798,346 |151,152,094| --

1878 |694,865,766 |437,051,532 |1,131,917,298 |257,814,234| --

1879 |710,439,441 |445,777,775 |1,156,217,216 |264,661,666| --

1880 |835,638,658 |667,954,746 |1,503,593,404 |167,683,912| --

1881 |903,377,346 |642,664,628 |1,545,041,974 |259,712,718| --

1882 |750,542,257 |724,639,574 |1,476,181.831 | 25,902,683| --

1883 |823,839,402 |723,180,914 |1,547,020,316 |100,658,488| --

1884 |740,513,609 |667,697,693 |1,408,211,302 | 72,815,916| --

1885 |742,189,755 |577,527,329 |1,319,717,084 |164,662,426| --

1886 |679,524,830 |635,436,136 |1,314,960,966 | 44,088,694| --

1887 |716,183,211 |692,319,768 |1,408,502,977 | 23,863,443| --

1888 |695,954,507 |723,957,114 |1,419,911,621 | -- |28,002,607

1890 |742,401,375 |745,131,652 |1,487,533,027 | -- | 2,730,277

------+------------+------------+--------------+-----------+----------

This table shows that while for last year there was a balance against us

of $2,730,277, and the year before of $28,002,607, for all former years

from 1887 back to 1874 the balances were in our favor--all the way from

$23,000,000 in 1887 to $265,000,000 in 1881. But the total want of

significance so far as the movement of gold is concerned attaching to

any figures showing a balance of trade against the United States will be

seen by an analysis of the figures for any one year. Let us take for

example the imports and exports for 1889 and analyze them by countries.

I now present a table in which I place in one group the gold-using

countries, and in another the silver and paper-using countries.

_Exports and imports of the United States to and from the various

gold-using and silver-using or paper-using countries of the world

for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1889._

------------------------------------+---------------+---------------

Countries. | Exports. | Imports.

------------------------------------+---------------+---------------

Gold-using countries: | |

Canada | $42,141,156 | $43,009,473

Belgium | 23,345,219 | 9,816,435

Denmark | 3,903,937 | 846,904

France | 46,120,041 | 69,566,618

Germany | 68,002,594 | 81,742,546

Great Britain | 382,981,674 | 178,269,067

Greece | 165,079 | 988,923

Italy | 12,604,848 | 17,992,149

Netherlands | 15,062,939 | 10,950,843

Portugal and its possessions | 3,266,814 | 1,282,556

Spain | 11,946,348 | 4,636,661

Sweden and Norway | 2,615,569 | 2,983,319

Turkey | -- | 4,687,731

British possessions in Africa | 2,936,213 | 895,344

British possessions in Australia | 12,321,980 | 5,998,211

| |

Silver and paper using countries: | |

Austria-Hungary | 726,156 | 7,642,297

Russia | 8,364,545 | 2,985,631

Mexico | 11,486,896 | 21,253,601

Central America | 4,325,923 | 8,414,019

Hawaii | 3,375,661 | 12,847,740

Argentine Republic | 9,293,856 | 5,454,618

Brazil | 9,351,081 | 60,403,804

Chili | 2,972,794 | 2,622,625

Peru | 780,835 | 314,032

Colombia | 3,821,017 | 4,263,519

Uruguay | 2,192,848 | 2,986,964

Venezuela | 3,738,961 | 10,392,569

Cuba | 11,691,311 | 52,130,623

Hayti | 5,340,270 | 5,211,704

Porto Rico | 2,224,931 | 3,707,373

British West Indies | 10,453,973 | 20,723,268

Dutch West Indies | 887,778 | 654,320

China | 6,477,512 | 18,508,678

India, British | 4,330,413 | 20,029,601

India, Dutch | 2,249,604 | 5,207,254

Japan | 4,619,985 | 16,687,992

------------------------------------+---------------+---------------

By this table it is seen that the only gold-using countries having a

balance of trade against us are Canada, $868,317; France, $23,446,577;

Greece, $823,824; Germany, $13,739,952; Italy, $5,387,301; Sweden and

Norway, $367,850; Turkey, $4,687,731--making a total balance against us

in gold-using countries, $49,321,452--against which we have a balance in

our favor with Great Britain alone of over $200,000,000.

The balance against us in favor of all the silver using countries could

of course be readily settled in silver; and by carefully noting the

figures of the table last given it will be seen that it is in the last

degree improbable that there will ever be a balance of trade against us

in the gold using countries, taken as a whole.

Hence it is clear that if we had no gold at all we could readily settle

all foreign balances that might be against us.

Nations, however, ultimately, and on the whole, square their accounts

with commodities. Every nation must buy what it wants with its own

products. In this country especially have we nothing to fear, because

any temporary balance against us could always be met by the yield from

our own mines. No country has any difficulty by reason of my difference

in money systems in buying what any other nation has to sell.

This view is supported by all writers on political economy. I need

quote but one. Professor Cairnes, professor of political economy in

the University College of London, in his able work on "Some unsettled

questions in political economy" (1874), says:

It appears to me that the influence attributed by many able

writers in the United States to the depreciation of the paper

currency as regards its effects on the foreign trade of the

country is, in a great degree, purely imaginary. An advance in the

scale of prices, _measured in gold_, in a country, if not shared

by other countries, will at once affect its foreign trade, giving

an impulse to importations and checking the exportation of all

commodities other than gold. A similar effect is very generally

attributed by American writers to the action on prices of the

greenback inconvertible currency.

But it may easily be shown that this is a complete illusion.

Foreigners do not send their products to the United States to take

back greenbacks in exchange. The return which they look for is

either gold or the commodities of the country; and if these have

risen in price in proportion as the paper money has been

depreciated, how should the advance in paper prices constitute an

inducement for them to send their goods thither? The nominal gain

in greenbacks on the importation is exactly balanced by the

nominal loss when those greenbacks came to be converted into gold

or commodities. The gain may, in particular cases, exceed the

loss, but, if it does, the loss will also, in other cases, exceed

the gain. On the whole, and on an average, they can not but be the

equivalents of each other.

Mr. President, the best place in the world where we can have gold is not

in the Treasury of the United States, not in any sub-treasury, but in

circulation, if not in our own country, then, in the foreign countries

where our surplus products are sold. That is where gold would do us the

most good by making money plentiful and prices correspondingly high. It

does us no good here whatever, locked up as it always is, and doing none

of the work of money, but simply reduces to the minimum the tax-paying

and debt-paying power of our wheat- and cotton-growing communities.

An unjust money should not be tolerated, whatever the material of which

it may be composed, and the people of this country will not tolerate it.

They do not fear the outflow of gold. If, in order to retain it, they

must continue to lose as they have been losing for the past fifteen

years, they will favor its going, and raise a shout of joy when it does

go. With a perfect money system in our own country the range of our

domestic prices would continue stable and equitable without regard to

the prices of foreign countries. Our foreign trade would take care of

itself, and whatever the balances might be, they would be much oftener

in our favor than against us, and in reality concern only the importing

merchant and not the Government or the people of the United States. The

difficulty of gold-using countries to get our money, in which to pay us

the balances they would owe us, would be much greater than our

difficulty in getting their money, in which to pay them the occasional

balances we might owe them.

Much the more serious question, (if it be a serious question at all,

which I deny) is how they shall get our money, not how we shall get

theirs. As the balances would be for the most part in our favor, it is

for them to take such steps as may be necessary in order to pay us. But

there is no just reason to apprehend difficulty in either case. A great

country like the United States will have no trouble in buying the money

of any other country at equitable rates--at rates regulated by the

purchasing powers of the moneys of the two countries, respectively.

No country in the history of the world, having a money local to itself,

has ever found the slightest difficulty in buying, upon ratios

determined by the relative purchasing powers of the two kinds of money,

a sufficient amount of foreign exchange (which simply means the money of

another country) to meet all adverse balances of trade.

While earnestly advocating the full remonetization of silver and the

maintenance in this country of a money volume sufficient to insure a

steady level of prices and an unchanging value in the money unit, I

entirely disclaim any desire for an inflation of the currency. My

contention is that without silver we can not keep prices from further

decline, and can not have enough money to serve the growing needs of

population, industry, and commerce.

At the same time I can not refrain from expressing the conviction that,

as between inflation and contraction, no careful student of history and

of economic science can for a moment hesitate in deciding that the evils

inflicted on society by contraction have been longer in duration and

infinitely greater in degree than any that have ever resulted from

inflation. During all periods in which there has been a generous

increase in the money-volume of a country or of the world, activity and

prosperity have been its accompaniment. I challenge the citation of an

instance to the contrary.

With a volume of money increasing at a rate sufficient to meet the

demands of a growing population, and especially if the money be such as

will not leave the country, but, under all circumstances, will remain in

it, to sustain prices, preserve equities, and reward labor, no country

with a proper coordination of its industries can be otherwise than

prosperous.

The property of mobility--of fluidity--which is so much lauded in gold,

is precisely the property least to be desired in the money of a country,

if that property of mobility or fluidity is to keep alternately bringing

money into and taking it out of the country, disturbing prices and

disarranging equities. When it comes, if it enters into circulation,

prices rise; when it goes, prices fall, and thus, instead of having a

steady and level platform of prices on which the trade and industry of

the Republic may rest, like the firm and level platform of liberty upon

which all our citizens stand, we whose business it is to "see that the

Republic take no harm," furnish our people with an "inclined plane" of

finance on which all their business must be conducted. Men buying this

month at the elevated end of the platform find themselves selling next

month at the depressed end.

Whenever in the history of a country there has been least reliance on

international money (gold) and more reliance on merely national money

(even of paper when reasonable limits were placed upon its quantity),

prosperity has been everywhere present. I need not recall to the minds

of Senators the wave of prosperity that swept over this country when it

was without any international money and resorted to the "greenback"

currency.

When, as a result of the Franco-German war, France was deprived of

international money, suspended specie payments, and resorted to a

properly limited paper currency, her progress was unbounded.

No period in the history of Great Britain can compare for activity,

prosperity, or achievement, with the twenty years preceding 1816, when

specie payments were suspended, and during which period, as testified to

by witnesses before the secret committee of Parliament, the discount

rate of the Bank of England did not buffer a single change; whereas from

that period to 1847 the rate was changed sixteen times, and from 1847 to

1874 as many as 274 times, the fluctuations being sometime of the most

violent character.

When gold threatens to leave Great Britain the rate of discount at the

Bank of England is raised, with the view of discouraging, if not

preventing, the outflow. Raising the rate of discount is like putting

the brakes on a railroad train; lowering the rate is like letting off

the brakes.

These changes were not due to any greater demand for money but to the

movements of gold. There was frequently, in the condition of business,

no warrant whatever for a rise in the rate of discount. The only reason

for it was to prevent gold from performing what "our most conservative

financiers" denominate its "noble" function of "mobility"--of

"fluidity"--namely, the function of going "where it was wanted." This

function of going "where it is wanted" is described as the great

"mission" of gold, and it is assumed that it will never be wanted at

more than one place at a time. Yet hear what the chancellor of the

exchequer of Great Britain said a few days ago in the House of Commons:

I admit that, as interested in the commerce and monetary system

of this country I feel a kind of shame that on the occasion of

L2,000,000 or L3,000,000 of gold being taken from this country

to Brazil, or any other country, it should immediately have the

effect of causing a monetary alarm throughout the country. (Speech

of the chancellor of the exchequer in the House of Commons, April

18, 1890.)

This is a suggestive admission, from so well-informed a source, as to

the operation of the single gold standard. I commend it to those who

would circumscribe and hamper the prosperity of this country by making

gold alone the standard of all values.

I have thought it necessary, Mr. President, to state what I conceive to

be the true principles of the science of money, the principles that,

with the progress of time and growth of intelligence, must prevail the

world over; because, without a clear understanding of the relation which

the quantity of money in a country bears to the prosperity and happiness

of its people, there would be no justification for an addition of either

silver, gold, or any other form of money to the quantity already in

circulation. If the value of money depends on quantity, then, as long as

the world adheres to the automatic theory of money, my contention is

that all the silver produced from all the mines of the world should be

transmuted into coin; and even then, if the wants of the world continue

to increase as they have been increasing, it is only a question of time,

and that not far distant, when the combined supply of both metals will

be insufficient to maintain the equities in time transactions.

The world having decreed to stand by the automatic system we are now

dealing with the question as a practical one.

The only relief that can be had is to adhere strictly to that system,

and give it full scope. Remove all legislative restrictions and let the

world have the full benefit of all the precious metals that are yielded

by the mines.

Money: Speech of Hon. John P. Jones, of Nevada, on the Free Coinage of Silver; in the United States Senate, May 12 and 13, 1890 · 第 68 / 165 题