707 ‒ This rising of Judas is described above, p. 148.

708 ‒ On the probable tone of Gamaliel’s feeling towards

Christianity see Neander’s _Planting_, I. 47.

709 ‒ See Lightfoot’s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 278, 9;

Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, p. 92; and above, p. 349.

710 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 48.

711 ‒ See above, pp. 109, 110.

712 ‒ Conybeare and Howson, I. 85. Alexandria was the metropolis

of Hellenistic theology, Philo their great representative.

“The Greek learning was not more repugnant to the Roman

Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying,

_Cursed is he who teacheth his son the learning of the

Greeks_.” For other illustrations, see Con. and Howson,

I. 85, n.; Biscoe _On the Acts_, p. 60; Lightfoot, _Hor.

Hebr. et Talm._ IV. 60; and compare above, p. 116. The

ill-feeling lasted at least down to the time of Justinian.

713 ‒ “The Jews of Palestine were relatively poor, compared

with those of ‘the dispersion.’ We see this exemplified on

later occasions, in the contributions which St Paul more

than once anxiously promoted; see Acts xi. 29, 30; Rom. xv.

25, 26; Acts xxiv. 17; 1 Cor. xvi. 1–4; 2 Cor. viii. 1–4.”

C. and H., I. 64.

714 ‒ “His Hebrew (or rather Syriac) name is traditionally said

to have been Chelil, or Cheliel (_a crown_);” Smith’s

_Bibl. Dict._

715 ‒ By some supposed, by others denied, to have been the

founder of the sect of the Nicolaitans mentioned in

Rev. ii. 6, 15. See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ _sub voc._;

Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, 281 n.

716 ‒ An ancient and familiar practice in (i) pronouncing

a blessing (Gen. xlviii. 14–20), (ii) appointing to

an office (Num. xxvii. 18–21), transferring guilt (Lev.

iii. 2).

717 ‒ It will be noticed that the term “deacons” is nowhere

applied to them. They are called “the Seven” (Acts

xxi. 8), and two of them perform the work of preachers

and evangelists. See Article in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._;

Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, p. 62.

718 ‒ Among the conspicuous opponents of the great Hellenist

in the synagogue of Cilicia was doubtless _a young man_

(Acts vii. 58) a citizen of Tarsus, distinguished already

by his zeal and talents among the younger champions of

the Pharisaic party; see Gal. i. 13, 14; Acts xxii. 3;

xxiii. 7; xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5, 6.

719 ‒ Of the various explanations of the Λιβερτίνων in Acts

vi. 9, the most probable are (i) that they were the

inhabitants of Libertum, a town in the proconsular

province of Africa, a bishop of which place is mentioned

in the Council of Carthage, A.D. 411; (ii) that they were

Jews, who having been taken prisoners by Pompeius and

other Roman generals during the Syrian wars (see above,

p. 109), were reduced to slavery, and being afterwards

emancipated returned, either permanently or for a time,

to Palestine, and had a synagogue at Jerusalem. Tacitus

states (_Ann._ II. 85) that 4000 of the _libertini

generis_ (said by Josephus to have been Jews, _Ant._ XVIII.

3. 5) were banished by Tiberius, A.D. 19, to Sardinia,

under an edict for the suppression of Egyptian and Jewish

mysteries, and they are thought to have found their way

to Jerusalem. See Humphry _On the Acts_; Smith’s _Bibl.

Dict._; Orellius _in Tac. Annal._ II. 85; Biscoe _On the

Acts_, p. 69.

720 ‒ Although the accusations made against Stephen “are

represented as the depositions of _false_ witnesses, it

does not follow that all they said was a fabrication,

but only that they had, on many points, distorted his

assertions, with an evil intention. Yet he must, by

what he said, have given them some ground for their

misrepresentations, for before this time nothing similar

had been brought against the publishers of the Gospel;

hence we may make use of their allegations to find out

what Stephen really said.” Neander’s _Planting_, I. 51;

compare Milman, I. 364. “Stephen is the acknowledged

forerunner of the Apostle of the Gentiles. He was the

first _to look steadfastly to the end of that which

is abolished_, to sound the death-knell of the Mosaic

ordinances and the temple-worship, and to claim for the

Gospel unfettered liberty and universal rights.” Lightfoot

_On the Galatians_, p. 281.

721 ‒ See above, p. 169.

722 ‒ Comp. above, p. 268.

723 ‒ See above, p. 293.

724 ‒ It is remarkable how completely St Stephen is the

forerunner of St Paul, both in the form and the matter of

his defence. (i) His securing the attention of the Jews

by adopting the historical method, is exactly what the

Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts

xiii. 16–22); (ii) His assertion of his attachment to the

true principles of the Mosaic religion is exactly what

St Paul said to Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 22); (iii) The words

used by Stephen of the Temple call to mind those which

the Apostle used at Athens (Acts xvii. 24); (iv) When

he speaks of the Law as received _by the disposition

of angels_ he anticipates the language of Gal. iii. 19;

(v) When he declares that the Jews had received the Law

and had not kept it, he foreshadows the language of the

great Apostle himself, Rom. ii. 17–29: Con. and Howson,

I. pp. 69, 70: Mr Humphry also in his _Commentary on the

Acts_ compares (a) Acts vii. 44 with Heb. viii. 5; (b) Acts

vii. 5–8 with Rom. iv. 10–19; (c) Acts vii. 60 with 2 Tim.

iv. 16.

725 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 69.

726 ‒ On this period of the life of Moses, see _Class-Book of

O. T. History_, pp. 81, 82, and note.

727 ‒ On this period of Israel’s history, see _Class-Book of

O. T. History_, pp. 178, 179.

728 ‒ Remphan (Acts vii. 43) and Chiun (Amos v. 26) appear to

be the names of two idols worshipped by the Israelites

in the wilderness, akin probably to _Ken_ and _Rempu_,

two Egyptian divinities; see Article _Remphan_, in Smith’s

_Bibl. Dict._

729 ‒ Comp. Isai. lxvi. 1, 2; Jer. xxiii. 24.

730 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 69.

731 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 54.

732 ‒ Διεπρίοντο ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν (Acts vii. 54).

733 ‒ One of the only three passages in the N. T. where the

title _Son of Man_ is applied to the Redeemer by any save

Himself; the two others being Rev. i. 13; xiv. 14.

734 ‒ “In other places (Eph. i. 20; Col. iii. 1; Heb. i. 3,

viii. 1, x. 12, xii. 2) He is represented as _sitting_ at

the right hand of the Father――here alone he is said to be

standing. It is as if (according to Chrysostom’s beautiful

thought) He had risen from His throne, to succour His

persecuted servant, and to receive Him unto Himself.”

Con. and Howson, I. 71.

735 ‒ “It was sentence and execution all at once; an act of

violence without regular judicial examination,” Neander’s

_Planting_, I. 55. “It was a savage and disorderly

condemnation,” Con. and Howson, I. 71.

736 ‒ Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

737 ‒ Probably the class of Hellenists and proselytes to which

he belonged, οἷ εὐσεβεῖς. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

738 ‒ “This persecution must have been more severe and extensive

than the former; for by the manner in which Stephen

entered into conflict with Pharisaism, he had roused to

hostilities against the teachers of the new doctrine the

sect of the Pharisees, who had the most credit with the

common people (see above, p. 117), and were powerful and

active, and ready to leave no means untried to attain

their object whatever it might be,” Neander’s _Planting_,

I. 56.

739 ‒ C. and H., I. 75.

740 ‒ _Ibid._

741 ‒ Ἀναιρουμένων τε ἀυτῶν κατήνεγκα ψῆφον (Acts xxvi. 10),

_vote_, not _voice_, as in our Version.

742 ‒ Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 282. For the Jewish

feeling respecting the Samaritans, see above, pp. 121, 122.

743 ‒ Κατελθὼν εἰς πόλιν τῆς Σαμαρείας (Acts viii. 5) = _to a

city of Samaria_, perhaps Sychar, comp. Jn. iv. 5, and

if so, the readiness of the people to receive Philip is

easily accounted for.

744 ‒ See above, p. 169.

745 ‒ A native of Gittim (Justin Martyr’s _Apol._ I. 26), a

village of Samaria. Educated probably at Alexandria, he

had there become acquainted with the tenets of the Gnostic

school (Clement, _Hom._ II. 22), and had acquired a great

reputation as a magician. He was one of those who at this

period, according both to Greek and Roman testimonies,

travelled about in numbers, and partly as soothsayers,

astrologers, and interpreters of dreams, partly as

jugglers, excited attention and received general regard.

See Dollinger’s _Gentile and Jew_, II. 198, 199; C. and H.,

I. 140.

746 ‒ Our version omits the word καλουμένη, and so renders the

verse imperfectly. “The Samaritans describe the angels

as δυναμεῖς, _i.e._ uncreated influences proceeding from

God. But to distinguish Simon from such an order of beings

they added the words _which is called great_, meaning

thereby the source of all power, in other words, the

Supreme Deity――according to Simon’s own expression, quoted

by Jerome on Mtt. xxiv. 5, _Ego sum Sermo Dei, Ego sum

Speciosus, Ego Paracletus, Ego omnia Dei_.” Smith’s _Bibl.

Dict._

747 ‒ The last time this Apostle is mentioned in the Acts; he is

only once more mentioned (except in Revelation) as having

been present in Jerusalem at St Paul’s visit, Gal. ii. 9.

748 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 62.

749 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 63.

750 ‒ The subsequent history of Simon Magus is involved in much

perplexity. Early ecclesiastical historians represent him

as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, encountering

him at Cæsarea on the sea, and subsequently at Rome,

which latter place he visited either (i) in the reign of

Claudius (Justin Martyr, _Apol._ I. 26. 56), or (ii) in

the reign of Nero. His success in the imperial city is

said to have been so great that he was deified, and a

statue was erected in his honour, with the inscription

_Simoni Deo Sancto_. For various accounts of his death,

see Burton’s _Bampton Lectures_, and Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

Some identify him with a Simon, a native of Cyprus, whom

Josephus (_Ant._ XX. 7. 2) mentions as a friend of Felix,

the Roman Procurator of Palestine, and as having persuaded

Drusilla, sister of Herod Agrippa, to marry him: see

Neander’s _Planting_, I. 63, and note; Alford on Acts viii.

751 ‒ Contrast this with Lk. ix. 52; see above, p. 229.

752 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 259, 262.

753 ‒ See Robinson’s _Bibl. Res._ II. 514.

754 ‒ Some apply this word to the city of Gaza, in the sense

that it was destroyed and uninhabited, or that it was

unfortified. But this is extremely improbable. Though

often destroyed in the wars, the city had been restored.

755 ‒ That is from the high land to the south of Egypt, and

now comprehending Nubia, Cordofan, and Abyssinia, whose

religious and commercial capital was the island of Meröe.

Candace was not a personal name, but, like Pharaoh of the

older and Ptolemy of the later Egyptian kings, the regular

title of the queens of Ethiopia (Meröe). Lechler _in loc._

The eunuch was probably a proselyte of the Gate.

756 ‒ The Easterns usually go on reading aloud, with a kind of

singing voice, moving their heads and bodies in tune, and

making a monotonous cadence at regular intervals. Kitto’s

_Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 95.

757 ‒ See above, p. 11.

758 ‒ Verse 37 in the received Version is wanting in the Codd.

A. B. C. G. H., the Sinaitic MS., more than 60 cursive

MSS., and several versions. It is omitted by Lachmann,

Tischendorf, Alford, and others.

759 ‒ Robinson would place the scene of the baptism at

_Wady-el-Hasy_, between Eleutheropolis and Gaza, not far

from the old sites of Lachish and Eglon. _Bibl. Res._

II. 514.

760 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, 254, 263, 272. Taken by

Judas Maccabæus (1 Macc. v. 68) and destroyed by Jonathan

(1 Macc. x. 84), it had been rebuilt by Gabinius (Jos.

_Ant._ XIV. 5. 3; _B. J._ I. 7. 7), and bequeathed by

Herod to his sister Salome: see above, p. 146.

761 ‒ Ekron, Jamnia, Joppa, Apollonia, perhaps Lydda.

762 ‒ For the foundation of which, see above, pp. 91, 92. On

the undesigned coincidence between the mention of Philip

here and afterwards in Acts xxi. 8, 9, see Birks’ _Horæ

Apostolicæ_, pp. 322, 323.

763 ‒ See Xen. _Anab._ I. 2. 23.

764 ‒ Cæsar, _Bell. Alex._ Cap. LXVI.

765 ‒ The privileges of an _urbs libera_ consisted in (a) being

governed by its own magistrates, (b) being exempted from

the occupation of a Roman garrison, and from taxes. Its

citizens did not necessarily possess the freedom of Rome.

766 ‒ C. and H., I. 44. He was a young man at the time of the

martyrdom of Stephen.

767 ‒ Either (i) after the name of his father, or (ii) as being

a name of traditional celebrity in the tribe of Benjamin,

or (iii) “as intended to denote (in conformity with the

Hebrew derivation of the word) that he was a son who had

long been desired, the firstborn of his parents, the child

of prayer.” C. and H., I. 41.

768 ‒ Paulus, a diminutive of _Pauxillus_, is a Roman name, so

are _Junia_ and _Lucius_; those he calls his kinsmen, Rom.

xvi. 7, 11, 21; the others are Greek.

769 ‒ “Great numbers of Jews were made slaves during the Civil

Wars, and then manumitted. A slave manumitted with due

formalities became a Roman citizen. Thus it is natural to

suppose that the Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, may

have been like Horace (_Sat._ I. vi. 45) _libertino patre

natus_.” C. and H., I. 45, n.; Lewin’s _Life of St Paul_,

I. 4.

770 ‒ For allusions to it, see Acts xviii. 3; xx. 34; 1 Cor.

iv. 12; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8.

771 ‒ C. and H., I. 38. “It is observed that when St Paul quotes

from the Old Testament, his quotations are from the LXX;

and that, not only when he cites its very words, but when

(as is often the case) he quotes it from memory.”

772 ‒ Probably during the supremacy of one of the four governors

who preceded Pontius Pilate, i.e. between A.D. 6 and

A.D. 25. See above, pp. 149, 150.

773 ‒ For notices of Gamaliel, see above, p. 360, and note.

774 ‒ “St Paul seems to have belonged to the extreme party of

the Pharisees (Acts xii. 3, xxiii. 7, xxvi. 5; Phil. iii.

5, 6) whose pride it was to call themselves ‘zealots of

the law, zealots of God.’ To this party also had belonged

Simon, one of the Twelve, thence surnamed _the zealot_,

ζηλωτής, or Καναναῖος.” Lightfoot _On the Galatians_,

1. 14. See above, p. 187.

775 ‒ Such as that of Hagar and Sarah in Gal. iv. 21, where see

Lightfoot’s notes.

776 ‒ Hence in his address to the Athenians (Acts xvii. 28) he

could quote from the Cilician poet Aratus,

Τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμέν;

to the refined Corinthians (1 Cor. xv. 33) from the

_Thais_ of Menander,

Φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρήσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί;

he could rebuke the Cretans (Titus i. 12) from the poet

Epimenides,

Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται, κακὰ θηρία, γαστέρες ἀργαί.

777 ‒ On the authority of the Sanhedrin over Jews in foreign

cities, see above, p. 108, note. Damascus since its

capture by Pompeius (see above, p. 67) had been under

Roman rule, and belonged to the province of Syria. Many

Jews had settled in it since the times of the Seleucidæ

(comp. Jos. _B. J._ I. 2. 25; II. 20. 2), hence there was

more than one synagogue there (comp. πρὸς τὰς συναγωγάς,

Acts ix. 2). If A.D. 36 was the date of the conversion

of St Paul, Caiaphas was the high-priest, and the year

would coincide with the deposition of Pilate by Vitellius

prefect of Syria (see above, p. 307, note); if, as

some think, it took place in A.D. 37, the high-priest

was either Jonathan, one of the sons of Annas, and

brother-in-law of Caiaphas, whom Vitellius, on the occasion

of his visit to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover in

this year, appointed to the office in place of Caiaphas

(Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 4. 3), or Theophilus his brother, whom

he exalted to the pontificate during his second visit at

Pentecost (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 3). In the same year,

A.D. 37, Tiberius died, March 16 (Tac. _Ann._ VI. 50), and

was succeeded by Caligula.

778 ‒ Probably near Scythopolis: see C. and H., I. 82: this

route would follow the later Roman itinerary.

779 ‒ The distance was about 136 miles, and Saul and his company

may have performed the journey, like the modern caravans,

in about 6 days, C. and H., I. 81; comp. Lewin, I. 54.

780 ‒ Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 410.

781 ‒ Compare (i) Jn. xii. 28, and note above, p. 273;

(ii) Acts ii. 12, 13; (iii) Dan. x. 7, and see Baumgarten’s

_Apostolic History_, I. 210. _Audiebant vocem solam, non

vocem cum verbis_, Bengel.

782 ‒ As the language uttered was the same, the sacred language

of Palestine, which the Son of Man had used on earth,

so also was the figurative allusion to which it gave

expression like the parables He had so often delivered. As

the ox rebels in vain against the long sharp-pointed goad

(see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 237, note) of its

master, and as all its struggles do nought but increase

its distress, so did the Apostle vainly struggle against

the power of His grace. C. and H., I. 88.

783 ‒ “The present participle marks the continuity of the effort,

while the genitive expresses the _mechanical_ side of

hearing, the impression of sound, and not the apprehension

of the meaning as a whole. On the other hand, St Paul says

(Acts xxii. 9), _The men who were with me saw the light;

but heard not the voice of Him that spake to me_ (τὴν δὲ

φωνὴν οὐκ ἤκουσαν τοῦ λαλοῦντός μοι): to them the voice

was no articulate utterance of that Saviour who was

speaking to, or rather talking with, St Paul.” Westcott.

On the difference between ἀκούω with the _gen._ and _acc._,

see Viner’s _Gr. Gram._ XXX. 7, Vol. I. 210, E. T.

784 ‒ Generally identified with the “Street of Bazaars,” a long,

wide thoroughfare, penetrating from the southern gate

into the heart of the city which, as in all the Syro-Greek

and Syro-Roman towns, it intersects in a straight line.

Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 412.

785 ‒ In reference to the three accounts of the Conversion

we notice (i) _the general agreement_ with regard to

the outward details of the narrative: the occasion, the

commission, the place, the time, the light, the company,

are the same in all; but (ii) each account contains some

peculiar details, and these varieties prove that the

descriptions are free and independent, that they are

not studied and servile; “they do not echo each other’s

words, they tell each its own story; there is none of that

elaborate guarding and fencing of expressions, none of

that careful reconciliation of statement with statement,

which every court of justice regards with strong suspicion

as a sure indication of design and falsehood.” Vaughan,

_Church of Jerusalem_, II. 7; Westcott’s _Characteristics

of the Gospel Miracles_, p. 120; Birks’ _Horæ Apostoliæ_,

pp. 324–328.

786 ‒ “A veil of thick darkness hangs over St Paul’s visit

to Arabia. Of the scenes among which he moved, of the

thoughts and occupations which engaged him while there, of

all the circumstances of a crisis which must have shaped

the whole tenour of his after life, absolutely nothing

is known. _Immediately_, says St Paul, _I went away into

Arabia_. The historian passes over the incident without

a mention. It is a mysterious pause. A moment of suspense

in the Apostle’s history, a breathless calm which ushers

in the tumultuous storm of his active missionary life.”

Lightfoot on Gal. i. 17.

787 ‒ See the words of Justin, _Dial. c. Tryph._ p. 305 A,

quoted by Lightfoot, and C. and H., I. pp. 117, 118.

This, however, appears improbable, for (i) it gives to

the term _Arabia_ an extension which does not seem to

have been common; (ii) it distinguishes the Arabia of the

first chapters of Galatians from the Arabia of the fourth;

(iii) it deprives this visit of a significance which, on

a more probable hypothesis, it possesses in relation to

this crisis of St Paul’s life. But if it was the Sinaitic

peninsula then his visit becomes full of meaning; here,

“where Moses had received the tables of the Law amid fire

and tempest and thick darkness, where Elijah, the typical

prophet, listened to the voice of God, and sped forth

refreshed on his mission of righteousness, in the fulness

of time St Paul, the greatest preacher of Him of whom

both the law and the prophets spoke, was strengthened

and sanctified for his great work, was taught the breadth

as well as the depth of the riches of God’s wisdom, and

transformed from the champion of a bigoted and narrow

tradition into the large-hearted Apostle of the Gentiles.”

Lightfoot, _in loc._

788 ‒ Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.

789 ‒ For the origin of the ill-feeling between Aretas and Herod

Antipas, see above, p. 168. In the battle between them

the army of Antipas was utterly routed (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII.

5. 3), and Antipas appealed to Tiberius for assistance. On

this Vitellius, the prefect of Syria, was commissioned to

march against Aretas, and take him dead or alive. But on

his march Vitellius heard of the death of Tiberius, March

16, A.D. 37, and abandoned the expedition. The position of

affairs was now reversed. Antipas was banished to Lyons;

Herod Agrippa received his kingdom from Claudius; and in

A.D. 38 it appears probable that Caligula granted Damascus

to Aretas. See C. and H., I. 97, 98; Art. in Smith’s _Bibl.

Dict._; Milman, I. 372.

790 ‒ This word is used to denote (i) the governor of a

dependent district (1 Macc. xiv. 47; Jos. _Ant._ XVII.

11. 4); (ii) a magistrate or consul allowed to Jewish

residents living under their own laws in Alexandria and

other cities (Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 3).

791 ‒ C. and H., I. 98.

792 ‒ To visit _Cephas_: ἱστορῆσαι is somewhat emphatic. _A word

used_, says Chrysostom, by _those who go to see great and

famous cities_. It is generally said of things and places,

less commonly, as here, of persons: Lightfoot, _in loc._

and Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.

793 ‒ See Lightfoot’s note _in loc._, and Excursus on _St Paul’s

first visit to Jerusalem_. In Acts ix. 23 the time is said

to have been _many days_, but compare 1 Kings ii. 38, 39,

where _many days_ is used to denote a space of _three

years_: Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.

794 ‒ See above, p. 356, n.

795 ‒ “The Apostle James is named three times in the Epistle to

the Galatians, but only here with this distinctive title.

The history supplies a full key. This visit is evidently

the same as in Acts ix. 26–30, while the one in the next

chapter was much later, at or near the time of the Council,

Acts xv. Hence the first was before the death of James the

son of Zebedee, and the other long after it. A distinctive

addition to the name was thus as natural in the one case,

as it would be superfluous and even suspicious in the

other.” The same distinction is observed in the book of

Acts. In the earlier part the two Apostles of this name

are distinguished, _the brother of John_, or _the son

of Alphæus_. But after the elder James was martyred,

the other is three times called _James_ simply, without

any addition. This minute propriety is too delicate and

refined to be easily accounted for, except by the fact

that Luke and Paul were contemporary with the events they

record.” Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, pp. 197, 198.

796 ‒ On the brevity of this visit, see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.

797 ‒ Some have thought this was Cæsarea Philippi (see above,

p. 218), “but the words κατήγαγον, ἐξαπέστειλαν, imply

a sea-port and an embarcation, and Cæsarea, without any

addition to distinguish it, is always the principal city

of the name.” Lightfoot, _in loc._: see also Birks’ _Horæ

Apost._ 199.

798 ‒ Probably he now founded those churches greeted in the

Apostolic decree, Acts xv. 23, 41. Perhaps “in his own

family some of those Christian _kinsmen_ (Rom. xvi.) whose

names are handed down to us, possibly his _sister_ and his

_sister’s son_ (Acts xxiii. 16, 23) were by his exertions

gathered into the fold of Christ.” C. and H., I. 104.

799 ‒ St Paul’s words here, _Syria_ and _Cilicia_, are probably

not intended to _describe the order_ in which he visited

the two countries. Cilicia had geographically a greater

affinity with Syria than with Asia Minor. The less

important country is here named after the more important.

Lightfoot on Gal. i. 21; C. and H., I. 103.

800 ‒ As distinguished from that of Jerusalem, whence “he

was hurried off to Cæsarea, and there embarking left

the shores of Palestine. The other churches of Judæa

therefore had no opportunity of knowing him. Judæa is

here distinguished from Jerusalem, as Italy is frequently

distinguished from Rome, _e.g._ probably Hebr. xiii. 24.”

Lightfoot, _in loc._

801 ‒ Note the force of ἀκούοντες ἦσαν in Gal. i. 23 = _they

kept hearing_, just as ἤμην ἀγνοούμενος = _I continued

personally unknown_.

802 ‒ Milman’s _History of Christianity_, I. 373.

803 ‒ See above, p. 307, note.

804 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10.

805 ‒ See above, p. 383, note.

806 ‒ See above, p. 383, note.

807 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10. Herod Agrippa, the son of

Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great,

was born A.U.C. 743, and was brought up at Rome with

Claudius and Drusus, and on the death of the latter was

banished by Tiberius, A.D. 31, as recalling his memory by

his presence. Retiring to Malatha in Idumæa (Jos. _Ant._

XVIII. 6. 2), he was appointed ædile of Tiberias, and

five years afterwards was readmitted to the court of the

Emperor at Capreæ, and became the intimate friend of Caius

(Caligula), but for an imprudent speech was thrown into

prison. Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. 11.

808 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10. His arrival in Palestine with

royal pomp excited the bitterest jealousy of Herodias the

wife of Herod Antipas, the tetrarch of Galilee. She would

not rest till her husband also had obtained a royal title,

and in an unlucky hour he repaired with her to Rome to

solicit it from Caligula (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 7. 2). But

Agrippa was beforehand with them, outbid his rival in

bribery, and accused him of intrigues with Sejanus, and

Caligula banished both the tetrarch and his wife to Lyons

in Gaul, A.D. 39.

809 ‒ Merivale, VI. 45. For an account of the indignities

endured by the Jews of Alexandria, see Jos. _Ant._ XVIII.

8. 1, 2; Milman, _History of the Jews_, II. 133–139.

810 ‒ “Josephus, _Ant_ XVIII. 8. 9, states that Caligula at

one moment yielded to Agrippa, and rescinded his orders

to Petronius; but on hearing of the resistance the Jews

were prepared to make, repeated them more vehemently than

ever. The last missive, however, did not reach Petronius

till after the news had arrived of the tyrant’s death.”

Merivale, VI. 50, n.

811 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 1. 11.

812 ‒ The modern Lidd or Ludd stands in the great maritime plain

of Sharon (see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 30), and

when covered with its crops of corn, reminds the traveller

of the rich wheat-fields of our own Lincolnshire: Robinson,

_Bibl. Res._, III. 145. Thomson, _The Land and the Book_.

It received its name Diospolis in the reign of Hadrian, in

A.D. 136.

813 ‒ Tabitha is the Aramaic, Dorcas the Greek form, both

meaning _a gazelle_: Δορκάς is used in the LXX. as the

rendering of ‏עְבִי‎ in Deut. xii. 15, 22; 2 Sam. ii. 18; Prov.

vi. 5. We find the name also in Jos. _B. J._ IV. 3. 5.

814 ‒ See above, p. 201.

815 ‒ Like Elisha, 2 Kings iv. 33.

816 ‒ See above, p. 147, n.

817 ‒ As distinct from the legionary soldiers, and hence called

the _Italian cohort_. “As in the army of modern Austria,

the soldiers were drawn from different countries and spoke

different languages.” C. and H., I. 113.

818 ‒ “There is scarcely any room to doubt that he belonged

to the class of _Proselytes of the Gate_ (see above,

p. 118, n.). Nor can we infer the contrary from the

circumstances that Peter and the stricter Jewish

Christians looked on Cornelius as an unclean person, and

in many respects the same as an heathen. The Proselytes of

the Gate were certainly permitted to attend the synagogue

worship ... yet the Jews who adopted the stricter maxims

of the Pharisees, placed all the uncircumcised in the

class of the unclean, and avoided living and eating with

such persons as defiling.” Neander’s _Planting_, I. 68.

819 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 69.

820 ‒ Comp. the flat roof of the house of Rahab at Jericho,

_Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 202; of the house of

Samuel at Ramah, _ibid._ p. 280.

821 ‒ “Overlooking the waves of the Western Sea, the Sea of

Greece and Rome――the sea of the isles of the Gentiles.”

See Keble’s _Christian Year, Monday in Easter Week_.

Stanley’s _Apost. Age_, p. 93.

822 ‒ It appears doubtful whether δεδεμένον καὶ are genuine in

Acts x. 11: they are omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf,

retained but doubtfully by Alford: they are wanting in

the Vulgate, which translates _quatuor initiis submitti

de cælo_. “At all events these four corners are not

unimportant. As they corresponded with the four quarters

of the heavens, they conveyed an intimation that men

from the north and south, the east and west (comp. Mtt.

viii. 11; Lk. xiii. 29), would appear as clean before God,

or be called to a participation of His kingdom.” Neander’s

_Planting_, I. 72, n.

823 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 156.

824 ‒ Vaughan, II. 66.

825 ‒ Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Peter_.

826 ‒ “The more rigid Jews looked with jealousy even on the

circumcised proselytes; the terms of admission were made

as difficult and repulsive as possible; on the imperfect

they looked with still greater suspicion, and were rather

jealous of communicating their exclusive privileges than

eager to extend the influence of their opinions.” Milman,

_Hist. Christ._ I. 382, n. “An opprobrious proverb coupled

proselytes with the vilest profligates, as hindering the

coming of the Messiah (Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ in Mtt.

xxiii. 15). It became a recognised maxim that no wise

man would trust a proselyte even to the twenty-fourth

generation.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ The belief in the

necessity of circumcision for the full admission of

proselytes is illustrated by the compulsory circumcision

of the Idumæans by John Hyrcanus and of the Ituræans by

Aristobulus (see above, pp. 59, 61, 146 n.).

827 ‒ “As a loyal and believing Hebrew Peter could not have

contemplated the removal of Gentile disqualifications

without a distinct assurance that the enactments of the

law which concerned them were abrogated by the Divine

legislator. The vision could not therefore have been

the product of a subjective impression. It was, strictly

speaking, objective, presented to his mind by an external

influence. Yet the intimation in the state of trance did

not at once overcome his reluctance. It was not _till

his consciousness was fully restored_, and he had well

considered the meaning of the vision, that he learned

that the distinction between cleanness and uncleanness

in outward things belonged to a temporary dispensation.”

Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.

828 ‒ See above, p. 373.

829 ‒ For its foundation, see above, p. 10, and notes.

830 ‒ Perhaps Mnason was one of the number, see Acts xxi. 16.

831 ‒ C. and H., I. 118.

832 ‒ “In the Acts, and in their own letters, we find them

designating themselves as _brethren, disciples, believers,

saints_ (Acts xv. 23, ix. 26, v. 14, ix. 32; Rom. xv. 25;

Col. i. 2, &c.). Only in two places (Acts xxvi. 28, 1 Pet.

iv. 16) do we find the term _Christians_; and in both

instances it is implied to be a term used by those who are

without.” C. and H., I. 117, and notes; Humphry’s _Comm.on

the Acts_.

833 ‒ Or Galilæans. This last was the contemptuous name by which

the Emperor Julian afterwards enacted that they should be

called. Humphry’s _Comm._

834 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 99.

835 ‒ Comp. Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44, quos _vulgus_ Christianos

appellabat: they were sometimes miscalled _Chrestiani_;

Tertull. _Apol._ III.

836 ‒ Their office did not always or necessarily include that of

predicting future events. Compare the remarks on the O. T.

Prophets, _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 276, 277.

More generally it indicated extraordinary powers of

exposition of the Divine Word.

837 ‒ Tac. _Ann._ XII. 13; Jos. _Ant._ III. 15. 3, XX. 2. 5.

838 ‒ Four local famines are mentioned during the reign of

Claudius, (1) in his first and second year, A.D. 41, 42,

at Rome; (2) in his fourth year, A.D. 44, in Judæa; (3) in

his ninth year, A.D. 49, in Greece; (4) in his eleventh

year, A.D. 51, at Rome.

839 ‒ In this verse occurs the first mention of the Christian

πρεσβύτεροι, rendered in the Vulgate _seniores_, in the

E. V. _elders_. In Acts xx. 28 they are termed ἐπίσκοποι;

the last expression pointing to their office, the former

to their age and character. For the ancient Jewish

Elders, see Numb. xi. 16, and _Class-Book of Old Testament

History_, p. 170.

840 ‒ Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. 102.

841 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 5. 1; _B. J._ II. 11. 5. Merivale, VI. 115.

842 ‒ See above, p. 393, n.; Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 1.

843 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 1; 7. 3. Comp. Acts xxi. 23.

844 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 3. He exercised, however, his supreme

authority by continually displacing the high-priest.

Having deposed Theophilus, son of Annas (see above, p.

382, n.), he substituted Simon son of Boethus (Jos. _Ant._

XIX. 6. 2); he then offered the pontificate to Jonathan

son of Annas (Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 4), and on his declining

it, bestowed it upon his brother Matthias; in A.D. 43 he

deposed Matthias, and appointed Elionæus, son of the Simon

mentioned above, to the post (Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 1).

845 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 7. 2. The prefect of Syria, however,

compelled him to desist.

846 ‒ Milman, _Hist. Christ._ I. 374.

847 ‒ See above, p. 257.

848 ‒ “The popular feeling, which from Pentecost till Stephen’s

death was in favour of the Gospel, now set in in the

contrary direction.” Humphry’s _Comm._

849 ‒ “One quaternion for each watch of the night; of the four

men forming the quaternion, two were stationed before the

door (Acts xii. 6), and to two the Apostle was chained

according to the Roman custom.” Veget. _Res Milit._ III. 8,

quoted in Humphry’s _Comm._

850 ‒ Comp. Col.iv. 10. Thus while the brother gave up his land

and brought its value into the common treasury of the

Church, the sister gave up her house for the use of the

early Christians. Peter seems to have been on terms of

intimacy with her, and this is confirmed by 1 Pet. v. 13.

851 ‒ Ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου (Claudius) σωτηρίας, Jos. _Ant._ XIX.

8. 2. Compare the language of Philo, _Leg._ 45, alluding to

Caligula’s safe return from Gaul, quoted in Lewin’s _Fasti

Sacri_, p. 280. Another opinion is that the festival was

held in honour of the birthday of Claudius, August 1.

852 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2.

853 ‒ See above, p. 92.

854 ‒ See the quotation from Kenrick’s _Phœnicia_, in _Class-Book

of O. T. History_, p. 355, and comp. Ezek. xxvii. 17;

1 Kings v. 9; Ezra iii. 7.

855 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2. Δευτέρᾳ δὲ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν

ἐνδυσάμενος ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν ... παρῆλθεν εἰς

τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας.

856 ‒ Luke _the physician_ is more accurate than Josephus in

his description of the disease that caused the death of

Agrippa. Comp. the deaths of Antiochus Epiphanes, above,

p. 38, and of Herod the Great, above, pp. 104, 105.

857 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2, i.e. from A.D. 37 to A.D. 44.

858 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 9. 1; Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_, II.

161. The unexpected death of Herod Agrippa “seems to have

unhinged the plans of the Roman government. So important a

charge as the sovereignty of Palestine could be intrusted

only to a tried servant of the Emperor; and even Agrippa

had given cause of jealousy by the relation he had

cultivated with the princes of the frontier. None of

his family merited to succeed him. His brother Herod

was allowed to continue in the obscure dignity of his

petty chiefdom, and his son Agrippa, already resident

as a hostage at Rome, was retained there in honourable

custody; while the dominions of the great Idumæan reverted

once more to the control of the prefect of Syria, and

acquiesced, with a few uneasy murmurs, in its full

incorporation with the empire.” Merivale, VI. 116, 117.

Cassius Longinus was now appointed, A.D. 44, to the

presidency of Syria, while Cuspius Fadus was sent out as

governor of Judæa. Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 9. 2; XX. 1. 1.

859 ‒ Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 285.

860 ‒ He was the son of that Mary, a person of some means and

influence, to whose house Peter went after his miraculous

release from prison (Acts xii. 12). He was probably,

therefore, born at Jerusalem, and is by some identified

with the “young man” mentioned in Mk. xiv. 51, 52. Hence

he was the nephew of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and had

possibly been converted by St Peter (1 Peter, v. 13).

861 ‒ Nothing further is known of this Simeon. His first name

shews that he was a Jew by birth, his second, that, as in

other cases, he took another name as more convenient for

intercourse with foreigners.

862 ‒ By some identified with the kinsman or fellow-tribesman of

St Paul, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21.

863 ‒ Manaen = _consoler_, the same name as that of the 16th

king of Israel (2 K. xv. 14–22).

864 ‒ Σύντροφος, Vulgate _collactaneus_ = ὁμογάλακτος,

_foster-brother_, i.e. Manaen’s mother (or the woman

who reared him) was also Herod’s nurse. Others would

interpret the word as = _comrade, associate, educated

with_, according to a not unusual custom of associating

other children with the sons of persons of rank, to share

their amusements and excite them to emulation. Comp. Xen.

_Cyrop._ I. 3. 14, and the passages cited in Wetstein

on Acts xiii. 1. The Herod alluded to was probably Herod

Antipas, who beheaded John the Baptist, and if so, Manaen

could hardly have been altogether unacquainted with the

circumstances of the Redeemer’s life. Josephus (_Ant._ XV.

10. 5) mentions a Manaen, an Essene, who foretold to Herod

the Great his future elevation to royal dignity, and who

was held by him in high esteem. He may therefore have been

the father of the companion of his children, Antipas and

Archelaus, who were educated at Rome: Comp. Jos. _Ant._

XVII. 1. 3, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ καὶ Ἀντίπας ἐπὶ Ῥώμης παρά τινι

ἰδιώτῃ τροφὰς εἶχον.

865 ‒ The sea-port and fortress of Antioch, and connected with

it by the river Orontes. Seleucus had named his metropolis

after his father (see above, p. 10), and the maritime

fortress after himself. It became a place of great

importance, and was made a _free city_ by Pompey for its

bold resistance to Tigranes. See Smith’s _Dict. Geog._

866 ‒ See above, p. 356, n. Cyprus was (1) near; (2) contained

the nucleus of a church; (3) was the birthplace of

Barnabas; (4) contained many Jews.

867 ‒ A city on the eastern coast of Cyprus, said to have been

founded by Teucer (Hor. _Od._ I. 7. 29). The farming of

the copper-mines of the island to Herod (Jos. _Ant._ XVI.

4. 5), as also the wine, flax, and honey which it yielded,

probably increased the numbers attracted by its harbour

and trade. On the revolt of the Jews in the reign of

Trajan, when the populous city became a desert, see Milman,

_Hist. Jews_, III. 111, 112.

868 ‒ Notorious for the worship of Venus or Aphrodite, fabled

here to have risen from the sea (Hom. _Od._ VIII. 362),

whose temple was at “Old Paphos,” while the harbour and

chief town were at “New Paphos,” a little distance off.

Titus made a pilgrimage to the shrine (Tac. _Hist._ II.

2. 3).

869 ‒ On the provinces and the difference between the proconsul

and proprætor, see above, p. 147, n. Cyprus originally was

an imperial province, but it was afterwards transferred

to the Senate. See Lardner’s _Credibility of the Gospel

History_, I. 32, &c.: for an engraving of a Cyprian coin

of the reign of Claudius, see C. and H., I. 147.

870 ‒ See above, p. 374. On the influx of Eastern sorcerers,

astrologers, and soothsayers into Rome, and their

influence, see Hor. _Od._ I. 11. 2; Cic. _Div._ II. 42–47;

Juv. VI. 562, XIV. 248. Marius always kept in his camp

a Syrian prophetess; Pompeius, Crassus, Cæsar, were all

addicted to Oriental astrology; the picture of Tiberius

surrounded by his “Chaldæan herd” (Juv. _Sat._ X. 93) is

well known. See C. and H., I. 141, and notes.

871 ‒ After this his old name Saul never recurs in the New

Testament. “It was an ancient conjecture that the change

was made to commemorate the conversion of the Proconsul:

this may have been the _occasion_; but the _reason_

probably was to make the name more familiar to Roman ears.”

Humphry’s _Comm. on the Acts_. That the Apostle probably

had both in his childhood is stated above, p. 380, and

possibly “the name Paulus came from some connection of his

ancestors (perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member

of the Roman family of the Æmilian Pauli” (C. and H.,

I. 146). It can hardly be believed to be accidental that

the Gentile name rises to the surface at the moment when

St Paul visibly enters on his office as the Apostle of the

Gentiles.

872 ‒ Founded by _Attalus_ Philadelphus, as a port for the trade

between Egypt and Syria. It has lasted till the present

day, and is now called _Satalia_.

873 ‒ It will be remembered that St Paul had already preached

the word in Cilicia (see above, p. 380); he probably now

wished to extend it among the contiguous districts.

874 ‒ An important city of Pamphylia, situated on the river

Cestrus, as Tarsus on the Cydnus, celebrated for the

worship of Artemis (Diana), Cic. _Verr._ I. 20.

875 ‒ On the perils of _robbers_ and _rivers_ incident to the

Pisidian Highlands, see C. and H., I. 154, 155. Some

think he wished to join Peter and those Apostles who were

preaching in Palestine. We shall find him not unwilling

to accompany the Apostles on a second missionary journey

(Acts xv. 37).

876 ‒ See above, p. 10, and notes. Its site was discovered by

Arundell in 1833, at _Valobatch_, six hours distant from

_Akshar_.

877 ‒ The peculiarities of the constitution of a Roman _colonia_

will be treated of when we come to Philippi.

878 ‒ For a description of the synagogue service, see above,

pp. 111, 112.

879 ‒ Comp. above, p. 368.

880 ‒ On the duration here assigned to this period see

Wordsworth’s note _in loc._; Humphry’s _Comm. on the Acts_;

Biscoe’s _History of the Acts_.

881 ‒ Compare the importance attached to these appearances by

the Apostle in 1 Cor. xv. 1–12.

882 ‒ Ps. ii. 7, LXX; Isai. lv. 3, LXX; Ps. xvi. 10, LXX trans.

883 ‒ Compare this address with those of Peter in Acts ii. 27,

&c. and x. 30–43, above, pp. 351, 2. In both the chief

stress is laid on the Saviour’s resurrection (comp. Acts

i. 22, iv. 33). We can hardly fail to observe in Acts

xiii. 39 the first germ of the deeper teaching of St Paul

respecting the insufficiency of the Mosaic Law, developed

afterwards in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.

884 ‒ Lachmann and Tischendorf omit the τὰ ἔθνη inserted in Acts

xiii. 42 in the _Textus Receptus_.

885 ‒ Comp. Isai. xlii. 6, xlix. 6; Lk. ii. 32.

886 ‒ Mtt. x. 14, 15; Mk. vi. 11; Lk. ix. 5.

887 ‒ C. and H., I. 195.

888 ‒ Now called _Konieh_, situated on the western part of an

extensive table-land of Asia Minor, not far north of Mount

Taurus. This region was anciently called Lycaonia, and

thus Iconium “was on the great line of communication

between Ephesus and the western coast of the peninsula on

one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on the

other.” See C. and H., I. 174, 175. From its position it

was clearly a well chosen spot for missionary operations.

889 ‒ Its site is unknown. There are strong reasons, however,

for identifying its site with that of _Kir-bir-Kilisseh_

at the base of the _Kara-dagh_.

890 ‒ Like Lystra the exact situation of Derbe is unknown. It

is certain, however, that it was in the eastern part of

the great upland plain of Lycaonia, which stretches from

Iconia eastwards along the north sides of the chain of

Taurus. For the various conjectures respecting its site,

see Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, and C. and H., I. 178, n.

Cicero passed through it on his road from Cilicia to

Iconium. Cic. _ad. Fam._ XIII. 73: Cum Antipatro _Derbete_

mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas

intercedit.

891 ‒ According to some a Syrian dialect, according to others

a corrupt form of Greek. Lycaonia is one of those

ethnological rather than political districts of Asia Minor

mentioned in the N. T.; politically it was sometimes in

Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia.

892 ‒ Compare the story of Baucis and Philemon in Ovid’s

_Metam._ VIII. 611, &c.

893 ‒ Comp. Ovid, _Fasti_, V. 495.

894 ‒ Ἐπὶ τοὺς πύλωνας in Acts xiv. 13, does not denote the

gates of the city, but the vestibule or gate which gave

admission from the public street into the court of the

house. So it is used Mtt. xxvi. 71 (on which see note

above, p. 290); Lk. xvi. 20; Acts x. 17; Acts xii. 13.

C. and H., I. 182, n.; Neander’s _Planting_, 113, n.

895 ‒ Compare the Apostle’s language in Rom. iii. 25.

896 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xii. 24.

897 ‒ This is the occasion alluded to in 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25,

“_Once_ I was stoned.” At Iconium the _design_ had been

formed of stoning him: “Had the assault been completed,

had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it

relates that preparations were made both by Jews and

Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had the

account of this transaction stopped, without going on to

inform us that St Paul and his companions were _aware of

the danger and fled_, a contradiction between the history

and the Epistle would have ensued. Truth is necessarily

consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent

accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus

advance to the very brink of contradiction without falling

into it.” Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.

898 ‒ One was certainly Timothy, the son of a Jewess named

Eunice, his father being a Greek (Acts xvi. 1), whom Paul

afterwards found at Lystra, already a disciple, and of

good report among the brethren (Acts xvi. 2). In 1 Tim.

i. 2, i. 18; 2 Tim. ii. 1, he calls him _his own son in

the faith_, and in 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11, reminds him of his

intimate and personal knowledge of the sufferings he had

endured at Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra (note the accurate

order of the places). There is the strongest reason,

therefore, for believing that he was now converted to the

faith. See Birks’ Ed. of Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, p. 153,

and note on p. 155.

899 ‒ See above, p. 404, n.

900 ‒ On the Jewish feeling of jealousy and suspicion even

towards proselytes, see above, p. 400, n. 2.

901 ‒ C. and H., I. 197.

902 ‒ Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 286.

903 ‒ They were converted Pharisees who had imported their

dogmas into the Christian Church.

904 ‒ Compare the words παρεισάκτους, παρεισῆλθον in Gal. ii. 4.

“The metaphor is that of spies or traitors introducing

themselves by stealth into the enemy’s camp.” See the

passages quoted by Lightfoot.

905 ‒ For an exhaustive note on the identity of the journey

mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians and in Acts xv.,

see Lightfoot, _Com. on the Gal._ 110–113.

906 ‒ The historian St Luke naturally records the external

impulse, which led to the mission; the Apostle himself

states his inward motive: “What I did,” he says, “I did

not owing to circumstances, not as yielding to pressure,

not in deference to others, but because the Spirit of God

told me it was right.” The very stress which he lays on

this revelation seems to shew that other influences were

at work. Lightfoot, _Com._ p. 111.

907 ‒ Compare the combination of the natural and the

supernatural in the case of Peter’s journey to Cæsarea;

see above, pp. 398, 399; and in St Paul’s reasons for

leaving Jerusalem, above, pp. 391, 392.

908 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, p. 115.

909 ‒ The great Roman road followed the Phœnician coast-line.

On the previous mention of Phœnicia, see Acts xi. 19, 20;

above, p. 373.

910 ‒ Κατ᾽ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσι, Gal. ii. 2.

911 ‒ See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 115, n. “The private

consultation was a wise precaution to avoid

misunderstanding: the public conference was a matter of

necessity to obtain a recognition of the freedom of the

Gentile churches.” Lightfoot _in loc._

912 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 117; Baumgarten’s _Apostolic History_.

913 ‒ Ἀφ᾽ ἡμερῶν ἀρχαίων, Acts xv. 7, refers to the whole

period of the Gospel up to that day, and especially to

the conversion of Cornelius about 12 years before.

914 ‒ Compare the Lord’s own words, Mtt. xxiii. 4.

915 ‒ See above, p. 410; for indications in the New Testament

of his important position comp. (1) Gal. i. 19; (2) Acts

xii. 17; (3) Gal. ii. 9; (4) Acts xxi. 18.

916 ‒ From 1 Cor. ix. 5 we gather that, like Samuel, he was

married, but in other respects a strict observer of the

Nazarite rule; Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23.

917 ‒ Διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς δικαιοσύνης αὐτοῦ, ἐκαλεῖτο Δίκαιος

καὶ Ὠβλίας· ὅ ἐστι Ἑλληνιστὶ περιοχὴ τοῦ ♦λαοῦ καὶ

δικαιοσύνη. Hegesippus quoted in Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23.

918 ‒ See Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, pp. 302, 331; Con. and

Howson, I. 205; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

919 ‒ He characteristically uses the Jewish form of the

Apostle’s name, Acts xv. 14, as Peter does himself

2 Pet. i. 1.

920 ‒ The citation is made freely from the LXX version.

921 ‒ Only a portion of the victims was offered in sacrifice

to the heathen gods, the rest was consumed by the offerer

with his family and friends, or was sold in the shambles.

Hence most public entertainments and many private

meals were more or less remotely connected with heathen

sacrifices, which, as Thucydides relates (II. 38), became

the chief means of social enjoyment. Such meat the more

scrupulous Jewish converts would not touch, according

to the warning of Malachi (i. 7–12), or the good example

of Daniel (i. 8). See Stanley _On the Cor._ I. 150, 151.

Hence the doubt and the contention between the Gentile and

Jewish converts alluded to in 1 Cor. viii. ix.

922 ‒ See Levit. xvii. 13, 14; Comp. above, p. 118, n.

923 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 156.

924 ‒ C. and H., 207; Gibbon, XXIII.

925 ‒ See above, p. 412, n.; Milman, _Hist. of Christianity_,

I. 394; Neander’s _Planting_, I. p. 121.

926 ‒ Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Τίτος ὁ σὺν ἐμοὶ Ἕλλην ὢν ἠναγκάσθη περιτμηθῆναι,

Gal. ii. 3. _But not even Titus_, though (1) the pressure

exerted in his case was so great, though (2) as my

fellow-labourer he would be brought constantly in contact

with the Jews, see Acts xvi. 3, though (3) _a Gentile, was

compelled to be circumcised_. See Lightfoot and Ellicott

_in loc._

927 ‒ Στῦλοι, Gal. ii. 9, a title applied by the Jews to the

great teachers of the Law, see Wetstein _in loc._: and,

the Church being regarded as the house or temple of God,

in the New Testament to Christians; comp. Rev. iii. 12;

1 Tim. iii. 15.

928 ‒ This the Apostle had already done, see Acts xi. 29, 30,

above, p. 404; this also he did on the occasion of his

last journey to Jerusalem, Rom. xv. 26, 27; Acts xxiv. 17.

929 ‒ John Mark appears to have accompanied them. Comp. Acts

xv. 37; Neander’s _Planting_, I. p. 125.

930 ‒ Derived from the Latin silva, _a wood_: this seems to

hint that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and from Acts xvi. 37

we gather that he was a Roman citizen; by some he is

identified with the Silvanus mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12.

931 ‒ The refusal to eat meat with the impure was one of their

leading principles: comp. Lk. xv. 2, and see above, p. 247.

932 ‒ Lightfoot _in loc._, who deems this not altogether

improbable, and compares Acts xv. 24, xv. 1. See also

Ellicott’s note.

933 ‒ Ὑπέστελλεν καὶ ἀφώριζεν ἑαυτόν, Gal. ii. 12: “the words

describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid

person who shrinks from observation, ὑπέστελλεν denoting

the partial, ἀφώριζεν the complete and final separation.”

Lightfoot _in loc._

934 ‒ Τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς, Gal. ii. 12. Comp. Acts x. 45, xi. 2;

Rom. iv. 12; Col. iv. 11; Tit. i. 10.

935 ‒ Οἱ λοιποὶ Ἱουδαῖοι See Lightfoot’s note.

936 ‒ Τῇ ὑποκρίσει, their _acting, assuming a part_, which

veiled their genuine feelings, and made them appear

otherwise than they were.

937 ‒ That is, his conduct, if persevered in, would have this

effect.

938 ‒ Almost a synonym for Gentiles: see 1 Macc. ii. 44; and

comp. Lk. vi. 32, 33; Mtt. v. 47; Mtt. xxvi. 45; Lk.

xviii. 32.

939 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 215.

940 ‒ Ibid. See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.

941 ‒ The breach between them, however, appears to have been but

temporary. St Paul afterwards mentions his former friend

with commendation, see 1 Cor. ix. 6. At Salamis the tomb

of Barnabas is shewn.

942 ‒ Mark, too, though now the cause of this sharp contention,

afterwards won the Apostle’s confidence. He appears to

have been with Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome

(Philem. 24), and was acknowledged to be _profitable to

the ministry_ (2 Tim. iv. 11), and a cause of _comfort_

(Col. iv. 10, 11).

943 ‒ Comp. Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 16. Neander’s _Planting_,

I. 170.

944 ‒ For their planting, see above, p. 391.

945 ‒ The journey was probably undertaken in the early part of

the year A.D. 51.

946 ‒ See above, p. 421, n. His father, whose name is unknown,

was a Ἕλλην (Acts xvi. 3), a Gentile, and probably died

during his son’s infancy. If in any sense a proselyte, he

could only have been a _Proselyte of the Gate_. Such mixed

marriages, though strictly forbidden by the Mosaic Law

(Deut. vii. 3), and always condemned by the stricter Jews,

were not uncommon in the later periods of Jewish history.

The children of such marriages were termed Mamzerim

(bastards). But even such a child, if a wise student of

the Law, “was, in theory, above an ignorant high-priest.”

Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ on Mtt. xxiii. 14, quoted in

Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_. The education,

therefore, Timothy received, may possibly “have helped to

overcome the prejudice the Jews would have against him on

this ground.” “It is not improbable that the mother and

grandmother of Timothy may have been connected with those

Jews from Babylonia whom Antiochus settled in Phrygia

three centuries before.” C. and H., I. 243, and see above,

p. 10.

947 ‒ They knew that his father was a Greek, and that he had

been allowed to grow up to the age of manhood without

the sign of circumcision――that his “condition was that

of a negligent, almost an apostate Israelite.” They might

“tolerate a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the

church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would be to them

a horror and a portent. With a special view, therefore,

to their feelings, and making no sacrifice of principle,

the Apostle _took and circumcised him_” (Acts xvi. 3). The

parents of Titus, on the other hand, _were both Gentiles_,

and in his case the Apostle maintained the principle that

the Gentiles did not need circumcision (Gal. ii. 3). See

Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ “According to the Jewish rules, the

child should follow the mother; and the son of a mixed

marriage, whose mother was a Jewess, was bound to be

circumcised, otherwise the marriage would not have been

recognised by the Jewish law.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illustr._

948 ‒ Probably at Iconium, C. and H., I. 246. From 1 Tim. vi. 12

we gather that on this occasion he witnessed _a good

confession_ before many witnesses; from 1 Tim. i. 18, that

_prophecies_ sanctioned his dedication to the work; from

1 Tim. iv. 14, that the bestowal of _gifts_ accompanied the

laying on of hands of the Church and the Apostle himself.

949 ‒ Not at this time the large and populous province of

Asia Minor, which it afterwards became in the age of

Constantine, but a “geographical expression denoting a

debateable country of indeterminate extent, diffused over

the frontiers of the provinces of proconsular Asia and

Galatia, but belonging chiefly to the former.” C. and H.,

I. 248.

950 ‒ Galatia――the “Gaul of the East”――is a somewhat ambiguous

expression, and might denote either (i) the Roman province

of that name, or (ii) Galatia proper. The former comprised

nearly all the centre of Asia Minor, and was bounded

by Bithynia and Pontus on the north, proconsular “Asia”

on the west, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and

Cappadocia on the east, including south-eastern Phrygia,

Lycaonia, Isauria, and part of Pisidia. The latter (and

the more probable area of the Galatian churches) was a

comparatively small district, having for its three chief

towns, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium or Tavia, and occupied

by the Gauls, who poured down into Italy and Greece in

the third century B.C. Repulsed at Delphi (B.C. 279) a

considerable body of these invaders of southern Europe

forced their way into Thrace, occupied the coast of the

Propontis, crossed over into Asia Minor, and before long

conquered the whole of the peninsula north of the Taurus.

After ravaging the country far and wide they were signally

defeated by Attalus king of Pergamus, B.C. 230, and penned

up “in a strip of land in the interior of Asia Minor,

about 200 miles in length, and stretching from N.E. to

S.W.,” which was divided among the three invading tribes,

the Tectosages, the Trocmi, the Tolistoboii. Hence they

increased rapidly in numbers and prosperity, took part

as mercenaries in all the wars of the time, and acted as

body-guards to the king of Syria and Egypt, and even Herod

the Great. After their power had been materially curtailed

by neighbouring monarchs, they attracted the notice of

the Romans during the campaign against Antiochus the

Great, and were subjugated by the consul Manlius; during

a century and a half they were then governed by native

princes, and finally reduced to a Roman province by

Augustus. See C. and H., I. 222–225; and the Introduction

to Lightfoot’s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 4–7.

951 ‒ Lightfoot, _Galatians_, p. 21.

952 ‒ Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 with Gal. iv. 13, 14. Many and various

are the opinions respecting the σκόλοψ τῇ σαρκί, the

_thorn_, or rather _stake_, here alluded to by the Apostle.

The following are the chief: (1) _persecution from his

enemies_, the opinion of the Greek fathers; (2) _carnal

thoughts_, the opinion of mediæval writers; (3) _spiritual

trial_, temptation to despair and doubt, &c., the opinion

of the Reformers; (4) _bodily ailment_ of some kind, an

opinion first expressed by Irenæus, and since adopted by

most modern expositors. Combining the two passages cited

above we infer (1) that it was marked by extremely acute

pain, whence it could be compared to a “stake driven

through the flesh;” (2) that it was of a very humiliating

nature; (3) that it could not be concealed from others,

and exposed him to contempt and even loathing; (4) that it

was a grievous hindrance to his constancy and resolution;

(5) that it was (possibly) connected with that meanness

of personal appearance to which he alludes, 2 Cor. x. 10;

and (6) that it was recurring (comp. Gal. iv. 13, 14 with

1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. i. 8, 9). See the

interesting reference to the mysterious malady of Alfred

the Great, quoted in Lightfoot’s _Galatians_, pp. 173, 174.

Amongst bodily afflictions, (a) acute pains in the head,

(b) epilepsy, (c) a complaint in the eyes, have found the

chief supporters. See Lightfoot’s _Excursus_, and Stanley

on 2 Cor. xii. 7.

953 ‒ Δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν τῆς σαρκὸς εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν τὸ πρότερον =

_On account of an infirmity in my flesh I preached the

Gospel amongst you on the former of my two visits_.

954 ‒ It is not improbable that St Paul founded the earliest

churches of Galatia (Lightfoot, p. 19). Pessinus was the

seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the “Great Mother,”

superintended by her fanatical and effeminate priests,

the Galli (Cic. _Fam._ II. 12. 2; Pliny, III. 32, 45).

Ancyra was the capital of the Roman province, the site

of a magnificent temple of marble built by Augustus, the

meeting-place of all the great roads in the north of the

peninsula, and the resort of many Jews. C. and H., I. 520.

955 ‒ This, however, did not prevent their being afterwards

carried away into apostasy. With their wonted fickleness

they rapidly changed their sentiments (Gal. i. 6).

Compare Cæsar’s words concerning the Gauls, _Mobilitate

et levitate animi_, _B. G._ II. 1. _Infirmitatem Gallorum

veritus quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis

plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum ratus_,

_B. G._ IV. 5. Comp. Tac. _Germ._ XXIX.

956 ‒ C. and H., I. 252.

957 ‒ Ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ: see above, p. 344, n. Paley (_Horæ Paulinæ_,

1 Cor. No. 2) well compares the relation of proconsular

Asia to the rest of the peninsula with that of Portugal

in relation to Spain.

958 ‒ Ἐλθόντες κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν = _having come over against

Mysia_.

959 ‒ Εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν is the reading in the edition of Lachmann

and Tischendorf.

960 ‒ Τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ is the better reading here.

961 ‒ Vulgate _transeuntes_. This seems to be the force of

παρελθόντες here. They _passed along_ the frontier of

Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they _passed

by_ the whole district without staying to evangelise it.

962 ‒ This was its full name (Liv. XXXV. 42); sometimes it was

called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply Troas. Its

first founder, Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander,

called it _Antigoneia Troas_, and peopled it with the

inhabitants of some neighbouring cities. Lysimachus, who

succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased and

adorned it, but altered its name to Alexandria Troas.

It was a sea-port town at the north-west corner of Asia

Minor, near the site of ancient Troy, and opposite the

south-eastern extremity of the island of Tenedos, and

its site is now marked by the modern village of _Eski

Stamboul_, Old Constantinople. Under the Romans, in

consequence partly of the legend of their origin from Troy,

partly of its connection by good roads with the interior,

and its being the chief point of arrival and departure

for those who sailed between western Asia and Macedonia,

it became a place of great importance, and Augustus made

it a colony, and conferred upon it the _Jus Italicum_,

i.e. exempted its land from taxation. Con. and Howson,

I. 257, 258; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

963 ‒ See Baumgarten’s _Apost. History_, II. 107.

964 ‒ Comp. the vision of St Peter at Joppa, above, pp. 397, 398.

965 ‒ C. and H., I. 260.

966 ‒ Comp. the return voyage, Acts xx. 6.

967 ‒ “The ancient city, and therefore probably the usual

anchorage, was on the N. side, which would be sufficiently

sheltered from a S.E. wind.” Samothrace is a lofty

conspicuous island, visible at Troas towering over Imbros.

Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

968 ‒ The full and proper name was _Colonia Augusta Julia

Philippensis_. The father of Alexander built it in a place

called Krenides, or _the Place of Fountains_, situated

in a plain of extraordinary fertility between the ranges

of Pangæus and Hæmus, about nine miles from the sea, and

on a spot watered by numerous streams. Augustus made it

a _colony_, to be at once a perpetual memorial of his

victory over Brutus, and a border-garrison of the province

of Macedonia.

969 ‒ The word _first_ denotes the _first_ city in its

geographical relation to St Paul’s journey, not the first

politically either of Macedonia or a part of it. The

chief city of the province was Thessalonica, and that of

Macedonia Prima was not Philippi but Amphipolis.

970 ‒ Like Antioch in Pisidia (see above, p. 414), and

Alexandria Troas (above, p. 438, n.), Philippi was

a Roman colony, a miniature resemblance of imperial

Rome. Originally designed as military safeguards of

the frontiers, and to check insurgent provincials, the

colonies were parts of the fortifications of the empire.

The colonists, veteran soldiers, freedmen, or Italians,

went thither with all the pomp of a Roman army, and were

enrolled in one of the tribes. They were amenable only

to their own magistrates, called _duumviri_ or, as they

delighted to style themselves, _proprætors_ (comp. Hor.

_Sat._ I. v. 34–36; Cic. _de Lege Agr._ II. 34), were

governed by Roman laws, and had Latin inscriptions stamped

upon their coins. See Art. _Colonia_ in Smith’s _Dict. of

Antiquities_.

971 ‒ C. and H., p. 270.

972 ‒ Ἔξω τῆς πύλης is the better reading in Acts xvi. 13.

973 ‒ See above, p. 440, n.

974 ‒ Σεβομένη, τὸν Θεόν, Acts xvi. 14.

975 ‒ A city on the Lycus, founded by Seleucus Nicator, on the

confines of Mysia and Ionia, about midway between Pergamus

and Sardis; now called _Ak-hissar_. It is mentioned in

connection with the dyeing trade in Hom. _Il._ IV. 141,

for which it has still a considerable reputation.

976 ‒ Comp. Acts xiii. 14; Lk. iv. 20. Comp. above, p. 112.

977 ‒ High up in Hæmus, among the tribe of the Satræ. Comp. Ὁ

Θρῃξὶ μάντις, Eurip. _Hecub._ 1267. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._,

Art. _Philippi_.

978 ‒ Acts xvi. 16, Ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα Πύθωνος (the better reading

is Πύθωνα). Πύθων = (1) the prophetic serpent at Delphi,

(2) the Pythian Phœbus or Apollo, from whom all who

claimed the powers of divination received their title,

and were called Pythons, exercising their arts by means

of internal mutterings and ventriloquism.

979 ‒ _These men_, said they, _are throwing the whole city

into confusion, being Jews to begin with; and they are

inculcating new customs, which it is not lawful for us

to receive or adopt, being Roman citizens_ (Acts xvi. 21).

The force of the accusation that they were _Jews to begin

with_ (Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες) will be more fully apprehended

by remembering (1) that Judaism was a _religio licita_

for Jews, but that they were forbidden to make proselytes

among the Romans; (2) that the Jews had lately been driven

out of Rome in consequence of an uproar, and that Philippi

would naturally imitate the mother-city; _Judæos impulsore

Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit_; Sueton.

_Claud._ xxv.

980 ‒ Ῥαβδίζειν = _to beat with rods_, as in 2 Cor. xi. 25.

981 ‒ Probably like the dungeon into which Jeremiah was let down

(comp. Acts xvi. 34, ἀναγαγών) with cords (Jer. xxxviii. 6),

or the _Tullianum_ at Rome. C. and H., I. 280, n.

982 ‒ Τὸ ξύλον, Acts xvi. 24. Comp. Aristoph. _Eq._ 1049, 1376;

Herod. VI. 75, IX. 37; and the Latin _nervus_, Plaut.

_Capt._ III. 5. 71.

983 ‒ “Lex Porcia (A.U.C. 306) virgas ab omnium civium Romanorum

corpore amovet.” Cic. _pro Rabirio_, Chap. III. “Facinus

est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari.” Cic. _in

Verr._ V. 66.

984 ‒ Amphipolis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the

Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea and 33 from Philippi.

Originally called “Nine Ways,” from the number of Thracian

and Macedonian roads meeting here, it was colonised by

the Athenians, and named Amphipolis from being nearly

surrounded by the Strymon. For the battle fought under

its walls during the Peloponnesian war, in which Cleon and

Brasidas were killed, see Thuc. v. 6–11.

985 ‒ Apollonia is laid down in the Itineraries as being 30

miles from Amphipolis. Its exact position is not known,

but “it lay somewhere in the inland part of the journey,

where the Via Egnatia crosses from the Gulf of the Strymon

to that of Thessalonica.” C. and H., I. 295.

986 ‒ Thessalonica, 37 miles distant from Apollonia, is still

the most important town of European Turkey, next after

Constantinople, and retains to this day the name of

_Saloniki_. Originally named Therma (whence the _Thermaic

Gulf_), it was rebuilt and enlarged by Cassander, son of

Antipater, and named Thessalonica after his first wife,

the sister of Alexander the Great. Under the Romans, when

Macedonia was divided into four governments by Paulus

Æmilius, it was made the capital of the second; when

the whole was consolidated into one province, it became

practically the metropolis of the whole. During the first

civil war it was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party

and the senate, during the second it took the side of

Octavius, by whom it was made a free city (see above,

p. 379, n.), a privilege commemorated on some of its coins.

Situated on the Thermaic Gulf, and commanding the trade

by sea, lying on the Via Egnatia, and connected with other

important Roman roads, communicating inland with the wide

plains of Macedonia, and possessing all the advantages

of a busy commercial town, it formed one of the most

appropriate starting points of the Gospel in Europe.

Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8; C. and H., I. 295, 297; Smith’s _Bibl.

Dict._

987 ‒ Ἡ συναγωγή, Acts xvii. 1, _the synagogue_, not _a_

synagogue, as in our E. V.

988 ‒ A form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken:

see 1 Macc. viii. 17; 2 Macc. ii. 23. He was perhaps a

Hellenist, and may possibly be alluded to in Rom. xvi. 21.

989 ‒ The general characteristics of a “free city” have been

described above, p. 379, n. Their form of government was

very various. In some the old magistracies and customs

were maintained without any material alteration. In

Thessalonica we find an assembly of the people, _demus_,

and supreme magistrates called _politarchs_ (Acts xvii. 8),

a title still legible on an archway of the town “in

an inscription informing us of the number of these

magistrates, and mentioning the very names of some who

bore that office not long before the day of St Paul.”

C. and H., I. 308.

990 ‒ On the severity of the laws respecting treason, see above,

p. 307, n.

991 ‒ Λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, apparently a translation of the Latin

law-phrase _satis accipere_.

992 ‒ Berœa, 60 miles distant from Thessalonica, said to have

derived its name from the abundance of its waters, now

called _Verria_, or _Kara-Verria_, was situated on the

eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-range south-west

of Pella, and commanded an extensive view of the plain of

the Axius and Haliacmon. It still contains 18 or 20,000

inhabitants, and stands second in importance of the cities

of European Turkey.

993 ‒ As they had pursued him from Iconium to Lystra; see above,

p. 420. See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 1 Thess. No. 5.

994 ‒ Ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, Acts xvii. 14, does not imply that

any stratagem was used. The words simply “denote the

likelihood that in the first instance they had no fixed

plan of going to _Athens_, but merely to the _sea_:

their further course was determined by providential

circumstances.” C. and H., I. 315, n.

995 ‒ Dium, near the foot of mount Olympus, was “the great

bulwark of Macedonia on the south,” and a Roman colony,

like Philippi.

996 ‒ Κατείδωλον (Acts xvii. 16), not _given up to idolatry_,

but _full of idols_, like κατάδενδρος, _full of trees_,

κατάμπελος, _full of vines_. “Replete as the whole of

Greece was with objects of devotion, there were more

Gods in Athens than in all the rest of the country,

and the Roman satirist hardly exaggerates, when he says

that it was easier to find a god there than a man.” See

Wordsworth’s _Athens and Attica_.

997 ‒ Σπερμολόγος = (1) a bird that picks up seeds from the

ground; (2) a pauper prowling about the market-place;

(3) a parasite who lives by his wits, “a contemptible

and worthless person.” See C. and H., I. 345, n.

998 ‒ For a description of the objects in full view of the

Apostle from the summit of Mars’ hill, see Con. and Howson,

I. 348, &c.; Wordsworth’s _Athens and Attica_, ch. XI.

999 ‒ It was no formal trial on a charge of introducing foreign

religions. Something might have been founded upon it

afterwards; for the present it was a hearing only with a

view to information. See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 188, n.

1000 ‒ On the Apostle’s expectation of the arrival of Timothy,

see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 1 Thess. No. 4.

1001 ‒ Ἀγνώστῳ Θεῷ To _the_ unknown god, however, “would be quite

as near the sense of the inscription upon any particular

one of such altars,” C. and H., I. 350, n. Altars were

erected by the Athenians, not only to particular gods, but

to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity;

and besides thus deifying abstractions, it was not unusual,

on the occurrence of great public calamities, such as the

plague at Athens, when they sought aid in vain from their

gods of wood and stone, to erect altars to some unknown

god, whom they deemed they had offended.

1002 ‒ Δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ, Acts xvii. 22. The word

is here used not in any offensive sense. It points to

the _extreme carefulness_ of the Athenians in matters of

religion. See δεισιδαίμων in Trench’s _Synonyms_, Vol. I.

pp. 187–197, and Alford _in loc._

1003 ‒ Comp. the language of Stephen, Acts vii. 48; above, p. 369.

1004 ‒ In opposition to the well-known boast of the Athenians

that they were αὐτόχθονες, and of a nobler origin than

that of the “barbarians,” as they styled the rest of the

world.

1005 ‒ The words occur (i) in a poem of Aratus, a native of

Cilicia, the Apostle’s own country; (ii) in a hymn of

Cleanthes, a Lycian poet. There is some doubt from which

the Apostle quoted. See above, p. 382.

1006 ‒ Ὑπεριδών, _i.e._ without inflicting punishment. Comp. Acts

xiv. 16; Rom. iii. 25. No such idea as is implied in the

words _winked at_ of our version belongs to the original

word. See Wordsworth _in loc._

1007 ‒ Of Damaris nothing further is known. Dionysius is said by

some to have been the first bishop of Athens.

1008 ‒ The city had the constitution of a _colony_, and was the

metropolis of a _province_. At first it was proconsular,

afterwards Tiberius placed it under a procurator of its

own, but Claudius restored it to its place among the

proconsular provinces. Its full name was _Colonia Laus

Julia Corinthus_. C. and H., I. 389; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1009 ‒ Suet. _Claud._ XXV. Judæus impulsore Chresto, assiduè

tumultuantes, Româ expulit.

1010 ‒ See Milman’s _Hist. Christ._ I. p. 443; Lewin’s _Life

of St Paul_, I. 294. The return of the Italian Jews from

Rome after the day of Pentecost (see above, p. 345) would

account for the spread of Christianity to Rome.

1011 ‒ See above, p. 381. The name Priscilla appears in 2 Tim.

iv. 19 under the form _Prisca_, a well-known Roman name.

“Livia and Livilla, Drusa and Drusilla, are used by Latin

authors of the same person.” C. and H., I. 358, n.

1012 ‒ Or _he was_ engrossed with _the word_; Instabat verbo.

Compare Lk. xii. 50. Hitherto he had been labouring day

and night with his own hands, determined to be chargeable

to no man. Now the pecuniary supplies brought from

Thessalonica (2 Cor. xi. 9; and comp. Phil. iv. 15)

enabled him to devote himself still more earnestly to his

Apostolic work. See Wordsworth’s note _in loc._; Lewin’s

_Life of St Paul_, I. 298.

1013 ‒ For illustrations of the Apostle’s feelings at this time,

see 2 Thess. iii. 2; 1 Cor. ii.3.

1014 ‒ His original name was Annæus Novatus, and he took the

name of Gallio from having been adopted into the family

of Junius Gallio.

1015 ‒ Solebam tibi dicere Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non

parum amat etiam qui amare plus non potest) alia vitia non

nosse hoc etiam odisse.... Nemo mortalium uni tam dulcis

est quam hic omnibus. Seneca, _Nat. Quæst._ IV.

1016 ‒ On the proconsular power and the tribunal, see above,

p. 147, n.

1017 ‒ The true reading in Acts xviii. 17 appears to be πάντες,

without specifying exactly who they were. It seems,

probable, however, that they were Greeks.

1018 ‒ See above, p. 111. It is not certain that this is the same

Sosthenes mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1.

1019 ‒ Some would understand this to have been done by ♦Aquila.

The form of the sentence is somewhat ambiguous in the

original, and the word κειράμενος might be connected

either with the nearer Ἀκύλας or the more remote

Παῦλος. On the Nazarite vow see Num. vi. 3, 5, 13, 14,

18.――_Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 158.

1020 ‒ Now _Kichries_, about 8 or 9 miles from Corinth across the

Isthmian plain.

1021 ‒ Silas would seem to have remained behind at Jerusalem. We

do not meet with him again in connection with St Paul. He

is next mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12. It is not improbable

that Titus also was now with the Apostle Paul.

1022 ‒ An abbreviated form of Apollonius. On the Jews of

Alexandria and their theological influence, see above,

p. 364, n.

1023 ‒ It is not improbable that he again worked with them at the

same trade: comp. Acts xx. 34, 1 Cor. iv. 11, 12.

1024 ‒ That is, probably, the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost,

such as were bestowed on Cornelius and his company after

their baptism, see above, p. 399. Note the force of the

aorist here.

1025 ‒ Such as Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon. See Col. i. 7;

iv. 7, 12; Philem. 23. C. and H., II. 13, and note.

1026 ‒ It retained even under the Romans its old democratic

constitution, and Josephus (_Ant._ XIV. 10. 12; XVI. 6.

4, 7) mentions the βουλή or γερουσία = the _senate_,

the ἐκκλησία = _assembly_, the δῆμος = the _people_. As

Thessalonica had its _politarchs_ (see above, p. 447, n.,

and Athens its _archons_, so Ephesus had its own

magistrates, amongst whom the γραμματεύς (Acts xix. 35)

= _town-clerk_ or _recorder_, held a high position.

1027 ‒ See generally on Ephesus and its temple, Con. and Howson,

I. 73–79; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, and _Dict. of Classical

Geography_.

1028 ‒ The head was a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal,

and the lower part ended in a rude block covered with

figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. Her image

resembled an Indian idol rather than the beautiful forms

which crowded the Acropolis of Athens. “Like the Palladium

of Troy――like the most ancient Minerva at Athens――like

the Paphian Venus and the Cybele of Pessinus (see above,

p. 437, n.)――like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero

(_in Verr._ V. 187), it was believed to have fallen

down from the sky” (Acts xix. 35). C. and H., I. 78. The

ceremonies of her worship were conducted by a troop of

virgin priestesses called Melissæ, and a number of priests,

eunuchs from the interior of Asia Minor, called Megabizi.

1029 ‒ Both the original words used here are Latin. The first,

σουδάριον, _sudarium_, occurs in Lk. xix. 20; Jn. xi. 44,

xx. 7, and is translated _napkin_; the latter, σιμικίνθιον,

_semi-cinctium_, appears to denote a _shawl_ or

_handkerchief_, or perhaps an apron used by workmen.

Baumgarten would connect them with the Apostle’s daily

labour in his own support. See Wordsworth _in loc._

1030 ‒ Or perhaps the head of one of the 24 courses of Priests.

1031 ‒ The Vulgate here has Jesum _novi_ et Paulum _scio_.

Γινώσκω expresses knowledge of a stronger degree than

ἐπιστᾶμαι (which only occurs elsewhere in Mk. xiv. 68).

The former = _I recognise and own His power_; the latter

= _I know, am acquainted with_. See Wordsworth’s note

_in loc._

1032 ‒ About £2000 of our money. The coin called ἀργυρίου in Acts

xix. 19, and translated _piece of silver_, was probably

the silver _drachma_, of the value of about 10d.

1033 ‒ He does not, however, seem to have reached Corinth on this

occasion, and St Paul himself doubted whether he would

be able to do so. Erastus is probably the “treasurer” of

Corinth alluded to in Rom. xvi. 23; 2 Tim. iv. 20.

1034 ‒ From a comparison of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, 21, xiii. 1, 2,

some would infer that the Apostle paid an unrecorded visit

to Corinth during his three years’ stay at Ephesus, and on

the authority of 1 Cor. v. 9–12 that he afterwards wrote a

short letter to the Church there respecting the exclusion

of profligates from the Christian body. See C. and H., II.

18–21.

1035 ‒ April or May, A.D. 57. See C. and H., II. 84; Lewin’s

_Life of St Paul_, I. 439; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.

_Ephesus_.

1036 ‒ It is not certain whether these were models of the whole

temple or of the shrine. Such models, however, were

eagerly purchased by strangers, and carried by devotees on

journeys, or set up in their houses. The material might be

wood, or gold, or silver. C. and H., II. 78.

1037 ‒ It is not improbable that it was on this occasion he was

rescued by Aquila and Priscilla at the risk of their own

lives, as mentioned in Rom. xvi. 3, 4.

1038 ‒ The Asiarchs, Ἀσιάρχαι (Acts xix. 31), were officers,

generally ten in number, appointed like the _ædiles_ at

Rome, to preside over the games held in different parts

of the province of Asia, just as other provinces had their

_Galatarchs, Lysiarchs, Bythiniarchs_, &c. “They held for

the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when robed in

mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed

the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and

controlling the tumultuous crowd in the theatre; they

might literally be called the _chiefs of Asia_.” C. and H.,

II. 83; Lewin’s _Life of St Paul_, I. 350–353.

1039 ‒ This officer “had to do with state-papers; he was keeper

of the archives; he read what was of public moment before

the senate and assembly; he was present when money was

deposited in the temple; and when letters were sent to the

people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him.

Hence we can readily account for his name appearing so

often on the coins of Ephesus (see C. and H., II. 89, and

p. 79). He seems sometimes to have given the name to the

year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome.”

C. and H., II. 81.

1040 ‒ Νεωκόρον, Acts xix. 35, literally _Temple-sweeper_, was

originally an expression of humility, and applied to

the lowest menials engaged in the care of the Temple.

Afterwards it became a title of high honour, and was

applied not only to persons, but to cities and communities.

Thus Ephesus was personified as the “devotee” of Diana,

and boastifully stamped the name upon her coins.

1041 ‒ Ephesus was an assize-town (_forum_ or _conventus_), which

the proconsul would visit at stated seasons, attended by

his interpreter, for all legal business was conducted in

Latin. C. and H., II. 82.

1042 ‒ See above, p. 461, n.; for the Apostle’s own feelings in

respect to the tumult, see 2 Cor. i. 8–11, on which see

Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 2 Cor. No. IV.

1043 ‒ Probably by sea: comp. Acts xx. 13, 14, though it is to

be remembered that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna

and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas.

1044 ‒ See above, pp. 438, 439.

1045 ‒ See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 237; Neander’s _Planting_,

I. 247.

1046 ‒ See above, p. 440.

1047 ‒ Stanley’s _Comm. on 2 Cor. ii. 13_.

1048 ‒ See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_ on this passage. Illyricum was

an extensive region lying along the Eastern coast of the

Adriatic, and contiguous to Mœsia and Macedonia on the

East. It included Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10), which was

sometimes used for the whole of the district. Both terms

are probably used by the Apostle in their most extended

sense.

1049 ‒ See Con. and Howson, II. pp. 141–143.

1050 ‒ See above, pp. 436–438.

1051 ‒ Ἐβάσκανεν = _fascinated_, the metaphor being taken from

the popular belief in the power of the evil eye. On the

fickleness of the Galatian character, see above, p. 437

and note.

1052 ‒ Professor Lightfoot, while placing the Epistle to the

Galatians between the Second to the Corinthians and that

to the Romans, and referring its date to the winter of

A.D. 57 or the spring of A.D. 58, seems to think it may

have been written during the journey between Macedonia and

Achaia. See _Proleg. to the Comm._, pp. 48–54.

1053 ‒ She was probably a widow of consideration and wealth,

acting as one of the deaconesses of the Church. See

C. and H., II. 166; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1054 ‒ On the salutation in Rom. xvi. 3, and the return of Aquila

and Priscilla since the dispatch of the First Epistle to

the Corinthians, see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, No. II.

1055 ‒ The Epistles to the Romans and Galatians relate to the

same general question. But the Apostle had founded the

Church in Galatia, hence he puts the point in a great

measure upon personal authority (comp. Gal. i. 6, 11, 12,

v. 2); but he had never been at Rome, hence in his Epistle

to that Church he puts the same points upon argument.

“This distinction between the two Epistles is suited to

the relation in which the Apostle stood to his different

correspondents.” See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.

1056 ‒ Compare the time spent on the former voyage above, p. 440,

and the note.

1057 ‒ Note the force of the imperfect κατεφίλουν, Acts xx. 37.

1058 ‒ C. and H., II. 239: comp. Acts xxi. 1.

1059 ‒ Ἀποσπασθέντας, Acts xxi. 1.

1060 ‒ Distant from Miletus about 40 nautical miles, a passage of

about 6 hours: C. and H., II. 239.

1061 ‒ The sea-port of the city of Xanthus, 10 miles distant,

devoted to the worship of Apollo, and the seat of a famous

oracle. Comp. Hor. _Od._ III. iv. 64.

1062 ‒ Or _rising_ Cyprus, in English nautical phrase. The word,

in reference to sea-voyages, means _to see land_, _to

bring land into view_, _to make_ land.

1063 ‒ See above, p. 373.

1064 ‒ See above, p. 391.

1065 ‒ The distance being but 28 miles from Tyre. For a notice of

this sea-port, see above, p. 37, n.

1066 ‒ See above, p. 378.

1067 ‒ See above, p. 403, and note.

1068 ‒ Compare for similar symbolic prophetical actions Isai. xx.

2, 3; Jerem. xiii. 1–11.

1069 ‒ Comp. above, p. 344, and comp. pp. 162, 163.

1070 ‒ See above, p. 402, and note.

1071 ‒ For the word _carriage_ of our Version here used see Judg.

xviii. 21; 1 Sam. xvii. 22. Ἐπισκευασάμενοι is the better

reading, and denotes _having packed up_, made ready for

the journey. The Apostle, it is to be remarked, had with

him the proceeds of the great collection.

1072 ‒ On his character and influence, see pp. 426, 427, and the

notes.

1073 ‒ C. and H., II. 259.

1074 ‒ For notices of the excited and fanatical state of the

Jews at this period, see Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_,

II. 166, 172.

1075 ‒ For these, see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 158, 159.

Agrippa I., it will be remembered, showed his sympathy

with Judaism by defraying the expenses of certain

Nazarites; see above, p. 405, and the note.

1076 ‒ See above, p. 272, and note. It is clear from that passage

that this Court contained the Treasure-Chests, but it also

appears to have contained chambers, in one of which the

Nazarites performed their vows. C. and H., II. 269.

1077 ‒ “Made of brass and very strong, shut at midnight with

difficulty by twenty men.” Jos. _B. J._ VI. 5. 3. Comp.

V. 5. 3, cited in C. and H., II. 269, n.

1078 ‒ On this tower, see above, p. 53, n.and p. 91.

1079 ‒ Comp. Acts xii. 4, 6; see above, p. 406, n.

1080 ‒ He had come from Egypt into Judæa, and giving himself

out to be a prophet, collected in the desert upwards of

30,000 men (4000 of whom were Sicarii or “murderers,” Acts

xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount

of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would

fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to

seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however,

marched against him, and easily dispersed his force,

slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer

himself escaped. See Jos. _B. J._ II. 13. 5; Milman’s

_Hist. of the Jews_, II. 171.

1081 ‒ For a comparison of the Apostle’s words on this occasion

with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. 384,

385, and notes.

1082 ‒ Compare the account above, pp. 390, 391.

1083 ‒ See above, p. 309, and the note.

1084 ‒ See above, p. 96. Only a narrow space of the Great

Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower

Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a

place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted.

C. and H., II. 281.

1085 ‒ Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.

1086 ‒ If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly

fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin

was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos.

_B. J._ II. 17. 9.

1087 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls,

which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a

fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.

1088 ‒ See above, p. 115.

1089 ‒ The sentence is broken off. The words μὴ θεομαχῶμεν,

Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander’s

_Planting_, I. 307, and note.

1090 ‒ See above, p. 380.

1091 ‒ Δεξιολάβους, E. V. _spearmen_, Vulg. _lancearios_.

Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word,

it distinguishes here _legionary soldiers_ from _cavalry_,

and probably means _light-armed troops_. The word implies

the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.

1092 ‒ Ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός, Acts xxiii. 23.

1093 ‒ With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more

than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp.

Acts xxiii. 24, κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι.

1094 ‒ For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. 99, and note.

1095 ‒ Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force

in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be

feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might

be needed in the fortress of Antonia.

1096 ‒ C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, _Bib. Res._ III. 46, 60.

1097 ‒ As mentioned above, p. 409, n., on the death of Herod

Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed

procurator of Judæa. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by

Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made

way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful

tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence

of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the

deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 3;

_B. J._ II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and

succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius.

From Tacitus (_Ann._ XII. 54) he would seem to have been

joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the

Emperor’s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by

Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and

profligacy, _per omnem sævitiam et libidinem jus regium

servili ingenio_ exercuit. _Hist._ V. 9: comp. _Ann._ XII.

54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.

1098 ‒ Compare Pilate’s conduct in reference to the Saviour,

above, p. 301.

1099 ‒ The word _prætorium_ properly denotes the residence of

the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered

justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by

Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old

castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings.

Kitto’s _Bib. Illustrations_.

1100 ‒ The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded

in Latin. “The accuser and the accused could plead in

person, as St Paul did here, but _advocati_ (ῥήτορες) were

often employed.” C. and H., II. 302.

1101 ‒ On this, see above, p. 303, n.

1102 ‒ Felix during his period of office put down several false

Messiahs (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8; _B. J._ II. 13. 4), the

followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. 486, and n.),

riots between the Jews and Syrians in Cæsarea (_Ant._

XX. 8. 7; _B. J._ II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of

the country of robbers (_B. J._ II. 13. 2), see Merivale,

VII. 195.

1103 ‒ On the severity of the laws against treason, see above,

p. 307, n.

1104 ‒ Acts x. See above, p. 399, and p. 482.

1105 ‒ Διαγνώσομαι, Acts xxiv. 22.

1106 ‒ There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman

law: (1) _custodia publica_, or confinement in a public

gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. 443, and n.: this was

the worst kind; (2) _custodia libera_, or free custody,

usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed

to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made

himself responsible for their appearance on the day

of trial; (3) _custodia militaris_: in this species of

custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the

prisoner’s right hand was chained to the left hand of a

soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe

detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private

house. C. and H., II. 308.

1107 ‒ This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there

with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and

almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.

1108 ‒ Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis.

On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in

persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. 376 n.

She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.

1109 ‒ Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 344.

1110 ‒ Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See

the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 2.

The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a

prisoner.

1111 ‒ C. and H., II. 308.

1112 ‒ See Milman’s _History of the Jews_, Vol. II. p. 173.

1113 ‒ At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi,

Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II.,

to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical

arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, _Hist. Jews_,

II. 172.

1114 ‒ Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the

tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the

Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at

this time the Imperial tribunal “was a supreme court of

appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the

provinces.” See Art. _Appellatio_ in Smith’s _Dict. Antiq._

1115 ‒ Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a

grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated

at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of

Chalcis (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 2; _B. J._ II. 12. 1), and

afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies

of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 7. 1; _B. J._

II. 12. 8), with the title of _king_ (Acts xxv. 13).

In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions,

and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family.

During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at

its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third

year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin’s _Fasti

Sacri_; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1116 ‒ She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first

husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose

death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos.

_Ant._ XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of

Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian

and of Titus. See Tac. _Hist._ II. 81.

1117 ‒ See Blunt’s _Scriptural Coincidences_, pp. 358–360.

1118 ‒ Τῷ κυρίῳ, Acts ♦xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and

Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had

sanctioned its use. See Sueton. _Aug._ LIII.; _Tiber_,

XXVII.

1119 ‒ Τὰ πολλὰ γράμματα, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had

alluded to “writings” (vv. 22, 23), “and it is reasonable

to suppose that in his imprisonment such _books and

parchments_ as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought

to him by his friends.” C. and H., II. 318, n.

1120 ‒ Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version _almost_

cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) _in a little

space_, or (2) _in few words_, or (3) _in a small measure_.

Perhaps _lightly_ = “with few words, little pain, as

though it were a light thing to take up with so despised

a sect,” as suggested by Dean Alford _in loc._, best

suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander’s

_Planting_, I., 310, n.

1121 ‒ The better reading here is ἐν μεγάλῳ.

1122 ‒ “From the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles,

we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading

wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails

in this part of the Mediterranean.” Smith’s _Voyage and

Shipwreck of St Paul_, p. 22.

1123 ‒ See above, p. 481.

1124 ‒ “In pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most

accomplished seaman in the present day would have done

under similar circumstances; by standing to the north

till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect

when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which

prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the

current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the

south coast of Asia Minor.” Smith, p. 28.

1125 ‒ A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair

wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.

1126 ‒ Still retaining the same name. The site of Lasæa, also

retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856,

about two hours to the eastward of “Fair Havens.” Smith’s

_Voyage. &c._ Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.

1127 ‒ Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri,

corresponding to the close of September or beginning of

October. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155. This

was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most

dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.

1128 ‒ It was a good harbour in _some_ seasons, but, being an

open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not

commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.

1129 ‒ Literally πλέποντα κατὰ Λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον = _looking

toward the S. W. wind, and the N. W. wind_. The harbour

was probably the modern _Lutro_, sheltered from the

above-mentioned winds, and looking _from the water towards

the land which encloses it_ in the direction of these

winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.

1130 ‒ C. and H., II. 345, and notes.

1131 ‒ Rather perhaps Εὐρακύλων = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an

E. N. E. wind.

1132 ‒ Κατ᾽ αὐτῆς scil. Κρήτης. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, κατὰ τοῦ

κρημνοῦ, and see above, p. 196 and note.

1133 ‒ Βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες τὸ πλοῖον (Acts xxvii. 17)

= _they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the

vessel_. This was lest she should leak and founder. For

instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.;

Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, p. 106.

1134 ‒ A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern

part of Tripoli.

1135 ‒ Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean,

to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between

Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the

east. See Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_.

1136 ‒ “They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship,

and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would

have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must

bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on

till daybreak.” Smith’s _Shipwreck_, p. 88. For similar

instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II.

357.

1137 ‒ C. and H., II. 362.

1138 ‒ Ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων (Acts ♦xxvii. 40) =

unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had

doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they

anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.

1139 ‒ See Smith’s _Shipwreck, &c._, p. 153.

1140 ‒ For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita

in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul’s shipwreck,

see Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, and Smith’s _Bibl.

Dict._

1141 ‒ Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. 420.

1142 ‒ The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily

was called πρῶτος Μελιταίων, or _Primus Melitensium_, the

very title used by St Luke.

1143 ‒ Formerly called _Dicæarchia_, then from its strong mineral

springs (_a puteis_ or _putendo_) Puteoli, close to Baiæ,

and now called _Pozzuoli_. It was the great landing-place

for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.

1144 ‒ “All ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged

to strike their topsails, with the exception of the

Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily

recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.” See the

quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from

its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally

contain a colony of Jews.

1145 ‒ C. and H., II. pp. 376–379. “The foundation of the Via

Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or

cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large

polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely

fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work

rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by

milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations,

where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for

the convenience of travellers and the transmission of

government dispatches.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 501.

1146 ‒ Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. v. 3, 4:

Inde Forum Appî

Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.

On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few

miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. _Sat._

I. v. 24), “the termination of the canal which Augustus had

formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued

for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this

distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed

in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way

itself.” C. and H., II. 379.

1147 ‒ Τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ; Burro, præfecto prætorio, Bp Pearson.

Tac. _Ann._ XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.

1148 ‒ On the _custodia militaris_ see above, p. 496, n.

1149 ‒ The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the

Christian Church which existed in the same city as

themselves, “is not inconceivable, if we only consider the

immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence

of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that

the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles,

and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more

about other objects than about the concerns of religion.”

Neander’s _Planting_, I. 311. “With regard to Paul himself,

it might well be true that they had little information

concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at

Cæsarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before

winter. After that time (to use the popular expression)

_the sea was shut_; and the winter had been a stormy

one; so that it was natural enough that his case should

be first made known to the Jews by himself.” C. and H.,

II. 392.

1150 ‒ See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.

1151 ‒ C. and H., II. 395.

1152 ‒ On the three separate heads of the indictment against the

Apostle, see above, p. 494.

1153 ‒ See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. 471.

1154 ‒ See above, p. 414, and the note.

1155 ‒ Though the name is probably an abbreviation of

Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be

identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.

1156 ‒ Whether he had also robbed his master or not appears

somewhat uncertain, and depends on the meaning of the word

ἠδίκησε in Philem. 18.

1157 ‒ It is evident from Philem. 19 that he had been converted

by the Apostle himself, possibly (i) during his journey

through Phrygia (Acts xvi. 6); possibly (ii) during his

long stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), when it is recorded

that _all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the

Lord Jesus_.

1158 ‒ Paley in his _Horæ Paulinæ_ notices that St Paul bids

Philemon prepare a lodging for him in expectation of his

speedy deliverance, which agrees with Phil. ii. 24. The

letter itself is often referred to as a model of delicacy

and tact.

1159 ‒ Or _Colassæ_ according to the reading of the best MSS.,

a city on the Lycus close to Hierapolis and Laodicea.

Ethnologically it belonged to Phrygia, but politically was

included in the province of Asia.

1160 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegom._ to the Greek Test., III. 35.

1161 ‒ The doubt about the persons for whom this Epistle was

intended arises (i) from the omission of the words ἐν

Ἐφέσῳ from the opening verse in the Sinai and Vatican MSS.;

(ii) from the fact that, though St Paul spent nearly three

years at Ephesus, it does not contain a single personal

greeting; (iii) from the apparent intimation in Eph. i. 15

that he knew only by report of the conversion of those

he was addressing, and in iii. 2 that they knew only of

his Apostleship by hearsay. Hence some (see C. and H.,

II. 417–420) consider it was addressed to the Church of

Laodicea. On the other hand, the testimony of all the

versions and “the universal designation of this Epistle

by the ancient Church (except in the case of Marcion) as

that to the Ephesians, warrants the retention of the words,

and the explanation of the peculiarities in Eph. i. 15

and iii. 2, above alluded to, may probably be explained

on the supposition mentioned in the text that it was

also intended for other Churches dependent on Ephesus in

proconsular Asia.” See Alford’s _Prolegom. in Ep._, and

Ellicott’s _Commentary on the Ephesians_.

1162 ‒ The various pieces of the Christian armour here alluded to

receive vivid illustration from the circumstances of the

Apostle at this time, and the fact that he was chained to

a Roman soldier.

1163 ‒ By some this has been identified with the palace of Cæsar

on the Palatine Hill (comp. Phil. i. 13 with iv. 22). But

though the word _Prætorium_ is applied in the N. T. to the

residence of Pilate at Jerusalem (see above, p. 298), and

of Herod at Cæsarea (see above, p. 493 n.), it is never

applied to the Imperial Palace at Rome. It rather seems

to denote the quarters of the Imperial guards, who were

in immediate attendance on the Emperor, who was _prætor_

or commander-in-chief of the troops, and whose immediate

body-guard would naturally be in a _prætorium_ near at

hand. See C. and H., II. pp. 438, 439.

1164 ‒ See Tac. _Ann._ XIV. 51. At his death the influence of

Seneca was broken, and under the guidance of Tigellinus,

Nero’s public life rivalled the infamy of his private

character. On Fenius Rufus, see Tac. _Ann._ XV. 66, 68;

Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. p. 333.

1165 ‒ See Josephus, _Ant._ XX. 8. 11; Tac. _Ann._ XV. 23.

1166 ‒ See C. and H., II. 457–459; Merivale’s _Romans under the

Empire_, Vol. VI. pp. 343, 344.

1167 ‒ See the quotations from Clement of Rome, Muratori’s Canon,

Eusebius, _H. E._ II. 22, Chrysostom, and Jerome, in

C. and H., II. 462, 463; Alford’s Gk. Test. III. _Prolegom._

pp. 92, 93.

1168 ‒ Philem. 22; Phil. ii. 24. It was probably about this time,

if he was its author, that St Paul wrote the _Epistle

to the Hebrews_. For a synopsis of the various opinions

respecting its authorship see Alford’s _Prolegom._ Vol. IV.

Pt. 1, Westcott’s _Bible in the Church_.

1169 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegomena_ to the Pastoral Epp. Vol. III.

p. 93.

1170 ‒ See C. and H., II. 471. Clement of Rome (_1 Ep. ad Cor._

c. v.), declares that he went ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως,

which some would extend not only to Spain but even to

Britain. Dean Alford expresses an opinion that if not

spent in Spain, the interval between A.D. 64 and 66 “may

have been spent in Greece and Asia and the interjacent

islands:” _Prolegom._ p. 94.

1171 ‒ C. and H., II. 487; and see the Articles _Crete_ and

_Titus_ in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Jews are mentioned as

dispersed in Crete in 1 Macc. xv. 23 (see above p. 54),

and in Acts ii. 11 (see above, p. 345, and n.). See also

Alford’s Gk. Test., Vol. III. _Prolegom._ p. 108. On the

quotation respecting the Cretans, see above, p. 382, n.

1172 ‒ Most probably the Nicopolis in Macedonia, on a peninsula

west of the bay of Actium, erected by Augustus in memory

of the battle of Actium, and on the ground which his army

occupied before the engagement.

1173 ‒ See above, p. 472.

1174 ‒ It was conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in

the Eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to the

north where churches perhaps were founded. On St Paul’s

previous preaching on the confines of Illyricum, see

p. 474, and n.; and Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, pp. 296–304.

1175 ‒ C. and H., II. p. 494.

1176 ‒ Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44. See Merivale, VI. 351.

1177 ‒ C. and H., II. 499.

1178 ‒ C. and H., II. 514; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_.

1179 ‒ See Lightfoot on _St Paul and the Three_ in his

_Commentary on the Galatians_, p. 276.

1180 ‒ See above, pp. 425, 426.

1181 ‒ It could not have been written by James, the son of

Zebedee, for he was beheaded A.D. 44 by Herod Agrippa, and

the notes of time in the Epistle itself point to a later

date.

1182 ‒ See above, p. 431.

1183 ‒ See above, p. 7.

1184 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegomena_, Greek Test. Vol. IV. Part I.

1185 ‒ See above, p. 431.

1186 ‒ See above, p. 425.

1187 ‒ See above, p. 187.

Transcriber’s Notes.

The following corrections have been made in the text:

Page 21:

Sentence starting: But even his own partisans....

– ‘partizans’ replaced with ‘partisans’

(But even his own partisans)

Page 47:

Sentence starting: Great as was the risk....

– ‘Sanhedrim’ replaced with ‘Sanhedrin’

(elders of the Sanhedrin)

Page 101:

Sentence starting: Salome announced these signs....

– ‘dissaffection’ replaced with ‘disaffection’

(these signs of disaffection)

Page 153:

Sentence starting: THE PREACHING OF JOHN....

– ‘A.C.’ replaced with ‘A.D.’

(A.U.C. 780, A.D. 27.)

Page 175:

Sentence starting: Accordingly the Saviour....

– ‘chazan’ replaced with ‘chazzan’

(returned it to the _chazzan_ or minister)

Page 187:

Sentence starting: John, his brother, afterwards known....

– ‘disciples’ replaced with ‘disciple’

(“disciple whom Jesus loved”)

Sentence starting: Simon the _Canaanite_....

– ‘Cananite’ replaced with ‘Canaanite’

(Simon the _Canaanite_)

Page 264:

Sentence starting: Being a hungred, probably....

– ‘of’ replaced with ‘off’

(and perceiving _afar off_)

– ‘Mtt’ replaced with ‘Mk.’

(Mk. xi. 13)

Page 369:

Sentence starting: In Midian He revealed Himself....

– ‘dependance’ replaced with ‘dependence’

(the whole stress of their dependence)

Page 422:

Sentence starting: Thence they proceeded to....

– ‘Attalia’ replaced with ‘Attaleia’

(to the sea-port of Attaleia)

Page 508:

Sentence starting: Another proof of the....

– ‘ascendency’ replaced with ‘ascendancy’

(proof of the ascendancy)

Index Chiun:

– ‘Chian’ replaced with ‘Chiun’

(Chiun, the idol of the Israelites,)

Index Jericho:

– ‘Zaccheus’ replaced with ‘Zacchæus’

(Christ entertained there by Zacchæus)

Index Jesus:

– ‘Jerulem’ replaced with ‘Jerusalem’

(His triumphal entry into Jerusalem)

Index Joazar:

– ‘Joazer’ replaced with ‘Joazar’

(Joazar, High-priest)

Index Malichus:

– ‘Malachus’ replaced with ‘Malichus’

(Malichus, adherent of Hyrcanus)

Index Peter:

– ‘Passver’ replaced with ‘Passover’

(sent to prepare the Passover)

Index Temple:

– ‘merchandize’ replaced with ‘merchandise’

(its profanation by merchandise)

Footnote 225:

– ‘Aristobolus’ replaced with ‘Aristobulus’

(Aristobulus re-conquered their colony)

Footnote 454:

– The Author’s word ‘στοιβάδες’ has been retained although

other authorities use other forms of the word.

Footnote 468:

– ‘Marc.’ replaced with ‘Mark’

(Lightfoot on Mark xii. 28.)

Footnote 527:

– ‘xxxvii’ replaced with ‘xxvii’

(See Lange on Mtt. xxvii. 5,)

Footnote 917:

– ‘λοοῦ’ replaced with ‘λαοῦ’

(τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ δικαιοσύνη)

Footnote 1019:

– ‘Aquilla’ replaced with ‘Aquila’

(have been done by Aquila)

Footnote 1118:

– ‘xv’ replaced with ‘xxv’

(Acts xxv. 26.)

Footnote 1138:

– ‘xxxvii’ replaced with ‘xxvii’

(Acts xxvii. 40)