wife to come down to breakfast, but pours himself a cup of coffee and
snatches a roll at the sideboard. A quarter to nine finds him at Police
Headquarters. In the clear morning sunshine the building does not look
so repellent, and he trots up the steps, pushes open the door, and,
avoiding his adversary of the afternoon before, saunters nonchalantly
down the corridor until he sees a small door at the top of a couple of
steps bearing the legend, "Property Clerk's Office."
The property clerk, whoever he is, is already there. Appleboy finds
himself in a small room divided by a wire grating; this has a small
opening through which he is obliged to converse with the official in
charge.
"I have come to get a teapot which was stolen from me," explains
Appleboy.
"What is the state of the case?" inquires the property clerk.
"The thief has forfeited his, I mean her, bail," replies our hero.
"What was her name?"
"Maria Holohan."
"When did she steal the teapot?"
"Last June."
"Where did you last see the teapot?" asks the clerk.
"At the station house, with a tag on it," Appleboy replies.
"Well, what makes you think we have it?" asks the clerk.
"Why, the policeman down at the court-room told me that you kept all
the property which was retained as evidence," answers Appleboy.
The clerk rapidly turns over the leaves in a large book. Evidently he
finds what he is looking for and, nodding, answers: "Well, here's the
record of the case. One silver teapot, value fifty. Officer making
arrest, Patrick McGinnis. Prisoner's name, Maria Holohan. Claimant's
name, Silas Appleboy. That's you, is it? Stolen property, teapot. Held
for evidence, yes. There you are, and you say now she skipped her bail?"
"Certainly," answers Appleboy.
"And you want the teapot?"
"Of course I do," answers Appleboy.
"Well, first you have to get an order from the court to that effect,"
says the clerk.
Appleboy almost loses his temper. Has he got to make another trip down
to that miserable Criminal Courts building?
"Look here," he exclaims rather angrily, "what is the sense of all this
red tape? The case is over, I own the teapot,--why don't you give it to
me and be done with it?"
The clerk smiles,--a trifle condescendingly, thinks Appleboy.
"My dear sir," he says, "are you aware that I have no means of knowing
that you are the Silas Appleboy who owns this teapot, except your own
say so?"
"Isn't that enough?" shouts Appleboy.
"It ought to be," responds the clerk, "but sometimes it isn't. I don't
even know that the woman has skipped her bail."
Appleboy begins to see the force of the clerk's argument.
"I never imagined that a gentleman would be tossed about from pillar
to post, as I have been since I lost that teapot. What is it you say I
must do; get an order from the mayor?"
"No, no,--the judge," answers the clerk.
"How shall I get it?" inquires Appleboy rather huffily.
"Oh, ask the assistant district attorney; he will probably get it for
you."
"Thank you," says Appleboy stiffly, and marches out. This time he takes
the subway to Canal Street, reaching the Criminal Courts building a few
moments after nine. Much to his surprise Mr. Smith is already down at
his office hard at work.
"Ah, Mr. Appleboy, good-morning to you," he exclaims.
"How are you, Mr. Smith?" responds Appleboy. "I have come after that
confounded teapot."
"Oh, the one your cook stole. I remember it well. Where is it?"
"At Police Headquarters," responds Appleboy, "and they want me to get
an order from some judge or something before they will give it up to
me."
"That's easily managed," responds the assistant, "but you have to get a
waiver from this office of any claim that we may have upon the teapot
as evidence. There is a regular printed blank. I think, inasmuch as
Jones was actually going to try the case when Maria skipped her bail,
that he had better fill it out. After you get it, come back here and
I'll make the application for you."
Appleboy begins to feel better. Here is some one that knows his
business. He lights a cigar and descends to the next floor, where he
finds his old friend Jones. Jones is quite ready to give the desired
waiver, and selects one from a pigeon-hole in his desk. He fills it out
to read as follows:
New York, October 7, 1907.
District Attorney's Office,
County of New York.
The People of the State of }
New York on the complaint }
of }
} For Grand Larceny
Silas Appleboy } in the Second Degree
against }
Maria Holohan. }
This office has no further use for the property taken from the
defendant in this case, and now in the possession of the property
clerk of the police department. No objection is therefore made by me
to its delivery to any person who proves to your satisfaction his
right to the possession of the same,--one silver teapot.
A. BIRD,
District Attorney.
Per William Jones, D.A.D.A.
To the Property Clerk of the Police Department, Borough of Manhattan,
City of New York.
"Now we'll go down and see if the judge will give us an order," says
Jones.
"Why, is there any doubt about it?" inquires Appleboy, fearful that
perhaps after all he is going to lose his teapot.
"It all depends on circumstances," answers Jones. "Some of the judges
are perfectly willing to give orders while others are not. You see, the
trouble in your case is that the woman has never been tried, so that
the question of whether or not she stole your teapot has really not
been decided at all."
"The wicked flee--!" murmurs Appleboy in his most approved Friday
evening manner.
They take the elevator down to the second floor, and make their way to
that part of the Sessions upon whose calendar Maria's case appeared at
the time she forfeited her bail. A trial is going on, and a pompous
little lawyer is cross-examining a stout lady who weeps and laughs
hysterically by turns. As the lawyer pauses for breath Mr. Jones arises
and addresses the court.
"May it please your Honor, in the case of the People against Maria
Holohan, charged with grand larceny, the bail in which was forfeited
before your Honor about a week ago, I desire to apply for an order
directing the property clerk at Police Headquarters to turn over the
property, namely a silver teapot, to the complainant, who is here in
court."
"But the case has never been tried, you say, Mr. Jones," objects his
Honor.
"That is all very true," returns the assistant, "but the woman has run
away, her bail has been forfeited, and judgment entered and satisfied."
"Supposing, however, she were captured and brought back and tried, how
do I know but that the jury might acquit her? And they might acquit her
on the specific ground that the teapot belonged to her, and not to the
defendant. I should then be in a position of having directed its return
to a person to whom it did not belong."
"Of course what your Honor says is entirely correct," answers Jones,
"but it is unlikely that we shall ever hear of the case again."
"I don't know about that," answers the judge. "Your office might become
suddenly extremely energetic and try to extradite her."
"Well, it seems rather hard on Mr. Appleboy," responds Jones.
"Of course it's hard; he has my entire sympathy," replies the judge;
"but I cannot take the responsibility of deciding who owns property in
a case which has not been tried. I am not here for that purpose. Let
him take the proper legal steps to secure the return of his property in
the civil courts."
Appleboy, who has understood very little of this colloquy, but who
supposes that, for some entirely insufficient reason apparently, the
judge is trying to block his efforts to secure the return of his
property, suddenly jumps to his feet and shouts:--
"Look here, your Honor, I would like to have a word about this, if I
may! That teapot of mine was stolen last June; I caught my cook in the
very act of selling it to a pawnbroker; I had her arrested on the spot;
she admitted her crime, and acknowledged her guilt in the police court.
My teapot is tagged and locked up in a room at Police Headquarters,
and they won't give it to me unless your Honor will grant an order
directing them to do so. Kindly tell me what I am to do."
The crowd in the court-room titters and the court attendant raps
loudly with a paper-weight on the oaken railing for silence. The judge
regards Mr. Appleboy good-naturedly.
"I am very sorry you have had so much trouble. My position in the
matter simply is that I cannot personally take the responsibility of
deciding to whom this property belongs, particularly when no jury has
ever passed upon the guilt or innocence of the defendant. I shall be
very glad, however, to approve any certificate which the district
attorney may choose to give you stating that he has no further need or
use for the property."
Appleboy brightens.
"Your Honor," says he, "Mr. Jones has already given me such a
certificate, and I shall be much obliged to you if you will approve it."
Jones hands it to the judge, who writes the word "Approved" upon it,
then returns it to the assistant.
"You will observe," says his Honor, "that all I do in the matter is
to approve the statement of the district attorney that he makes no
objection to the delivery of the property to any person who proves to
the satisfaction of the property clerk his right to the possession
of the same. My approval really does not amount to anything at all.
I cannot grant you a court order. I am aware that several of my
associates might do so under exactly similar circumstances, but I
personally do not care to assume any such responsibility. Proceed with
the case on trial."
Out in the corridor Appleboy inquires anxiously of Jones how on earth
he is going to prove to the satisfaction of the property clerk his
right to the possession of the teapot.
"Oh, you won't have any difficulty at all," says Jones; "this
certificate from us, with the judge's 'O.K.' on it, is equivalent to a
court order, even if it is not one technically."
"I don't know," answers Appleboy doubtfully; "this paper seems to leave
it up to me to persuade the intelligence of the property clerk."
"You won't have any trouble," laughs the assistant. "Good-by."
Mr. Appleboy leaves the building once more, and again takes the subway
to Police Headquarters.
"Back again?" inquires the property clerk pleasantly.
"I have a certificate from the district attorney, approved by the judge
giving you permission to return the teapot to me," says Appleboy,
shoving the paper through the wicket.
The clerk takes it.
"This isn't a court order," says he. "Still, if the woman has skipped
her bail and the judgment has been satisfied, I guess we can take
a chance and let you have your teapot, provided of course you are
properly identified. You see, so far as we know, you may have picked
this certificate up on the street. The thing for you to do is to get
hold of the officer who made the arrest, and who knows all about the
case, and have him identify you."
"How shall I do that?" asks Appleboy, very much irritated. "I don't
know where he is; I can't go chasing all over the City of New York
after police officers; I'm sick of this whole business; you know
perfectly well I am Silas Appleboy, else I shouldn't have this paper,
and I shouldn't be around here trying to get that teapot."
"Don't be too sure about that," replies the property clerk. "We have
had three women here at the same time claiming the same pair of diamond
earrings, and each woman looked absolutely respectable. One of them
came in a carriage with a footman. We found out afterwards that the
earrings didn't belong to any one of them, but to an entirely different
person."
Appleboy loses all patience. Just as he is about to place his hands
upon the teapot, _presto_, it vanishes. Two Italians and a Chinaman,
escorted by an officer, now elbow past Appleboy, who disconsolately
gives them place. He is "up against it" again; there is no help for
it; rules are rules and the law is the law. How now to find Patrick,
the officer! He begins to wish he had been nicer to Patrick;--if he
had been a little more liberal in the way of cigars at the time the
teapot was stolen, things might have been very much easier for him
now. He utters an imprecation under his breath against all policemen
and police red tape. Grinding his teeth, he goes to the nearest
telephone booth and asks to be connected with the precinct to which
Patrick is attached. The operator refers him to 3100 Spring, namely,
Headquarters,--but there he is informed that private citizens may
not be connected with police stations. He hangs up the receiver with
something almost like an oath, Poor Vestryman Appleboy! Let us not be
too hard upon him.
It is now half-past eleven o'clock. He takes the car uptown and returns
to the station house, but the sergeant informs him that Patrick is down
in the Criminal Courts building as a witness in a burglary case. This
is the last straw. Frenzied, he rushes from the station house, takes
another car and sits tensely until once more he is at the Criminal
Courts building. Fortunately he has had the forethought to inquire of
the sergeant to which of the four parts of the General Sessions Patrick
has been subpoenaed, and he now finds that it is the same court-room at
the door of which presides his friend of the day before. The doorkeeper
greets him genially, and in response to Appleboy's inquiries replies,
shure, that he knows Pat McGinnis;--that Pat has been there all the
morning, but has just shtepped out over to Tom Foley's saloon. Although
Appleboy has not been inside the portals of such a place since he was
nineteen years old, he frantically inquires its direction, and, fearful
lest he lose the object of his search, dashes across the street to the
corner bar-room.
The little old gentleman with the shining silk hat sticks his head
timidly through the door and observes Patrick at the end of the bar
crooking his elbow in the customary manner. He draws an inspiration
from the sight; with a bland smile he steps up to the bar himself,
slaps the officer familiarly on the back and, pulling off his gloves,
remarks, "Well, Pat, old boy, how do you feel? Have another on me!"
Patrick gazes at him open-mouthed. Can this be the stiff, little old
bank president he knew six months ago? But there can be no question
as to Appleboy's intention when he hears the latter order "two rye
high-balls _and another-for-yourself_" of the astonished barkeeper.
Appleboy toasts Patrick, Patrick toasts Appleboy. Patrick produces
cigars; Appleboy replaces them with others, larger and thicker than any
seen at Foley's.
"By the way," says Appleboy, "step up to Police Headquarters with me,
will you, Pat? Now that I happen to be down this way, I might as well
take that teapot home with me, don't you know."
"Shure," says Pat; "court's adjourned by this time, and I can get back
by two o'clock all right."
The best of friends, they go up in the subway together to Police
Headquarters. With a bold front and fearless eye Appleboy enters
the office of the property clerk, produces his certificate from the
district attorney, and demands his teapot.
"This officer will identify me," says he.
"Shure I indentify him," announces Pat.
The clerk takes the certificate, opens the record book and, with a
rubber stamp, enters up on the back of the original report the words:
"_Identified by officer_
_as owner of the property_."
"Write your name there," says he to Patrick, and McGinnis laboriously
scrawls his name between the lines.
The clerk now disappears into an adjoining room, presently returning
with an object about the size of a football, wrapped in coarse paper,
tied with a multitude of strings and bearing a tag.
"Here you are, sir," says he, opening the door in the wire grating and
passing the football to Appleboy, whose heart beats wildly.
The clerk then stamps the words "_Delivered on identification of
officer_" upon his record book, closes the same with a slam and turns
aside to other more important business. How simple it all is when you
once know how to do it!
"Easy, ain't it?" remarks Pat.
"Easy as rolling off a log," answers Appleboy with a grim smile.
CHAPTER IX
THE TRIAL OF FELONIES
It is a fact, which may at first appear paradoxical, that the jury in
the ordinary run of criminal cases passes upon the guilt or innocence
of very few professional criminals. A moment's consideration will
reveal the reason. The professional criminal usually has a "record"
and he knows full well that in view of his past history, if there be
any sort of a case against him, his own defence, however eloquent or
ingenious, will go for nothing. An affirmative answer to the simple
question, "Have you ever been convicted?" is, in three cases out
of five, equivalent to a plea of guilty. Now it is an understood
thing that any prisoner, who is willing to admit his guilt and save
the county the expense and trouble of a trial, shall receive some
consideration in return therefor when it comes time to impose his
sentence, and usually he expects to receive in addition a guarantee
of good faith from the assistant district attorney in the shape of
the latter's acceptance of his plea to a lower degree of the same
crime. The real "gun" is apt to have his life pretty well mapped out.
He anticipates serving about so much time "in stir" and figures on
beating about every other case before it reaches an actual trial. If
worst comes to worst, and he finds he must face a jury of his peers, he
dickers for the lowest plea he can get. Whole court terms often go by
without a single professional crook being actually tried. If one of
them is "caught with the goods" he generally throws up his hands and
stolidly takes his medicine.
The ordinary citizen quite naturally gains his impressions of the
administration of criminal justice by reading accounts of sensational
trials. He imagines that the daily life of the prosecutor consists in
demanding the conviction of hardened felons with sordid, crime-tracked
features, varied by occasional spectacular "star cases" where counsel
for the defendant and the prosecutor vie with one another in stupendous
outbursts of oratory in which the bird of liberty screams unrestrained
and Justice frantically waves her scales. He supposes, if he gives
the matter any consideration at all, that defendants languish away
their lives in the Tombs waiting for trials which never come, and
that influential criminals walk the streets while the indictments
against them lie accumulating an overcoat of dust in some forgotten
pigeon-hole. He frankly assumes that the jury system is pretty nearly
a failure, and knows of his own knowledge, or thinks he does, that any
one with enough money can either avoid being tried for crime at all or,
if by any mischance he be convicted, can easily escape punishment or at
least delay it indefinitely by technicalities of procedure and appeals.
In his customary dialect he "has no use" for the criminal or the
criminal courts, and his only dread is that he may some time be drawn
as a juror and be compelled to serve in a region of the city where he
will be unable to find a satisfactory place to get his lunch and in the
society of those whose companionship he fancies he is not likely to
enjoy.
Let us assume that Mr. Ordinary Citizen has been so unfortunate as to
receive one of those pink slips which call upon him to "all business
or other matters lay aside" and to attend at Part I of the General
Sessions of the Peace at ten o'clock on the first Monday of the month.
He finds himself in a large and well-lighted court-room, at one end
of which, on a dais, sits a judge more or less surrounded by various
persons who continually approach and engage him in conversation. At
a desk in front, a clerk and his assistant are busy with piles of
documents, which "O.C." learns later to be indictments, and with big
ledgers which are in fact the "Minutes of the Sessions." The room is
crowded, all the benches being filled with a varied, but, on the whole,
a respectable-appearing assortment of humanity. In front of the judge
and clerk, wandering around inside an enclosure, at one side of which
stands the temporarily empty jury-box, are several young men who are
earnestly engaged in talking to the lawyers, complainants and policemen
who throng at the bar.
Suddenly the clerk raises his voice and shouts, "Harken to the call
of the calendar!" An officer pounds on a railing with a paper-weight,
another bellows, "Find seats there! An' quit talkin'!" and the judge,
gazing at a long sheet of foolscap in his hand, remarks inquiringly:
"People against Murphy?"
The young assistant district attorney at once answers:
"People are ready."
"If your Honor please," nervously exclaims a stout man pushing his way
to the front, "this case has never been on the calendar before. I was
only retained last night and I did not receive any notice that it was
to be tried until this morning. I ask that it go over until next week."
"What do you say, Mr. District Attorney?" asks the judge.
"Oh, it's a very simple case," answers the assistant. "There's no
reason why it should not be tried to-day."
"Well, I'll give you until to-morrow," says the judge. "You must be
ready _then_."
"People against Smith?" he continues.
Both sides happen to be ready in this case.
"People against McCord?"
"Defendant's going to plead," says the assistant.
"People against Vermicelli?"
"We expect to make a recommendation in that case, your Honor,"
announces the assistant,--and so it goes until fifteen or twenty cases
have been marked "Ready" or "Passed for the day" or adjourned to let
the defendant get his witnesses or, in point of fact, for the lawyer to
extract his fee.
The clerk then calls the roll of the jury, and after the rush which
ensues to present excuses to the effect that the talesman's health or
business is in a precarious condition, the court settles gradually down
to its routine work.
A jury is empanelled and a lank, seedy-looking youth takes his seat at
the bar between a spruce, bald-headed little man and a court officer.
He is charged with having "policy-slips in his possession."
So far "O.C.," our juror, has been impressed with the business-like and
cheerful manner in which the proceedings have been conducted. Most of
the lawyers, instead of clamoring for a trial for their languishing
clients, have exerted all their efforts to secure delays. Then he
learns to his surprise that the average length of time which elapses
between a defendant's arrest for felony and his trial, unless the
prisoner be out on bail, is _less than one week_.[27]
"Jury satisfactory to both sides?" inquires the clerk.
"Entirely so," reply the little bald-headed man and the prosecutor
together.
Suddenly the lank youth leans over and whispers to the lawyer, who
after a moment's conversation beckons to the prosecutor. There is a
brief consultation and the assistant tosses the indictment to the clerk
with the announcement:
"He pleads guilty."
The defendant gets up and shuffles to the bar, where his pedigree is
taken and a day set for his sentence, which, in the event of his never
having been convicted before, will probably be a fine of twenty-five
dollars or a month in the penitentiary.
"Call the next case," says the judge.
"People against Thompson," shouts the clerk. "Bring up Thompson."
The door in the back of the room opens and "Thompson" is "brought
up." He is a good-looking young negro, defended by a member of his
own race. The jury say they have no prejudice against negroes and are
sworn without leaving the box. The charge is one of assault in the
first degree--that is to say, with intent to kill. The complainant is
a flashily dressed young mulatto woman, who asserts that the defendant
"done crack her head wif an ice-pitcher," and produces the fragments
of pitcher, done up in a newspaper. She admits that at the time of the
unfortunate occurrence she was living with the defendant as his wife.
There are no other witnesses for the People, and the defendant is
sworn without more ado. He explains that the complainant accused him
of being too attentive to a "yaller gal" on the next street and when
he attempted to go out of the house she attacked him with a pen-knife.
In confirmation of this he exhibits a small cicatrix on his wrist.
After hearing the evidence the assistant announces to the judge that
the case ought in his opinion to have been disposed of in the police
court and that the interests of justice will be subserved if his Honor
will discharge the defendant on his own recognizance. This the judge
does with an admonitory lecture, and the defendant and the complainant
go away together. "O.C.," the juror, begins to conclude that the
assistant is a pretty fair sort of a chap.
Trial follows trial with great rapidity. Gradually the crowd in
the court-room thins out. By one o'clock only a dozen or fifteen
witnesses and spectators remain, and by half-past three the benches
are practically empty. "O.C." has heard a dozen different complaining
witnesses tell the story of how as many defendants have wronged them.
The Bowery merchant whose packing-cases have been broken into has
followed as complainant the man who has been robbed in a saloon;
the "clothes-line fight" has given place to the story of the actual
abduction of a young girl by a "cadet"; the landlady who has received
a bad cheque from a lodger can hardly wait to recount the history of
her misfortunes, for the man who has lost a horse and wagon through a
drunken driver, whom he charges with grand larceny.
Generally the "People's case" consists of the complainant's version
of what has occurred, somewhat corroborated by another witness or
two, and the officer who made the arrest. Then the lawyer for the
defendant takes his client by the shoulder and with a gruff "Go 'round
there, young man," or, if he be playing for sympathy, a gentle "Please
take the stand, William," starts him upon that most dangerous of all
adventures, a journey to the witness-chair in his own behalf. In two
cases out of three the defendant's own testimony, if he is guilty, is
what convicts him. Both sides "sum" up in short, disconnected speeches,
and the judge delivers a brief charge. The jury file out and another is
immediately sworn. As the next trial begins very likely the door from
the "pen" will open and the proceedings be interrupted long enough to
allow another prisoner to tramp around the court-room, take his stand
at the bar, and plead guilty.
"John Keenan, alias Foxy Keenan, alias Gum-Shoe Jack, do you now desire
to withdraw the plea of 'Not guilty' heretofore entered by you, and to
now plead guilty to grand larceny in the second degree?"
The defendant acknowledges with no very amiable expression that this
is his inclination, and his pedigree, which is taken by the clerk
forthwith, discloses that he has served five times in State's prison
and twice in the penitentiary. "O.C." looks at his fellow jurors and
whistles under his breath. That was the real thing and no mistake. Very
likely the jury upon which he is now serving will convict, it having
thus been brought to their attention by a concrete illustration that
all the defendants are not innocent persons unjustly accused of crime.
"Remanded," says the clerk, and Gum-Shoe Jack tramps back to the little
door and the interrupted trial goes on. The stream of complainants,
witnesses and defendants is as varied as that in Balzac's "Comédie
Humaine." "O.C." begins to take a keen interest and now and then to
put a question himself. He has taken the opportunity to make the
acquaintance of the assistant district attorney at the noon hour and
now feels that he is really a part of the machinery of justice.[28]
Ordinarily in a full court day there will occur from two to four
complete trials, while an equal number of pleas may be taken. Sometimes
a hundred and fifty cases will be got rid of by trial or plea in a
single term in one part of the General Sessions alone. On the other
hand, if the calendar is made up of "old-bail cases," indictments
for receiving stolen goods, misappropriation, and Italian or Chinese
homicides, the office accounts itself lucky in getting rid of half a
dozen cases in the month. Occasionally, when a brisk, business-like
judge is sitting, a "homicide calendar" will be disposed of at the rate
of one a day, but this is rare and can occur only when most of the
cases are for manslaughter or criminal negligence.
When trials are rapid their speed always redounds to the benefit, not
of the People, but of the defendant.
Such a performance in a court of justice as the following, recounted by
Lord Brampton, could not take place to-day. It is worth reproduction as
marking the progress of criminal procedure:
The first thing that struck me in the after-dinner trials was the
extreme rapidity with which the proceedings were conducted. As judges
and counsel were exhilarated, the business was proportionately
accelerated. But of all the men I had the pleasure of meeting on
these occasions, the one who gave me the best idea of rapidity in an
after-dinner case was Muirhouse.
Let me illustrate it by a trial which I heard: Jones was the name
of the prisoner. His offence was that of picking pockets, entailing
of course a punishment corresponding in severity with the barbarity
of the times. It was not a plea of "Guilty," when perhaps a little
more inquiry might have been necessary; it was a case in which the
prisoner solemnly declared he was "Not guilty," and therefore had a
right to be tried.
The accused having "held up his hand," and the jury having solemnly
sworn "to hearken to the evidence," etc., the witness for the
prosecution climbs into the box, which was like a pulpit, and before
he has time to look around and see where the voice comes from, he is
examined by the prosecuting counsel.
"I think you were walking up Ludgate Hill on Thursday 25th about
half-past two in the afternoon and suddenly felt a tug at your pocket
and missed your handkerchief, which the constable now produces. Is
that it?"
"Yes, sir."
"I suppose you have nothing to ask him?" says the judge. "Next
witness."
Constable stands up.
"Were you following the prosecutor on the occasion when he was robbed
on Ludgate Hill, and did you see the prisoner put his hand into the
prosecutor's pocket and take the handkerchief out of it?"
"Yes, sir."
Judge to the prisoner: "Nothing to say, I suppose?"
Then to the jury: "Gentlemen, I suppose you have no doubt? I have
none."
Jury: "Guilty, my lord," as though to oblige his lordship.
Judge to prisoner: "Jones, we have met before--we shall not meet
again for some time--seven years' transportation. Next case."
Time: two minutes and fifty-three seconds.
But to return to our juror. What strikes "O.C.," who has now become
entirely disabused of his previous ideas of what criminal trials are
like, is the fairness with which those trials are conducted in the
General Sessions and the fact that the interests of the accused are
safeguarded in every possible way. Plenty of time is taken to try out
even a pickpocket case or a street-corner brawl. The judge always
covers the law fully and accentuates the necessity of giving every
reasonable doubt to the defendant. In his heart "O.C." begins to have
a slight feeling that the devil is getting a little more than his due.
He has acquitted so many of the persons who have been tried that
when he now sees a head he is not at all unwilling to hit it. He is
fast reaching that state of mind which the prosecutor has anticipated
when he has told his chief that in a few days he will have the jury
"knocked into shape," in other words, he no longer believes every
hard-luck story that he hears, he knows that certain criminal attorneys
are capable of almost any kind of misrepresentation, he realizes that
practically every defendant has already had a pretty exhaustive trial
in the police court before indictment, he is quite as anxious to see
the guilty convicted as he is to see the innocent acquitted, and he
has been properly disgusted with the attitude and actions of certain
of his colleagues in the jury-room whom he regards quite properly as
anarchists or idiots. The district attorney at the end of a week has
found out who some of these are. They have been "excused" for the
remainder of the term, and he can rely pretty safely on the others
rendering a fair verdict in any important case which he now desires to
move before them.
What naturally interests "O.C." and his fellow jurors most of all
is the defendant's own story of how he came to be involved in the
transaction out of which the charge against him arises. For the first
few days he very probably gives such explanations rather more credit
than they deserve, for he is sympathetically inclined to believe that
the prisoner is more likely to be the victim of circumstances than
guilty of an act of moral turpitude. The eager attitude of some of
the complainants likewise gives him an excuse for believing them to
be actuated by more than a mere desire to see justice done and to
have the truth prevail. He is inclined to look for hidden motives
for every prosecution. This gradually wears off and his attention
becomes centred on the defendant himself. Will he put in a defence?
Will he testify in his own behalf? What will he say? Little by little
"O.C." gets to inventing defences to fit the facts established against
the prisoner by the people's case. Meantime he is learning a little
law. That "the people must prove the defendant's guilt beyond every
reasonable doubt," and "that no unfavorable inference must be drawn as
against the defendant from his failure to testify in his own behalf."
"O.C." has some difficulty with the "reasonable doubt." Perhaps he
says to himself, "I am a reasonable man,--hence any doubt I have must
be reasonable." However, the judge's reiteration that not every doubt
is a reasonable one and that the words do not mean "a mere guess or
conjecture that the defendant may, after all, be innocent, but a
substantial doubt arising out of the evidence in the case, for which a
reason can be given," and of such a character as would influence him in
the important affairs of his daily life, eventually clears his mind on
this somewhat abstruse psychological problem, and he translates "beyond
any reasonable doubt" into the more lucid and comprehensive "moral
certainty" of ordinary existence.[29] But that he shall not permit
himself to be prejudiced against a defendant by the latter's refusal
to testify is a much more difficult matter. He knows it to be the law,
and he tries hard to obey it, but in a majority of cases he cannot
escape the sub-conscious deduction that if the defendant were innocent
he would not hesitate to offer an explanation. As time goes on and he
gains in experience it becomes even harder to follow the instructions
of the judge in this respect. He discovers that the district attorney
cannot prove the prison record or bad character of the defendant
unless the latter subjects himself to cross-examination by taking
the witness-stand, and hence is likely to suspect that any defendant
who does not testify is an ex-convict. Three jurors out of five will
convict any man who is unwilling to offer an explanation of the charge
against him. How they reconcile this with their oath it would be
hard to understand, if they were accustomed to obey it literally in
other respects. The writer has heard more than one talesman say, in
discussing a verdict, "Of course we couldn't take it against him, but
we _knew_ he was guilty because he was afraid to testify."
As the reader is doubtless aware, under the common law no defendant
in either a civil suit or criminal prosecution could testify in his
own behalf. He was regarded as a party in interest whose bias must
necessarily render his evidence of questionable, if of any, value.
This doctrine, along with many others, our fathers adopted on their
severance from England, and it continued to be the law in New York for
a long time,--in civil cases until 1849, and in criminal until 1869.
Then, ostensibly for the sake of the defendant and for the protection
of the innocent, the rule was abolished. That the change from the
common law was not generally approved either by the bench or bar of
New York is clear from the opinion of the Court of Appeals in one of
the earliest cases which arose under the new practice.[30] The court
expressed the opinion that the change would redound to the benefit
of the glib, quick-witted and hardened criminal who could invent a
plausible defence, and result in the confusion of the innocent man
unjustly accused of crime who might from stupidity or timidity involve
himself in apparent contradiction; to say nothing of the fact that
if the defendant did not take the stand the jury, however much they
were instructed to the contrary, would inevitably draw an unfavorable
conclusion from his failure to deny his guilt.
Now to any fair-minded American it must seem almost rudimentary justice
that the accused should have a chance to tell his own story. That in
itself is a sufficient reason for the rule. Just why, theoretically, if
a defendant does not see fit to give an explanation and subject himself
to cross-examination, the jury should _not_ be permitted to draw an
unfavorable inference is not so clear.
Experience has demonstrated that an innocent man need have no fear
about taking the stand. Jurors sympathize with a defendant who is
subjected to a withering fire of questions, and do not expect him to
be able to give a lucid account of himself since the day of his birth,
or to explain without the minutest contradiction every detail in the
evidence against him. But they do want him to deny his guilt and to
have an opportunity to "size him up." On the other hand, the slightest
word of explanation may suffice to change the whole complexion of a
case.[31] In the old days the guiltiest of criminals could, almost
with impunity, shield himself behind his lawyer's eloquent assertion
that his client had a "perfect defence," but that the law "had sealed
his lips." To-day in the vast majority of cases the prisoner who does
not take the stand is doomed. Out of three hundred defendants tried
by the writer's associate, Mr. C.C. Nott, twenty-three failed to take
the stand in cases submitted to the jury. Of these twenty-one were
convicted, one was acquitted, and as to one the jury disagreed. Had
these men been prevented by law from testifying in their own behalf,
the ratio would have been very different.
Thus a rule originally intended to benefit the innocent defendant by
_permitting_ him to offer his explanation of the charge against him has
practically resulted in _compelling_ all defendants, guilty or innocent
alike, to testify. It goes without saying that this has resulted in
a considerable benefit to the community. Its only disadvantage, and
this is probably more theoretical than practical, is that ex-convicts
on trial can no longer successfully conceal their pasts. If they do
not testify they will probably pay the usual penalty, and if they do
testify they are more than likely to be convicted "on their records."
Clever criminals often seek to avoid this dilemma by declining the
services of counsel and conducting their own cases, thus rendering it
impossible for themselves to take the stand, for in such an event there
would be no lawyer to examine them. This ruse is well calculated to
deceive the ordinary juryman.
The jury are also far less inclined to draw an unfavorable inference
from a defendant's failure to testify if, on the conclusion of the
evidence of the prosecution, he merely "rests on the people's case" and
puts in no defence at all, than if he puts in only a partial defence.
They readily appreciate that his counsel may honestly believe that as
matter of law no case has been made out against him, and they bend
their energies to the determination of the simple and unobstructed
issue of whether the uncontradicted evidence of the prosecution has
of itself established the guilt of the prisoner beyond a reasonable
doubt. If he puts in a defence and calls witnesses to contradict those
of the people, the jury are apt to concentrate their attention upon the
question of the relative truthfulness of the witnesses on either side.
Juries, quite naturally, are quick to infer guilt from any attempt at
deception on the part of the defence, and habitually visit the sins
of his witness upon the prisoner. Every criminal lawyer has had the
unpleasant experience of seeing his client convicted merely because
the jury have caught one of the witnesses for the defence lying on an
immaterial point. Whether the jury hear one or both sides of a case,
they inevitably labor under the disadvantage of never being able to
pierce the screen which the law has hung between them and the truth
in every case. Many a jury is struggling manfully with the question
of the defendant's guilt or innocence, while the latter sits in the
pen chewing the cud of narcotic contentment and wondering whether the
yarn he "framed" for them will be believed. He has figured out what he
is likely to get, knowing that even if he were found guilty the judge
would probably not "give" him "more than Elmira," and has resolved to
"take a chance." As the Elmira sentence is indeterminate, the defendant
has nothing to gain by pleading. Once there, he will be released in
fourteen months if his conduct appears to warrant it. The only real
"chance" that he takes, is, that the judge may send him to State's
prison, but he usually has made a study of the judge's character and
past performances. Similarly he may have offered to plead to a lower
degree of the same offence and his offer may have been refused, yet the
matter is confidential and the case has to be tried by the district
attorney as though he had no knowledge of the defendant's guilt. So
the jury retire and frequently end their deliberations by acquitting
the defendant, who leaves the court-room triumphantly to the great
chagrin of the prosecutor. The jury, on the other hand, are filled with
complacent satisfaction at having restored to liberty a man unjustly
accused of crime. But these trifling considerations are as nothing when
compared with the limitations which the laws of evidence and procedure
place upon the presentation of what is ofttimes a perfectly plain
case.[32]
The prosecutor who has thoroughly investigated a case has a knowledge
of its real merits which can never be brought to the minds of the jury.
There is much evidence, not technically admissible, which properly
should be considered by him in determining his official action, and
there is usually an equal amount of evidence, the competency of which
will depend on the course of the trial. He occupies a delicate and
frequently a very difficult position, since he must prosecute the
case without reference to facts which might conclusively prove the
defendant guilty, could they be introduced in evidence. The real
character of the accused can almost never be demonstrated, for unless
he takes the stand in his own behalf his "record" is inadmissible,
and even when he does take the stand, he can deny with impunity any
allegation as to his past offences and conduct, since the law does not
permit the prosecutor to disprove such denials unless they relate to
actual convictions for crime. Similarly the excellent character of the
complainant and his witnesses may not be shown, unless the defendant
himself directly attacks it, so that it is probable that throughout
the case the injured party and the wrong-doer appear to the jury to
be of equal credibility. The district attorney is a "quasi-judicial"
officer, who must be at one and the same time the friend and right
arm of the court and the advocate of the public right. His official
position gives him an influence with the jury which honor forbids him
to abuse, and demands an impartial consideration of the evidence and a
dignified method of conducting the case, irrespective of the tactics
of the defence. He represents not only the public, but the defendant,
who is one of the public. He should be glad to welcome at any stage of
the proceedings credible evidence tending to establish the innocence
of the accused, and if it convinces him that the defendant is not
guilty, he should, even in the midst of a trial, arise and move that
the jury be discharged and the prisoner set free. But this is by no
means inconsistent with a vigorous insistence upon the people's rights,
nor does it require that the prosecutor should refrain from using
the advocate's customary weapons of attack and defence. While he is
cross-examining the witnesses for the defence and arguing to the jury,
he is for the time being the lawyer for the people, and the appellate
courts have said that it would be manifestly unfair not to extend to
him in summing up the case an equal latitude of expression and scope of
argument with counsel for the defendant.
It is the consciousness that he is indeed sore let and hindered in
really laying the truth before the jury that makes the accusation of
"unfairness" so bitter to a prosecutor, and it is the cause of whatever
"overzealousness" it is often popular to ascribe to the district
attorney's office. One would think, to read the communications in
the evening papers during a recent trial, that the community had no
privileges at all. A prosecutor frequently reaches that conclusion
from experience. The writer is not aware that the constitutional
guarantees which protect the liberty of the individual were intended to
deprive the public of an advocate. In the nature of things, if justice
is to be done, the People should be entitled to the same rights as
the individual. If we are to have respect for law, the law must be
deserving of respect, and law which makes rather for the acquittal than
for the conviction of the guilty is not of that sort.
But with a trained panel of jurors, at the end of the second week
of the term, the chaff having been separated from the wheat, the
prosecution may reasonably expect to see the mill of justice grinding
smoothly and reasonably fine, the jury at home in the court-room,
familiar with their duties, and appreciative of the fact that all the
assistant is trying to accomplish is the disposal of as many cases as
possible consistent with fair trials and just verdicts. By the middle
of the term he must be a very indifferent sort of fellow if he has
not made friends of the jury; and assuming that he has done his work
disinterestedly and in a business-like fashion, he will find that he
has now the good-will and respect of the entire panel,--a regard which
may well stand him in good stead later on in his career. This is the
prosecutor's reward,--to try cases before a body of men who know that
he is anxious to do the right thing, ready to welcome any evidence that
really tends to establish the innocence of the accused, but insistent
that no guilty man shall go free unless his act is first stamped as
wrong by a conscientious verdict on the part of the jury.
Yet, as the writer has already stated, when the jury disband at the
conclusion of the term with the thanks of the court, they have seen
few professional criminals, save for a fleeting glance as one or
two are led to the bar to admit their guilt. One exception readily
suggests itself,--namely, the prosperous swindler who, by means of
the "wire-tapping," "sick engineer" or other similar device, has
parted some gullible person from his savings. Yet these gentry always
save plenty of money with which to engage able counsel and are only
forced to trial after they have exhausted every means of delay known
to the law. They never plead guilty, but fight until the last gun is
fired, believing that as they have escaped punishment in the past, so
they will in the future. Their records rarely make it possible for
them to take the stand in their own behalf, and if the case goes to
the jury at all they are immediately convicted. Almost every panel
has the opportunity to hear at least one "sucker" tell his story and
to render a speedy verdict in his favor. It needs little explanation
from a prosecutor to convince the twelve hard-working tradesmen
before him that the defendants in this class of cases are the "real"
criminals,--systematic enemies of society.
The great bulk of cases, that is to say, nearly seventy-five per
cent, are disposed of by plea, by direction of the court, or
"recommendation," that is to say, on the written application of the
district attorney that the defendant's bail be discharged. Hundreds of
cases are thus "turned out" every year, and for the most part represent
those instances where the magistrate and grand jury have not had either
the time or the inclination to assume the responsibility of discharging
the defendants, preferring to put the question "up" to the district
attorney or a petit jury. These recommendations are made on numberless
grounds, the principal being (1) that it is clearly apparent that a
reasonable doubt exists on the evidence; in other words, that as a
matter of law the case should not be submitted to a jury; (2) that the
People's witnesses have disappeared or left the jurisdiction; (3) that
the case has once been tried with the jury standing almost unanimously
for acquittal; (4) that owing to the peculiar circumstances in the case
it is quite unreasonable to suppose that any jury would convict,--such
as where an entirely respectable young woman being out of work has, in
a fit of despair, attempted her own life.[33] Two or three cases are
disposed of in this manner in each part of the Sessions almost every
calendar day in the year.
The defendants who plead guilty are professional criminals,
ex-convicts, and prisoners whose guilt is so overwhelmingly clear that
they have no hope of getting even a disagreement.
Thus most of the cases tried are neither "dead open and shut," as the
saying is, nor exceptionally weak. They usually present some question
of doubt,--usually only a conjectural one, however, or at least admit
of a more or less logical argument for an acquittal on the part of the
defence.
In trivial cases the jury are inclined to take the law into their
own hands. Boys charged with attempting to pick pockets or burglarize
small stores, with assaulting police officers, carrying concealed
weapons such as knives and brass knuckles, having policy-slips in their
possession, rioting, malicious mischief, etc., are usually acquitted.
This is because the jury think that they have been already punished
enough for the character of offence which they have committed,--not
because they believe them innocent. Cases where the charge is a serious
one and which are tried before trained panels on a substantial amount
of evidence usually result in conviction. In so-called "important"
or "star" cases, defendants are rarely acquitted. If the reader will
recall the sensational first trials of the last ten years he will find
that there is hardly a single acquittal among them.[34] It is the petty
law-breaker who profits by the lawlessness of the modern jury.
The fact that the prosecutor appears every day before the general panel
of jurors in the Part to which he is assigned throughout the term and
soon gains among them the reputation of being fair, and that he on
his side knows their peculiarities and idiosyncrasies is what makes
the jury system in criminal cases work more accurately and accomplish
better results than in civil trials, where the jury usually has never
seen either counsel before and probably distrusts both of them. A
prosecutor who knows his petit jury, its faults, virtues and foibles,
can move an important case before it, even though it be composed of
retail cigar and newspaper dealers and small tailors from the East
Side, more safely and with a better expectation of a just verdict than
before a "special" panel of bankers and architects with whom he is
unfamiliar. The ordinary panel at its daily task during the last two
weeks of every term illustrates the jury system at its best. Cases
moved at the beginning of the term usually result in acquittals.
Occasionally a jury will open a term with a rather unexpected
conviction, but it takes three or four days before they realize that a
reasonable doubt is not meant to include "a mere guess or conjecture
that the defendant may, after all, be innocent." Wily criminal
practitioners seek if possible to have their cases put on the calendars
at the opening of a term, and to secure adjournments at the end of the
term in order that they may go over to the beginning of the next.
Court officers often win fame in accordance with their ability as "plea
getters." They are anxious that the particular Part to which they are
assigned shall make as good a showing as possible in the number of
cases disposed of. Accordingly each morning some of them visit the pens
on the floor below the court-room and negotiate with the prisoners for
pleas. The writer suspects that the assistant in charge of the Part is
usually depicted as a fierce and relentless prosecutor and the jury as
a hardened, heartless crew who would convict their own mothers on the
slightest pretext. The joys of Elmira as contrasted with other places
of confinement are alluringly described and a somewhat paradoxical
readiness to accept any sort of plea, in view of his bull-dog
character, is attributed to the assistant.
The writer has known of the entire population of a prison pen pleading
guilty one after another under the persuasion of an eloquent bluecoat
assisted by an opportune conviction. Of course the prisoners expect to
be treated with a considerable degree of leniency, and if one of their
comrades goes up to plead and returns with the story that the judge is
"easy" and the assistant "all right," and a sentence to Elmira, the
others are apt very quickly to follow suit. If, however, the first
of the batch called for trial does not come back at all (having been
acquitted), the remainder will not "plead" under any circumstances.
The same thing is true if the first prisoner who pleads gets a severe
sentence. Prosecutors anxious to dispose of business hope for light
sentences at the beginning of the term.
Most of the homicide cases are tried in the Criminal Term of the
Supreme Court, and a great many pleas to "manslaughter" are accepted
by the judge where the technical charge is murder in the first degree.
The grand jury indict for murder in almost every homicide case on the
theory that some evidence may possibly be given at the trial which will
warrant such a verdict. A very large proportion of these defendants
plead guilty to manslaughter, and are encouraged in all legitimate
ways to do so. About two years ago, in the Supreme Court, the first
defendant called to the bar concluded that discretion was the better
part of valor and pleaded guilty. The judge, who had never sat in
Criminal Term before, promptly gave him eighteen years,--only two less
than the maximum, although the shooting had occurred during a quarrel
over a game of "craps." Not a single other prisoner offered a plea to
any degree of crime during the remainder of the term.
A great deal of interest is felt everywhere in the practical results
of the jury system, and particularly in the proportion of convictions
to acquittals. Figures purporting to show such ratios should be
scrutinized with great care, as they usually include among "verdicts
of conviction" pleas of guilty voluntarily offered by the defendant,
and similarly include among "acquittals" all cases where defendants
are discharged without trial on the motion of the prosecutor. The only
figures which have any particular bearing on the question of how far
the jury system is efficacious are those drawn from the results of
actual trials in which verdicts have been rendered.
The following table shows the comparative number of convictions, pleas,
acquittals, etc., in New York County during the last eight years:
-----+--------+------+-----------+------------+----------+----------+
Year |Convic |Pleas |Acquittals |Discharged | Bail |Indictment|
| -tions | |by Jury and| on Own |Discharged|Dismissed |
| | | Direction |Recognizance| | |
-----+--------+------+-----------+------------+----------+----------+
1900 | 424 | 1,672| 733 | 366 | 185 | 76 |
1901 | 551 | 1,838| 688 | 434 | 192 | 165 |
1902 | 419 | 2,009| 698 | 351 | 457 | 257 |
1903 | 485 | 1,918| 615 | 321 | 299 | 92 |
1904 | 495 | 1,971| 700 | 363 | 272 | 50 |
1905 | 489 | 2,001| 602 | 352 | 207 | 57 |
1906 | 464 | 2,079| 560 | 428 | 344 | 99 |
1907 | 582 | 2,266| 656 | 493 | 202 | 100 |
-----+--------+------+-----------+------------+----------+----------+
Total| 3,909|15,754| 5,252 | 3,108 | 2,158 | 896 |
-----+--------+------+-----------+------------+----------+----------+
-------+------+----------+----------+----------+----------+--------+------
Forfeit|Decl- |Sentenced |Superseded|Dismissed |Discharged|Disch- |Total
-ures | ared |on another|Indictment| by | on Writ | arged |
|Insane|Indictment| |Grand Jury| | (Comp.)|
-------+------+----------+----------+----------+----------+--------+------
74| 13 | 60 | 19 | 1,093 | 4 | 141 | 4,860
113| 8 | 77 | 36 | 1,045 | 4 | 116 | 5,267
97| 5 | 67 | 62 | 863 | 2 | 73 | 5,360
62| 12 | 65 | 40 | 807 | 7 | 86 | 4,809
63| 8 | 63 | 37 | 898 | 20 | 99 | 5,039
51| 8 | 82 | 38 | 1,035 | 5 | 93 | 5,020
47| 11 | 137 | 45 | 980 | 2 | 69 | 5,265
45| 12 | 179 | 38 | 1,529 | 4 | 131 | 6,237
-------+------+----------+----------+----------+----------+--------+------
552| 77 | 730 | 315 | 8,250 | 48 | 808 |41,857
-------+------+----------+----------+----------+----------+--------+------
During 1907 in New York County out of 4,573 indictments .62 per cent.
(including pleas of guilty) resulted in convictions. The following
table shows a gradually increasing percentage of such convictions for
the past eight years:
-----+-----------------------+-------------------+-------
Year | Number of Indictments | Total Convictions | Ratio
| Disposed of | |
-----+-----------------------+-------------------+-------
1900 | 3,620 | 2,096 | .5790
1901 | 4,096 | 2,389 | .5839
1902 | 4,410 | 2,428 | .5506
1903 | 3,909 | 2,403 | .6144
1904 | 4,022 | 2,466 | .6131
1905 | 3,887 | 2,490 | .6405
1906 | 4,214 | 2,543 | .6035
1907 | 4,573 | 2,848 | .6228
-----+-----------------------+-------------------+-------
During this eight-year period 32,731 indictments were finally
disposed of either by trial, plea, direction of the court or on the
recommendation of the district attorney. These dispositions bear the
following ratios to each other:
----+-----------+--------+----------+----------+----------+------------
Year|Convictions|Pleas of|Acquittals|Acquittals|Discharges| Minor
| by | Guilty |by Verdict| Directed | |Dispositions
| Verdict | | | | |
----+-----------+--------+----------+----------+----------+------------
1900| .1171 | .4619 | .1013 | .1012 | .1707 | .0478
1901| .1345 | .4487 | .0840 | .0840 | .1831 | .0657
1902| .0950 | .4556 | .0792 | .0791 | .2324 | .0587
1903| .1239 | .4905 | .0786 | .0785 | .1770 | .0515
1904| .1231 | .4901 | .0887 | .0853 | .1685 | .0443
1905| .1258 | .5148 | .0769 | .0779 | .1585 | .0461
1906| .1101 | .4934 | .0584 | .0745 | .2067 | .0569
1907| .1273 | .4955 | .0577 | .0857 | .1739 | .0599
----+-----------+--------+----------+----------+----------+------------
What the reader is naturally most curious to discover is in what
proportion of cases (where they had any say in the matter at all)
the jury let the defendant go. Roughly speaking, the proportion of
convictions to acquittals _by actual verdict_ is considerably more than
two to one,--the ratio for 1907 being as 69 is to 31:
----+-----------+----------+-----------+----------
Year| Number | Number |Convictions|Acquittals
|Convictions|Acquittals| Per Cent | Per Cent
|by Verdict |by Verdict| |
----+-----------+----------+-----------+----------
1900| 424 | 367 | 54 | 46
1901| 551 | 344 | 62 | 38
1902| 419 | 349 | 55 | 45
1903| 485 | 307 | 61 | 39
1904| 495 | 357 | 58 | 42
1905| 489 | 299 | 62 | 38
1906| 464 | 246 | 65 | 35
1907| 582 | 264 | 69 | 31
----+-----------+----------+-----------+----------
The writer desires very particularly not to be understood as suggesting
that because the district attorney in all these cases thought the
defendant guilty or even _knew_ him to be guilty, the action of the
jury was necessarily improper. So far as his opinion may be worth
anything he believes thoroughly in the jury system in criminal cases,
with some trifling modifications. In a vast proportion of the cases
in which acquittals resulted there was undoubtedly room for an honest
difference of opinion as between reasonable men,--men in the long run
better qualified to judge of the defendant's guilt _on the evidence_
than the prosecutor himself, who is always at the disadvantage of
knowing the "inside" or "unprovable" elements of the People's case, a
fact which is apt to lead him to believe that the record establishes
his own contention more than it appears to do so to the jury. The
propriety of any jury's action must be determined only upon the basis
of the evidence presented to them, and upon which they are permitted
to act. The writer is inclined to believe that nearer eighty than
seventy per cent of the defendants tried should be convicted. In the
heat of conflict he might even claim ninety per cent and maintain that
if a majority of eleven on each jury could render a verdict, nine out
of every ten defendants, after a hearing in the magistrate's court,
an examination by the grand jury, and a careful investigation by the
prosecutor's office, should be convicted. The writer submits that the
increasing percentage of convictions shown on the opposite page is
evidence of the effectiveness of the jury in criminal cases in New York
County.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 27: This is a vast improvement over the conditions which
existed in this regard six or seven years ago, when defendants in
prison could count themselves fortunate if tried within three weeks,
or, if on bail, within a year. It was by no means unusual to have
cases appear upon the calendars from three to five years old, the
backs of the indictments being covered with the names of assistants
long since departed from official life. The writer once tried a case
that had appeared on the calendar TWENTY-EIGHT times, and cases which
had appeared there from ten to twenty times were the rule, not the
exception. In the days when the present district attorney was a deputy,
indictments were so carelessly found and treated that in order to
clear the calendars bushel baskets of them would be brought into court
and dismissed "on the recommendation" of the district attorney. A
house-cleaning process of this sort would ordinarily occur just before
it became necessary to make an official report on the number of cases
"disposed of." To-day there are very few indictments not tried within
the year, and almost any defendant who wants one can get a speedy
trial, such delays as arise being generally caused by the defendant
himself. Of course during the summer months when but two courts are
open, and the judges sit from only ten-thirty to one o'clock, action
is somewhat less speedy, and as homicide cases usually require more
time for trial than others, and are tried _seriatim_ in order of age,
the defendants may have to wait a little longer than in cases of less
gravity. Even in such cases defendants generally have to be "forced to
trial" against their will.]
[Footnote 28: The writer's colleague, Mr. Charles Cooper Nott, Jr., has
recorded, as follows, the actual proceedings of an ordinary court day:
"Maria Dzialozindky takes the stand and swears that after a brief
acquaintance she married (as she supposed) the defendant before a rabbi
of his choosing; a man in charge of an officer is identified by her
as the rabbi; he is brought over from the penitentiary on Blackwell's
Island where he is serving a sentence for larceny, being a thief and
not a rabbi; Maria then goes on to relate how the defendant then
procured from her one hundred and forty-nine dollars, and disappeared,
leaving her alone in the Suffolk Street tenement which was to have been
their connubial bower of bliss; it further appears that the defendant
had a wife living at the time that he went through the ceremony of a
mock marriage with Maria. Defendant takes the stand, modestly admits
that he is possessed of such unusual attractions that Maria persecuted
him into this marriage; that she forced the one hundred and forty-nine
dollars upon him, and that he unfortunately slumbered in a saloon and
it was stolen from his person. The jury fail to give credence to his
tale, and promptly convict him. The next defendant is smooth and well
dressed, a hanger-on in the region known as the Tenderloin. Testimony
is given that he and another did take and carry away and sell certain
typewriting machines from an office in Thirty-fourth Street. Defendant
with an engaging smile tells how his companion had just been discharged
from the office in question, and had enlisted his (defendant's) aid
to remove the machines, which he informed defendant were his own, and
how shocked he was later to learn that this wicked companion had no
right or title to them. His smile is so engaging, and his looks so
respectable, that the jury acquit him, and are somewhat chagrined when
the judge, in discharging him, states that in the court's opinion he
is a smooth and plausible thief and guilty beyond a doubt--which is
the fact, as previous to the trial he had offered to plead guilty to a
lower degree of the crime charged. Next comes a stalwart Irishman who
describes with much feeling how the defendant (unfortunately a much
smaller man), without any provocation whatever, viciously assaulted him
in the hallway of the West Side tenement-house where they both lived,
and cut him in various vital parts with a pocket knife. Defendant
(bandaged to no less a degree than complainant) describes how he had
"an argument" (a term embracing any affray ending in anything short of
murder in the first degree) with complainant and his brother over a
game of cards, whereupon they followed him to the hallway, threw him
down and kicked him, and then struck at them with a large key. His
talk sounding reasonable and being corroborated by several neighbors,
defendant is acquitted. Lastly, an unsuspecting passenger and an
alert trolley-car conductor tell how defendant, a shifty-looking
young gentleman, while sitting next to the unsuspecting passenger,
kept with one hand a newspaper shoved under the latter's chin, while
with the other he abstracted a fine diamond scarf pin adorning his
cravat. When their tale is completed, the defendant and his counsel
put their respective heads together, and counsel then announces that
his client, the sole support of a widowed mother, did, in a moment
of temptation induced by filial anxiety, endeavor to acquire this
pin, and he therefore desires to throw himself upon the mercy of the
court and plead guilty, which he does. It appears, however (of course
to counsel's astonishment), that his portrait has for several years
ornamented the Rogues' Gallery, and that his record as a son is not
all that it might be, whereupon he is sentenced upon the spot, and
court adjourns. This is the summary of the actual record of a court day
presenting no unusual features"--_"In the District Attorney's Office,"
Atlantic Monthly for April, 1905._]
[Footnote 29: Cf. "Reform in Criminal Procedure," by Everet P. Wheeler,
4 Columbia Law Rev. 356.]
[Footnote 30: Ruloff vs. The People, 45 N.Y. 221.]
[Footnote 31: Mr. Nott cites the following case:
"The complainant, A, a well-dressed bartender, testified that he had
known the defendant, B, for some time; that on the night in question B
came to A's rooms, and shortly after B's departure, A found that his
watch was missing; the watch had been in the pocket of A's vest, which
A had left hanging on a chair, and A had stepped out of the room for
ten minutes, leaving B alone there. B afterwards admitted to A that he
had "hocked" the watch. Of course this testimony, if believed, made a
case against B, and it is difficult now to realize how any one could
ever have believed that the chance of explaining or contradicting it
could be more dangerous to B than the certainty of having A's testimony
go to the jury uncontradicted. B took the stand and testified that he
was getting a good salary as manager of an "intelligence office"; had
never been even arrested before; that A had obtained a loan of fifteen
dollars from him and had left the watch with him on the understanding
that B was to pawn it for fifteen dollars and give A the ticket; B did
pawn it in his own name and was shortly thereafter arrested. This case
is a fair illustration of a puzzling class. On the one hand, no motive
or reason was shown why A should cause the arrest of his friend on a
false charge (unless that of getting the watch back from the pawnbroker
without payment of the fifteen dollars, on the ground that it had been
stolen, is an adequate one). Upon the other hand, B's character and
position in life seemed to make it unlikely that he would commit such a
theft, and his act in pawning the watch under his true name gave color
to his story. The jury acquitted, and who can say that there was not at
least a reasonable doubt?"]
[Footnote 32: Mr. Nott gives the following illustration from an actual
trial:
"Take, for example, a certain case tried in the Criminal Branch of
the Supreme Court in the January term of 1902. The jury saw the
defendant, a stalwart, open-faced laboring man of nearly sixty years,
on trial for murder in the first degree; they heard a bartender and
a smooth-shaven, bullet-headed witness describe how the defendant in
the saloon became involved in a dispute with the deceased, caused by
the defendant's bad taste in reminding him that he had done time for
killing his own father; and they heard him of the bullet-head admit
on cross-examination that a scar adorning his neck had been inflicted
by the deceased some two years before; they heard the two witnesses
describe how the deceased left, breathing threatenings and slaughter,
and how a few minutes later the defendant, in the room back of the
saloon, was approaching the rear door, cutting a plug of tobacco with
his knife, which he had providentially drawn for that purpose, when the
deceased leaped upon him from the door and tried to stab him, whereupon
a fight ensued, in which the defendant was cut, and after which the
deceased left, followed a few minutes later by the defendant and the
bullet-headed, who saw naught further of him. To mar the symmetry of
this tale of self-defence (proved by the prosecution's own case), but
two jarring facts appeared--first, the saloon proper (not the rear
room) was found soaked in blood, and, second, the deceased was found
shortly after the defendant's departure at three A.M. lying on the
sidewalk in plain sight of the rear door, with his throat cut from ear
to ear. No evidence was put in for the defence, the defendant modestly
refrained from taking the stand, and of course an acquittal was
inevitable.
"From behind the scenes, however, the facts assumed a different aspect.
The frank-faced defendant was one 'Red,' who had served time for
robbery and other offences; the bullet-head surmounted shoulders upon
which rested a heavy load of crime and violence, their owner having
served the State several times and been implicated in numerous crimes,
including murder; the bartender would have considered it quite as safe,
and far more comfortable, to put a bullet through his head than to
testify against this choice pair; while it was true that the deceased
had killed his own father, the act was performed while parent and son
were in a drunken fight, by striking the old man on the head with a
water pitcher, and had occasioned great mortification to the son when
he became sober; and it was true that defendant and the bullet-headed
were both bitter enemies of the deceased. On this statement of facts,
there is little doubt that the deceased was murdered in the saloon
where the blood was found, and his body thrown out on to the sidewalk,
and the story arranged, the defendant shouldering the quarrel because
he had received a cut in the course of the fight. As the defendant did
not take the stand, his record and character could not be shown; as
the State was compelled to call the bartender and the other witness
(they being the sole witnesses to the occurrence), it could not impeach
their veracity nor attack their character. To the prosecuting officer,
therefore, was presented the choice of recommending the 'turning out'
of a desperate criminal without a trial, or of putting in what facts
the law permitted to be shown, and leaving the jury to acquit, while
marvelling that such a weak case should be presented to them."]
[Footnote 33: The number of these cases is one of the saddest
commentaries upon the conditions of life in a great city. Upon this
charge during the year 1905, 268 males and 114 females, a total of 382,
were arrested. Thirteen males and no females were held for trial and
the others were discharged.
_Comparison with Previous Years_
------+--------------------------+-------------------------
| Number Arraigned | Number Held for Trial
Year +--------+---------+-------+-------+---------+-------
| Males | Females | Total | Males | Females | Total
------+--------+---------+-------+-------+---------+-------
1896 | 147 | 72 | 219 | 30 | 6 | 36
1897 | 228 | 130 | 358 | 42 | 12 | 54
1898 | 202 | 159 | 361 | 26 | 15 | 41
1899 | 257 | 140 | 397 | 40 | 13 | 53
1900 | 251 | 173 | 424 | 40 | 12 | 52
1901 | 244 | 143 | 387 | 24 | 3 | 27
1902 | 244 | 158 | 402 | 23 | 6 | 29
1903 | 374 | 156 | 530 | 15 | 4 | 19
1904 | 234 | 123 | 357 | 15 | - | 15
1905 | 268 | 114 | 382 | 13 | - | 13
1906 | 269 | 136 | 405 | 20 | 2 | 22
1907 | 258 | 135 | 393 | 13 | 1 | 14
---------------------------------------------------------
]
[Footnote 34: Peo. _vs._ Molineux, Peo. _vs._ Bissert, Peo. _vs._
Glennon, Peo. _vs._ Mills, Peo. _vs._ Patrick, Peo. _vs._ Ammon,
Peo. _vs._ "Al" Adams, Peo. _vs._ Hummel, Peo. _vs._ Wickes, Peo.
_vs._ Wooten, Peo. _vs._ Rothschild, Peo. _vs._ Kanter, Peo. _vs._
Summerfield, Peo. _vs._ Sam Parks, Peo. _vs._ Weinseimer, Peo. _vs._
Burnham, Peo. _vs._ Gillette, Peo. _vs._ H. Huffman Browne.]
CHAPTER X
THE JUDGE
The two principal functions of the judge of a criminal court are,
first, to preside at the trial, declaring the law and seeing to it
that the rules of procedure and of evidence are properly observed
and, second, to impose sentence in case of a conviction. In the
first case he is a judge of the law; in the last he becomes a judge
of the facts. It would be impossible to say which of these duties
is the more important, but the latter is certainly vastly the more
difficult. An unjust sentence is as bad, if not worse, than an unfair
trial, for the defendant does not have a chance of escape and, since
punishment is a matter of discretion upon the part of the judge, it
cannot be considered or reversed on appeal. It must be of precious
little satisfaction to a convicted prisoner to know that he has had a
perfectly impartial trial, if at the same time he receives a sentence
four times longer than he deserves, and equally little consolation to
a prosecutor when, after a fair contest, he has convicted a political
rascal of influence if the judge "suspend sentence" and the defendant
is permitted to walk the streets in spite of his offences.
The amount of learning requisite to preside with efficiency at an
ordinary criminal trial is comparatively small, and provided the judge
be honest, impartial, possessed of common-sense and what is known
as "backbone," neither prosecutor nor defendant's counsel need, as
a rule, complain, but the trouble, time, courage and discrimination
necessary adequately to determine what punishment should be meted
out to a particular offender for a given offence cannot well be
overestimated. It is not a difficult matter to preside with dignity
at a trial, preserve order, exclude hearsay testimony, apply the
other simple rules of evidence that are ordinarily involved in a
case of assault, larceny, burglary or homicide, and instruct a jury
as to "reasonable doubt," "good reputation" and the "presumption of
innocence" in words of one syllable. We may fairly assume that it is no
harder for the ordinary judge to try a man for picking a pocket than it
is to dress himself in the morning. It must in time become automatic if
not almost sub-conscious. He could probably do it in his sleep. Most
petty criminal cases "try themselves." The trouble begins when the same
judge is compelled to decide whether the convict shall be sent to the
Elmira Reformatory (where he may reasonably expect to be discharged in
fourteen months) or to State's prison for twenty years.
Let us consider first the conduct of the judge during the trial itself.
Theoretically it is his duty, at least in most States of the Union,
simply to declare the law governing the case and to rule impartially
upon the questions of evidence presented. He is supposed to give no
hint of his own opinion as to whether or not the defendant should be
convicted and to refrain from any marshalling of the facts claimed
to have been proven by either side in such a way as to influence the
verdict of the jury. In England he may and generally does "sum up"
the case; in America such a course would usually be a ground for
reversal, his function being limited to an abstract discussion of the
law involved, with little reference to the facts save in so far as it
may be necessary for purposes of illustrating the way in which the
jury shall apply it. He is supposed to sit upon his dais serenely,
indifferent as to whether a murderer be convicted or acquitted, whether
an inexperienced assistant district attorney be "trounced" by an astute
criminal lawyer with a couple of generations of trial experience,
or, on the other hand, a bulldozing prosecutor bedevil a miserable
prisoner, defended by an ignorant and untutored counsel, into State's
prison,--provided either be done within the strict rules of evidence
and proper court behavior.
This may be all very well in theory,--but it is very far from what is
either followed in practice or, to speak frankly, desirable. What the
people want in our criminal courts is, of course, a "fair trial," but
they want a "fair trial" that results in the acquittal of the innocent
and the conviction of the guilty,--so long as he is convicted by what
they deem fair means. The people do not expect a judge to be more than
human. Did he appear as indifferent to results as theory might seem
to require the jury would quickly infer that the case was of slight
importance and their action a matter of utter indifference to the
court. Juries need to be kept in order and made to behave themselves,
and, if judges did not from time to time exert a disciplinary
influence, would easily run wild and become hopelessly demoralized. It
is almost impossible to overestimate the awe with which the ordinary
juryman regards the judge presiding at a criminal trial. He may have
a supreme contempt for his personality or private conduct, but once
let the judicial ermine enshroud the individual and he sees only the
judge,--the personification of the law, the autocrat of the court-room,
the "boss" of the particular "job" upon which he is temporarily
employed. He knows nothing of the abstract theory of the situation.
He wants to do well as a juryman and believes, quite naturally, that
an improper verdict will be visited by the judicial wrath and a just
one be acknowledged by a look of benignant commendation. If he thought
the judge did not care he would take little interest in the business
himself, and the apprehension of the court's approval or disapproval is
an ever-present factor in keeping him doing conscientious work,--quite
as important in its results as his own lightly murmured oath as a juror.
The judge, in addition to his theoretic duties, is in effect the
individual who must keep the gang at work and see that every one
of them earns his two dollars a day. If he appeared to them to be
star-gazing or studying Epictetus they would soon rest on their
shovels. Many juries take their cue from the court, laughing when he
laughs, and frowning when he frowns, and instinctively, however much he
may admonish them to the contrary, trying to determine from his manner
and charge what his own impression of the case may be.
Now, a judge who has sat for ten or fifteen years on the criminal bench
is usually keener to detect a liar or see through a "faked" defence
than any twelve men drawn indiscriminately from different walks of
business activity. A timely question from him may demolish a perjured
explanation which, but for his interference, would have acquitted a
guilty criminal. Theoretically it is none of his business. Practically
it is. An inexperienced prosecutor may be so inadequate to the task of
coping with some old war-horse of a lawyer that save for the assistance
of the court a rascal would be turned loose upon the community; or,
turn about, a stupid lawyer may convict his own client if not prevented
by a considerate presiding justice. Theoretically the judge must let
the parties fight it out by themselves. In point of fact it is his
business to even things up. The old country judge was not so far wrong
when on being assigned to the criminal term of the Supreme Court in New
York City he said to the prosecutor:
"Mr. District Attorney, I reckon that, between us, we shall let no
innocent man be convicted,--and no guilty man escape."
Practically this expresses in a nutshell the popular idea of what a
criminal judge is for, and it is certainly the idea which pervades the
minds of the jury. Nothing can eradicate it. It is a fact,--an existing
condition, which the court must inevitably take into consideration
in determining his course of conduct upon the bench. By this it is
not meant that a judge should be either counsel for the defendant or
district attorney, nor that he should force his ideas upon the jury,
but simply that to be effective he must be more than a nonentity, a
mere law book, or an ornament, must guide the course of the trial,
and, in default of its being done by the counsel on either side, test
by his questions the truth or falsity of the testimony. More than
this, he should in his charge indicate the tests which the jury should
apply to the various phases of the evidence and, while not influencing
them upon the questions of fact which they are to determine, should
nevertheless so elucidate their task that they may be guided in their
deliberations and not go astray among the tangled underbrush of an
adroit counsellor's "requests to charge."
The writer has endeavored in the preceding paragraphs to set forth
briefly the theoretical function of the judge as opposed to his
proper practical function if he is to be of any value in the actual
administration of criminal justice. One more step is necessary, namely,
to comment on the actual conduct of some judges who from natural
disposition or a conscientious purpose to "do justice" are inclined
to usurp the function of the jury and practically to direct either an
acquittal or a conviction.
Under our prevailing doctrines the court has no right to influence
the jury on the facts in the slightest degree, and indeed most judges
expressly direct the jury to disregard absolutely any idea they may
have obtained of what the court's opinion may be. This, in the face of
the balance of the charge, must often seem paradoxical to the talesman,
for few judges entirely succeed in concealing their own views of the
case, however hard they may honestly try to do so.
It is quite as foreign to the spirit of our institutions for a judge to
interfere with the jury on questions of fact as for a jury to arrogate
to itself the decision of points of law. The system is designed to do
"justice" by means of its several parts working harmoniously together,
but neither part "working justice" by itself. If the judge arrogate
the jury's function, the jury becomes superfluous. This is not the
intent of the Constitution. There is no real trial by jury when the
judge decides the whole matter, and it would be far more dangerous
for a single man to act as arbiter of the defendant's fate than for
twelve. Yet more or less consciously there is often a tendency upon
the part of the criminal bench to lend itself to the success of one
party or the other, however positively it may declare and direct to the
contrary. The actual amount of suggestion needed to give the jury an
effective hint is infinitesimal. The almost imperceptible accentuation
of a word, the slightest lifting of an eyebrow, and a verdict has been
determined--by the judge.
Now a printed record on appeal fails utterly to disclose the tone of
the voice or the stage effects of a judge's charge. A distinguished
member of the bench, now long since deceased, was accustomed to deliver
charges so drastic that a defendant charged with a serious offence
rarely, if ever, escaped. Upon appeal absolutely no exception could be
taken to his remarks, yet nothing more unfair could be conceived of.
The record would show that the judge had charged:
"If you believe the defendant's testimony you will of course acquit
him. He is presumed to be innocent until the contrary is proved. If you
have any reasonable doubt as to his guilt you must give him the benefit
of it. On the other hand, if you accept the testimony offered by the
People you may and will convict him."
Now, nothing on its face would seem to be fairer. What the jury
actually heard was:
"If [scornfully] you _believe_ the defendant's testimony you will of
course acquit him. He is _presumed_ [with a shrug of the shoulders] to
be innocent until the contrary is proved. If you _have_ [another shrug]
any _reasonable_ doubt as to his guilt you must give him the benefit of
it. _On the other hand_, if you accept the testimony offered in behalf
_of the People_ you may _and will convict him_!" [The last few words in
tones of thunder.]
Sometimes a judge becomes known as a "convicting" judge, although,
perhaps, at the same time as a learned one. This usually occurs where a
man of pronounced opinions with the advocate's temperament is elevated
to the bench. Very likely by inclination he is a "prosecutor," with
strong prejudices against law-breakers and bitterly intolerant of
technicalities. The powers that prey may cower inert in their dens
of darkness knowing full well that if one of them be haled before
this Jeffries he will pay the uttermost penalty. Yet the spectacle of
such a judge does not increase the public respect for law, and juries
sometimes revolt and acquit out of sheer resentment at such dictation.
But happily these men are of the past, and the more enlightened
sentiment of to-day would frown as much upon a "hanging" judge as upon
a jelly-backed wearer of the gown who was afraid of the displeasure
of some politician if a "heeler" were convicted and who ruled
systematically against the people because they had no appeal and could
take no exceptions to his conduct.
Nothing strikes so sharply at our conception of liberty as the failure
of criminal justice, and the conviction of a defendant not legally
proven guilty or the acquittal of an influential criminal has a more
disastrous effect upon the body politic than ten thousand bales of
anarchistic propaganda. The partisan judge, who makes up his mind to
convict or acquit if he can, may be right nine times out of ten, but
the other time he commits an outrage. The judicial temperament is a
jewel above all price. The writer recalls a certain case of a variety
subject at the time to great public condemnation, where the judge
before the indictment was moved for trial, inquired casually of the
clerk what the defendant was charged with. When he learned the nature
of the accusation he exclaimed audibly:
"Ha! He's one of those ----s, is he? Well, I'll try _this_ case."
And he did. Unfortunately judges often "try" cases, either for the
defendant or against him.
Nothing is more unfortunate for the judicial equilibrium than the
fact that the prosecution has no right of appeal in the event of a
verdict of acquittal. The judge may persistently prevent the district
attorney from putting questions which are both competent and proper and
rule flatly against him on the most obvious points of law without any
redress on the part of the people. A weak judge will take no chances on
being reversed and will pursue this course, while at the same time he
is allowing every latitude to defendant's counsel and is ruling in his
favor in defiance of the established doctrines of law.
A criminal lawyer of great adroitness, learning and probity, after
he had concluded an argument of the most utter absurdity to which
the presiding judge had listened with much attention and apparent
consideration, frankly stated to the writer:
"You think my argument was nonsense? Well, you are quite right, it
was. But no proposition of law is too far-fetched or ridiculous to be
advanced in behalf of a defendant without some prospect of success in
our criminal courts." The lawyer in question will undoubtedly recognize
his dictum in these pages.
The attitude and disposition of the various judges becomes speedily
known among the members of what is popularly known as the "criminal
bar," and heroic efforts (often successful) are made to bring certain
cases before the "right" judge.
"Do you think I'd try the Smith case before ----?" one will say. "Not
on your life!"
In similar fashion lawyers retained by complainants will seek to have
their cases put on the calendar of such and such a judge.
"Put it before ----," they will say. "He's _hell_ on larceny!"
Some judges are supposed to be more lenient in the matter of
sentences than their brothers of the bench, but the writer, after six
years of observation, believes this to be a fiction. They are all
lenient,--entirely too much so.
Much of the impression among criminal lawyers that they will fare worse
at the hands of one member of the judiciary than another is due to the
obvious fact that some judges are by reason of their training better
suited to sit in certain classes of cases than others. One may have
had an exhaustive experience in commercial matters and thus be better
qualified to pass upon the questions of law involved therein. Another
may have heard many complicated cases involving expert testimony,
etc., etc. Of course as a rule the less well equipped a judge is
to hear a certain kind of case the more apt he will be to listen to
ill-founded argument on the law or the facts. No insurance swindler
would want to be tried before an expert on insurance law. He would very
naturally prefer a judge whose experiences had converged upon assault
and battery. It must be admitted that occasionally a judge is to be
found who seems to feel that every complainant who has lost money in a
commercial transaction has no standing in the criminal courts but must
be relegated to civil tribunals. This is but another way of saying that
such a judge does not believe that the criminal law is meant to cover
cases where there has been fraud in commercial transactions. This is
hardly to be wondered at considering the present ineffectiveness of our
statutes governing such classes of crime.
The writer recalls prosecuting such a case before a certain judge who,
after hearing some rather complicated evidence in regard to certain
written instruments, called abruptly for the defendant. The latter took
the stand, and the judge inquired with a smile:
"You didn't intend to cheat this man, did you?"
"Certainly not!" cried the defendant.
"Gentlemen of the jury!" said the judge. "This is not the kind of case
that should be brought before a jury at all. This court is not the
place to collect civil debts. I instruct you to acquit."
Learning wisdom by experience, the writer moved the case of the
co-defendant for trial before another judge and convicted him, although
he was, if anything, less guilty than the first. He was sentenced to a
substantial term in State's prison.
As a rule, however, little fault can be found with the conduct of
our judges at criminal jury trials. In some instances it may seem
to one side or the other that a judge shows bias, but these cases
are comparatively few and seldom result in any actual miscarriage
of justice. If some judges are inclined to rule against the People
upon doubtful questions of law, this in the long run has at least the
beneficial effect of reducing the number of cases reversed upon appeal.
The judges are almost invariably courteous, long-suffering, and given
to allowing the greatest latitude to each side in getting its evidence
before the jury. In addition they are practical men of common-sense,
most of them of long and profitable experience, and experts in the
rapid disposition of business.
Let us now turn to the other and no less important function of the
judge,--the imposition of sentence. It is a platitude that the chief
failing of modern criminal justice is the inequality of punishment. It
may well be and often is the case that in one branch of the General
Sessions a prisoner is being released upon "parole" under a "suspended"
sentence at the precise moment that some other and no more guilty
defendant in another branch of the same court is being sentenced to
prison for three, five or even ten years at hard labor.
That most able and practical of English criminal judges, Sir Henry
Hawkins, has this to say in his reminiscences in the matter of
sentences of convicted persons:
"The want of even an approach to uniformity in criminal sentences
is no doubt a very serious matter, and is due, not to any defect
in the criminal law (much as I think that might be improved in
many respects), but is owing to the great diversity of opinion, and
therefore of action, which not unnaturally exists among criminal
judges....
"The result of this state of things is extremely unsatisfactory, and
the most glaring irregularities, diversity and variety of sentences
are daily brought to our notice, the same offence committed under
similar circumstances being visited by one judge with a long term of
penal servitude, by another with simple imprisonment, with nothing
appreciable to account for the difference.
"In one or the other of these sentences discretion must have been
erroneously exercised.... Experience, however, has told us that the
profoundest lawyers are not always the best administrators of the
criminal law...."
Sir Henry likewise speaks of the great intellectual difficulty of a
conscientious English judge in trying to determine for himself the
amount of punishment he should inflict in any given case. The English
bench occupies an altitude practically unknown in this country. Access
to it is far less easy than with us, and the personal, familiar, and
off-hand method of communication between the judge and the bar, not
to mention interested outside parties, witnesses, and relatives of
the defendant, in vogue in our trial courts would hardly be viewed
there with favor. It is the wholesale attempted interference with the
action of the judges in our criminal courts that imparts a flavor of
indecision and arbitrariness to so many scenes upon a sentence day.
It is not unheard of to see a prisoner actually at the bar awaiting
sentence while the judge upon the bench holds a sort of open levee,
free to all comers, in which the prisoner's lawyer, his wife, the
officer who made the arrest, the complainant, and the district attorney
(and sometimes others who have far less claim to be heard) endeavor to
bring the judge to their own particular way of thinking, and harangue
him and each other in tones by no means always either deferential or
amicable. Meanwhile the judge who will permit any such performance
sits with an expression of exasperated indecision, and usually finally
ends the matter by "remanding" the prisoner for further investigation.
Such scenes are calculated to bring the administration of justice into
contempt. Snap-shot judgments formed in the midst of an altercation may
be unfair to the defendant and frequently are so to the People. A judge
who tries to please everybody ends by pleasing nobody and makes a farce
of justice. The administration of the criminal law is not a pleasing
matter nor is it conducted for the purpose of pleasing the various
parties. The judge is there to attend to his own business and make his
own decisions. The writer once heard a judge inflict sentence in the
following manner:
"Your counsel says sentence ought to be suspended upon you. The
district attorney says you ought to get five years in State's prison.
Well, I'll split the difference and send you to the Elmira Reformatory."
The sentence may have been the result of a conscientious and careful
attempt upon the part of the judge to decide the question, but the
phraseology in which it was couched will hardly commend itself as a
standard.
A thousand indefinite factors enter into the determination of the
exact amount of punishment to be meted out to an offender, and
relatively trivial circumstances may eventually decide whether the
stroke of the judge's pen in his sentence book shall swerve from a
"three" into a "five." Assuming that the judge have the rectitude of
a granite monolith and be impervious to influence of every sort, he
is nevertheless compelled when inflicting sentence to depend in large
measure upon "hearsay" testimony and evidence that could not possibly
be admitted upon actual trial. He seeks to find out if he can what
the past record and reputation of the defendant have been, and in so
doing often is forced to rely almost entirely upon the word of the
officer who originally made the arrest. If the latter be vindictive
he can easily convey the impression that the defendant is a man of
the worst possible character who has hitherto had the luck to escape
being caught. In most cases the prisoner has little opportunity to
traverse these vague and generally unheard allegations. Again it often
happens that he has been previously arrested. This fact is of course
excluded upon the trial for his present crime upon the common-sense
doctrine that the fact of his former arrest of itself proves nothing
whatever as to his guilt or innocence of the charge upon which he was
thus arrested. When, however, he comes up for sentence it is frequently
considered by the court, no matter what the subsequent disposition of
the case against him may have been, on the general assumption that
"where there is so much smoke there is generally a little fire." If he
has actually been convicted before, the fact weighs heavily against
him.
Almost anything may be presented for the consideration of the judge,
however remote its connection with the crime of which the defendant has
been convicted, and either as militating for or against the prisoner.
Affidavits, letters, newspaper clippings and memoranda are submitted
tending to show that he is of either good or bad character, has had a
reputable or a disreputable past, has or has not committed or attempted
to commit other crimes, or is or is not likely to "reform." Often these
may have a good deal of weight, but the persons who present them are
almost never sworn or placed upon the witness-stand or the defendant or
prosecutor given a chance to cross-examine them as to their accuracy.
The mere attitude of complainants, obviously an entirely immaterial
matter, is also often a considerable factor in determining how the
prisoner shall be disposed of. If they are vindictive and anxious
to "make an example" of the offender it may happen that they will
persuade the judge honestly to believe that a heavy sentence should be
inflicted, whereas if they are sorry for the prisoner and his family
and are willing to "give him another chance," and intercede strongly
for him, the judge may "suspend sentence" upon the same man. Now the
attitude of the parties wronged is largely determined by the character
and disposition of the parties themselves, and of course in many cases
has no relation whatever to the real rights of the case. For example, a
half-drunken laborer lacking the money to buy liquor may wander into an
area and cut away a strip of copper water-spout belonging to some old
lady. He sells it for a few cents and then is arrested and is convicted
of petty larceny. No one has any particular interest in the case and
the old lady comes into court and begs for the defendant's "parole."
He has hitherto led a decent life and the judge lets him go. Now, if
the same man, instead of stealing a piece of pipe out of an area, finds
himself in the vicinity of a freight yard and cabbages a piece of
iron belonging to a railroad company, he is no sooner convicted than
the attorneys for the company swarm about the judge demanding that
"this wholesale pillage of corporation property" be put an end to,
that an example be made of such thieves, and insisting that it is an
important case where a severe sentence should be inflicted. The judge
cannot be blamed if his mind is, to a certain extent, affected by the
representations of these gentlemen and he may easily give the defendant
six months or a year in the penitentiary. The moral guilt of the
prisoner is precisely the same and so will be the significance of his
punishment so far as its serving as a deterrent to himself or to others
is concerned.
Another instance is where a young clerk in a banking, express, or
insurance office is caught pilfering. He has, to be sure, violated the
trust reposed in him, but if the officers of the company are disposed
to intercede in his behalf and express the belief that he "has learned
his lesson" it is probable that they can persuade the judge to give
the boy another chance, whereas if their attitude were otherwise he
would, and perhaps very properly, be sent to Elmira or to State's
prison. It thus, in many cases, lies within the power of the lawyer for
a defendant, if he be assiduous, persuasive, or have influence which
can be exerted upon the complainant in the case, to lessen materially
the sentence of his client, who without his services would perhaps
receive the maximum of punishment. The poor or friendless prisoner,
who cannot pay for able or indefatigable counsel, inevitably suffers
in consequence, for his _defence to punishment_ after trial cannot be
adequately presented. His guilt is the same.
Another matter, frequently entirely fortuitous, which yet may affect
the question of punishment, is the fact of restitution. Where a
prisoner has been guilty of embezzlement or theft and afterwards
returns the money it is almost inevitably taken into consideration
when sentence is imposed. Naturally it is apt to affect the attitude
of the complainant in the highest degree. Now, if the offender be
merely foolish, he very probably has spent the money he has stolen in
gambling or feasting, while if he be shrewd and cunning he has laid it
by until he can accumulate enough to go to South America. In the latter
case he can be made to disgorge; in the former he cannot, and is often
far worse off when he comes to be sentenced than if he had been more
criminally minded.
From what has been said the reader should not infer that the majority
of sentences are excessive. In point of fact the leniency of most of
our judges is surprising, and when they err it is invariably upon
the side of mercy.[35] The sentences actually inflicted are often so
short that they must seem to the average layman almost trivial, and
the number of cases in which sentence is "suspended" and the offender
paroled in the custody of the Prison Association is almost seventy-five
per cent of the total number of first convictions.
The reasons for this leniency are varied. Primarily it is because the
judge realizes that it is not so much the length of imprisonment as
the fact that the defendant is imprisoned at all that, in the majority
of cases, acts as a deterrent upon that particular offender and upon
those to whom his conviction is calculated to serve as an example;
secondarily, it is due to the sentimental attitude of society towards
criminals of all varieties; and, lastly, to an appreciation of the
unfortunate inequality of punishment, and the difficulty in adequately
and justly determining what weight should be given to hearsay evidence
as to the convict's past history. In some instances leniency may arise
from other and less creditable sources, such as sheer cowardice in
defying influence, political or otherwise, the desire to curry popular
favor in the hope of subsequent preferment in office, or possibly
from the hope that if a light sentence is inflicted the case will
not be appealed and the conviction reversed. This dread of reversal
in the case of some judges amounts almost to hysteria, and there are
well-known instances in which judges in the criminal courts have stood
heroically by the district attorney and the People with the result
that some scoundrel of great political influence has been convicted,
and have then completely nullified the effect of their good conduct by
weakly suspending sentence or by inflicting one so slight as to arouse
the amusement and contempt of even the defendant himself.
The ultimate object of the proper administration of criminal justice is
to sustain and increase the general respect for law. If it result in a
lessened regard for law by engendering a belief that its officers are
weak, cowardly, venal, or ineffective, it is a failure. The adjuration
therefore to avoid even the appearance of evil applies strongly to
all members of the bench. Nothing conduces more to lawlessness than a
popular impression that criminal judges are incapable, "easy," or are
subject to influence. A judge who, it is supposed, can be "reached,"
is an incentive to crime. Now it is highly improbable that any judge
is ever "reached." Our judges are honorable men. But once let an
impression to the contrary get abroad among criminals and the same
result follows as if the judge were actually "crooked." If a judge is
supposed to be amenable to influence, the criminal will assume that his
own particular pull will be effective.
As an illustration, let us suppose that one of a band or "gang" of
young toughs has been apprehended in making a vicious assault which
might well have resulted in murder. Perhaps he has been paid fifty or
a hundred dollars to "knock out" (kill) his victim. He receives a fair
trial and is convicted. He deserves all he can get--ten years. Instead
he is sent to the Elmira Reformatory. The rest of the gang, with their
hangers-on, amounting in number very likely to forty or fifty youths
and men, are immediately convinced either that they have been able to
influence the judge through their political friends or that he and his
associates are "easy." "Going to Elmira" is nothing in their eyes; and
the conviction of their comrade results in no deterrent effect upon
them whatever. He becomes a clever hero. Any one of them is ready to
undertake the same job at the same price. If his conviction be reversed
and he be set at liberty they conclude that in addition the authorities
are incapable and that they can "beat the case" any time they happen
to be caught. The effect of an important conviction reversed in its
effect upon lawless sentiment cannot be overestimated.
A sense of judicial propriety is one of the most to be desired
qualities in a judge. The slightest suspicion that he is giving ear to
voices from behind the dais nullifies his effectiveness and destroys
popular respect for the law which he may perhaps in fact enforce with
ability and justice. The sight of a politician emerging from a judge's
chambers may baselessly destroy the latter's influence for good.
Actual infractions of judicial propriety should be visited with the
utmost severity. Prescott speaks of the jealousy of the Aztecs of the
integrity of their bench:
"To receive presents or a bribe, to be guilty of collusion in any
way with a suitor, was punished in a judge with death. Who or what
tribunal decided as to his guilt does not appear. In Tezcuco this was
done by the rest of the court. But the king presided over that body.
The Tezcucan prince, Nezahua Epilli, who rarely tempered justice with
mercy, put one judge to death for taking a bribe, and another for
determining suits in his own house,--a capital offence, also, by law."
Perhaps this was going too far.
"The judges of the higher tribunals," he continues, "were maintained
from the produce of a part of the crown lands, reserved for the
purpose. They, as well as the supreme judge, held their offices for
life. The proceedings in the courts were conducted with decency and
order. The judges wore an appropriate dress, and attended to business
both parts of the day, dining always, for the sake of despatch, in
an apartment of the same building where they held their session; a
method of proceeding much commended by the Spanish chroniclers, to whom
despatch was not very familiar in their own tribunals."
We can appreciate to a considerable extent the emotions of the Spanish
chroniclers. Judges often dine together, but not always for the sake
of despatch. The writer has no hesitation in affirming that disregard
of the comfort and time of jurors and witnesses is the most obvious
fault of certain of them. Some judges occasionally adjourn court from
one until two and make their own appearance any time before three. It
is small consolation to a juror nervously distracted by waiting to find
that the judge expects conscientiously to make up the time thus lost by
keeping the jury at work until five. In most instances, however, the
judges are more punctual and business-like than the jurors and counsel
who appear before them.
Some judges occasionally seem to feel that the benefit of the
"reasonable doubt" to which a prisoner is entitled before the jury
remains with and should be given to him even after conviction. This
sometimes manifests itself in the extraordinary phenomenon of a
defendant who has stood trial and perjured himself in his own behalf
receiving a less severe sentence than his co-defendant who has pleaded
guilty and saved the county the expense and labor of a trial. There was
once a case where this occurred in which two of the perpetrators of a
brutal robbery pleaded guilty and received seven years apiece, while
their "side-partner," after being convicted before a jury, was given
five years by another judge. It was not in this case, but an earlier
one, in which a judge, obviously on the theory of reasonable doubt,
addressed the prisoner substantially as follows:
"Young man, you have been convicted by a jury of your peers after a
fair trial. Your offence is a heinous one. You took the stand and
perjured yourself, asserting your innocence. I might inflict a severe
punishment. Still, under all the circumstances, _and in view of your
claim that you are not guilty_, I will suspend sentence."
The reader should not and will not assume that these instances of
unequal punishment and erratic clemency are set forth for the purpose
of illustrating the usual course of justice. They are the exception,
not the rule. That they sometimes occur cannot be denied. They should
never occur. They are probably due frequently to utter weariness on the
part of the judge, coupled with the realization that it is sometimes
practically a human impossibility to get at the true inwardness of
a case or know _what_ to do. Seemingly arbitrary sentences on close
observation are sometimes found to be erratic only in the language
in which they are phrased,--not in the amount of the punishment. The
table on the opposite page shows, the writer believes, that the average
sentences imposed in the various classes of crime bear a remarkably
sound relation to one another.
Could, however, the separate sentences be examined, an astonishing
and lamentable inequality would be discovered,--an inequality which
is an actual injustice, but an injustice which cannot be prevented
under our present system. Unless all offences should be tried before a
single judge of unvarying disposition and physical condition absolute
equality could not be secured. Where they are tried before four or five
different judges there will be four or five different and constantly
varying factors which must be multiplied into the constants shown by
the record. Some judges regard certain crimes as more detestable than
others do, and some judges see greater possibilities of reformation in
any given criminal than others. Some are more affected by the immorality,
as distinguished from the illegality, of a given crime than others, and
certain judges will take into consideration features of the case that
would be entirely disregarded by their associates.
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_Classified list of the number of persons convicted, and the average
term imposed for each particular crime during the year 1907 in New York
County._
MALES