Section 93. (c) Prepossession.

Prepossession, prejudice, and anticipatory opinion are, perhaps, the

most dangerous foes of the criminalist. It is believed that the danger

from them is not great, since, in most cases, prepossession controls

only one individual, and a criminal case is dealt with by several, but

this proves nothing. When the elegant teacher of horseback riding has

performed his subtlest tricks, he gracefully removes his hat and bows to

the public, and only at that moment does the public observe that it has

been seeing something remarkable and applauds heartily, not because it

has understood the difficulty of the performance, but because the rider

has bowed. This happens to us however good our will. One man has a case

in hand; he develops it, and if, at the proper time, he says “Voilà,”

the others say, “Oh, yes,” and “Amen.” He may have been led by a

prepossession, but its presence is now no longer to be perceived. Thus,

though our assumptions may be most excellently meant, we still must

grant that a conviction on false grounds, even when unconsciously

arrived at, so suffuses a mind that the event in itself can no longer be

honestly observed. To have no prejudices indicates a healthy, vigorous

mind in no sense. That is indicated by the power to set aside prejudices

as soon as their invalidity is demonstrated. Now this demonstration is

difficult, for when a thing is recognized as a prejudice, it is one no

longer. I have elsewhere,[306] under the heading “anticipatory opinion,”

indicated the danger to which the examining justice is subject thereby,

and have sought to show how even a false idea of location may lead to a

prepossession in favor of a certain view; how vigorous the influence of

the first witness is, inasmuch as we easily permit ourselves to be taken

in by the earliest information, and later on lack time to convince

ourselves that the matter may not be as our earliest advice paints it.

Hence, false information necessarily conceals a danger, and it always is

a matter of effort to see that the crime is a fictitious one, or that

something which has been called accident may conceal a crime. The

average man knows this well, and after a brawl, after contradictory

testimony, etc., both parties hurry to be beforehand in laying the

information. Whoever lays the information first has the advantage. His

story effects a prepossession in favor of his view, and it requires

effort to accustom oneself to the opposite view. And later it is

difficult to reverse the rôles of witness and defendant.

But we have to deal with prepossession in others besides ourself, in

witnesses, accused, experts, jury, colleagues, subordinates, etc. The

more we know, the newer new things seem. Where, however, the

apperceptive mass is hard and compact, the inner reconstruction ceases,

and therewith the capacity for new experiences, and hence, we get those

judges who can learn nothing and forget nothing. Indefiniteness in the

apperceptive masses results in the even movement of apperception. Minds

with confused ideational complexes hit little upon the particular

characteristic of presented fact, and find everywhere only what they

have in mind.

The one-sidedness of apperception frequently contains an error in

conception. In most cases, the effective influence is egoism, which

inclines men to presuppose their own experiences, views, and principles

in others, and to build according to them a system of prepossessions and

prejudices to apply to the new case. Especially dangerous are the

_similar_ experiences, for these tend to lead to the firm conviction

that the present case can in no sense be different from former ones. If

anybody has been at work on such earlier, similar cases, he tends to

behave now as then. His behavior at that time sets the standard for the

present, and whatever differs from it he calls false, even though the

similarity between the two cases is only external and apparent.

It is characteristic of egoism that it causes people to permit

themselves to be bribed by being met half-way. The inclination and favor

of most men is won by nothing so easily and completely as by real or

apparent devotion and interest. If this is done at all cleverly, few can

resist it, and the prepossession in their favor is complete. How many

are free of prejudice against ugly, deformed, red-haired, stuttering,

individuals, and who has no prejudice in favor of handsome, lovable

people? Even the most just must make an effort so to meet his neighbor

as to be without prejudice for or against him, because of his natural

endowment.

Behavior and little pleasantnesses are almost as important. Suppose that

a criminalist has worked hard all morning. It is long past the time at

which he had, for one reason or another, hoped to get home, and just as

he is putting his hat on his head, along comes a man who wants to lay

information concerning some ancient apparent perjury. The man had let it

go for years, here he is with it again at just this inconvenient moment.

He has come a long distance--he can not be sent away. His case,

moreover, seems improbable and the man expresses himself with

difficulty. Finally, when the protocol is made, it appears that he has

not been properly understood, and moreover, that he has added many

irrelevant things--in short, he strains one’s patience to the limit.

Now, I should like to know the criminalist who would not acquire a

vigorous prejudice against this complainant? It would be so natural that

nobody would blame one for such a prejudice. At the same time it is

proper to require that it shall be only transitive, and that later, when

the feeling has calmed, everything shall be handled with scrupulous

conscientiousness so as to repair whatever in the first instance might

have been harmed.

It is neither necessary nor possible to discuss all the particular forms

of prepossession. There is the unconditional necessity of merely making

a thoroughly careful search for their presence if any indication

whatever, even the remotest, shows its likelihood. Of the extremest

limit of possible prejudice, names may serve as examples. It sounds

funny to say that a man may be prejudiced for or against an individual

by the sound of his name, but it is true. Who will deny that he has been

inclined to favor people because they bore a beloved name, and who has

not heard remarks like, “The very name of that fellow makes me sick.” I

remember clearly two cases. In one, Patriz Sevenpounder and Emmerenzia

Hinterkofler were accused of swindling, and my first notion was that

such honorable names could not possibly belong to people guilty of

swindling. The opposite case was one in which a deposition concerning

some attack upon him was signed by Arthur Filgré. I thought at first

that the whole complaint was as windy as the complainant’s name. Again,

I know that one man did not get the job of private secretary he was

looking for because his name, as written, was Kilian Krautl. “How can a

man be decent, who has such a foolish name?” said his would-be employer.

Then again, a certain Augustinian monk, who was a favorite in a large

city, owed his popularity partly to his rhythmical cognomen Pater Peter

Pumm.

Our poets know right well the importance for us short-sighted

earth-worms of so indifferent a thing as a name, and the best among them

are very cautious about the selection and composition of names. Net the

smallest part of their effects lies in the successful tone of the names

they use. And it was not unjust to say that Bismark could not possibly

have attained his position if he had been called Maier.

Criminal Psychology: A Manual for Judges, Practitioners, and Students · 第 60 / 79 章