A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY
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_A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY._
Illustration: (‡ Colophon)
=Elementary Theological Class-Books.=
A CLASS-BOOK
OF
NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY.
BY
THE REV. G. F. MACLEAR, D.D.
WARDEN OF ST AUGUSTINE’S, CANTERBURY, AND LATE HEAD MASTER
OF KING’S COLLEGE SCHOOL, LONDON.
_WITH MAPS._
London:
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK.
1890
[_The Right of Translation is reserved._]
_First printed 1866._
_Reprinted 1867, 1869, 1871, 1873, 1875, 1877,
1879, 1880, 1882, 1885, 1888, 1890._
NOTICE.
THE present Volume forms a sequel to the Author’s Class-Book of Old
Testament History, continuing the Narrative from the point at which
it there ends, and carrying it on to the close of St Paul’s second
imprisonment at Rome.
In its preparation, as in that of the former Volume, the most recent
and trustworthy Authorities[1] have been consulted, notes subjoined,
and references to larger Works added. It is thus hoped that it may
prove at once a useful Class-Book and a convenient Companion to the
study of the Greek Testament.
All questions relating to the Canonicity of the several Books of the
New Testament have been considered in another Volume of the _Cambridge
School Class-Books_, viz. _The Bible in the Church_, by the Rev. B. F.
Westcott.
SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
_The connection between the Old and New Testaments._
PART I.
_The Jews under the Persians, and the Kings of Egypt._
CHAP. I. High-Priesthood of Jaddua――Alexander at Jerusalem
CHAP. II. Ptolemy Soter and Ptolemy Philadelphus
CHAP. III. Ptolemy Euergetes and Ptolemy Philopator
PART II.
_The Jews under the Kings of Syria._
CHAP. I. Antiochus the Great――Seleucus Philopator
CHAP. II. Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes
CHAP. III. Persecution of the Jews under Epiphanes
PART III.
_Rise of the Asmonean Dynasty._
CHAP. I. Mattathias and Judas Maccabæus
CHAP. II. Battle of Emmaus――Re-dedication of the Temple
CHAP. III. Exploits and Death of Judas Maccabæus
CHAP. IV. Jonathan Maccabæus
CHAP. V. Exploits and Death of Jonathan
CHAP. VI. Simon Maccabæus
CHAP. VII. John Hyrcanus and Alexander Jannæus
PART IV.
_Decline of the Asmonean Dynasty; Interference of
the Romans, and rise of the Herodian family._
CHAP. I. Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus; Pompeius and Crassus
CHAP. II. Antipater and Herod; Julius Cæsar and Antonius
CHAP. III. Herod, King of Judæa
CHAP. IV. Herod, King of Judæa
CHAP. V. Herod, King of Judæa
CHAP. VI. Herod, King of Judæa
PART V.
_Retrospect and Reflections._
CHAP. I. Dispersion of the Jews――Rise of Synagogues
CHAP. II. The Jewish Sects
NOTE. _The Expectation of the Messiah_
BOOK II.
_The Gospel History._
PART I.
_The Birth and Childhood of Christ._
CHAP. I. The Birth of John the Baptist
CHAP. II. The Nativity of Christ
CHAP. III. The Saviour’s Early Life at Nazareth
PART II.
_From the beginning of the Ministry of the Baptist
to the First Passover._
CHAP. I. The Preaching of John――the Baptism of Christ
CHAP. II. Call of the First Disciples――The Marriage at Cana
CHAP. III. The First Passover, and Cleansing of the Temple
PART III.
_From the first Passover to the Election of the Apostles._
CHAP. I. Imprisonment of the Baptist――The woman of Samaria
CHAP. II. Second visit to Cana and Jerusalem
CHAP. III. Miracles at Nazareth and Capernaum
CHAP. IV. Call of Matthew――Hostility of the Pharisees
PART IV.
_From the Election of the Apostles to the death
of John the Baptist._
CHAP. I. Call of the Apostles――Sermon on the Mount
CHAP. II. Teaching in Galilee
CHAP. III. Miracles at Capernaum――Death of the Baptist
PART V.
_From the Death of John the Baptist to the visit of the Saviour
to Jerusalem at the Feast of Tabernacles._
CHAP. I. The Feeding of the Five Thousand, and the Walking on
the Lake
CHAP. II. The Discourse in the Synagogue of Capernaum
CHAP. III. The Four Thousand Fed――The Confession of St Peter
CHAP. IV. The Transfiguration――The Lunatic Child
CHAP. V. The Coin in the Fish’s mouth――Tour through Samaria
PART VI.
_From the Feast of Tabernacles to the
Triumphal Entry into Jerusalem._
CHAP. I. The Feast of Tabernacles――Hostility of the Sanhedrin
CHAP. II. The opening of the eyes of one born blind
CHAP. III. Mission of the Seventy――Discourses and Miracles
CHAP. IV. The Feast of Dedication――Tour in Peræa
CHAP. V. Raising of Lazarus
CHAP. VI. Resolve of the Sanhedrin――Jesus retires to Ephraim
PART VII.
_From the Arrival at Bethany to the Ascension._
CHAP. I. The Anointing at Bethany――The Triumphal Entry
CHAP. II. The Second Cleansing of the Temple
CHAP. III. The Day of Questions――The Enquiring Greeks
CHAP. IV. The Compact of Judas――The Last Supper
CHAP. V. The Agony and Betrayal――Peter’s Denial
CHAP. VI. The Jewish Trial――Remorse and Suicide of Judas
CHAP. VII. The Trial before Pilate――The Condemnation
CHAP. VIII. The Crucifixion
CHAP. IX. The Burial and Resurrection
CHAP. X. The Great Forty Days, and the Ascension
BOOK III.
_The Apostolic History._
PART I.
_The Church of Jerusalem._
CHAP. I. The Election of Matthias――The Pentecostal Effusion
CHAP. II. Activity of the Apostles Peter and John
CHAP. III. Ananias and Sapphira――Renewed Hostility of the
Sadducees
CHAP. IV. The Institution of Deacons――Activity of Stephen
PART II.
_The Church of Palestine._
CHAP. I. Dispersion of the Christians――Activity of Philip
CHAP. II. The Conversion of St Paul
CHAP. III. St Paul’s First Visit to Jerusalem――Peter at Joppa
CHAP. IV. The Conversion of Cornelius
CHAP. V. Martyrdom of St James――Death of Herod
PART III.
_The Church of the Gentiles._
SECTION I.
_First Missionary Tour of Paul and Barnabas._
CHAP. I. Cyprus――Perga――The Pisidian Antioch
CHAP. II. Visit to Lystra, Derbe――Disputes at Antioch
CHAP. III. The Council at Jerusalem
SECTION II.
_St Paul’s Second Missionary Journey._
CHAP. I. The Sharp Contest――Tour in Phrygia and Galatia
CHAP. II. Paul and Silas at Philippi
CHAP. III. Thessalonica, Berœa, Athens
CHAP. IV. Arrival and Stay of St Paul at Corinth
SECTION III.
_St Paul’s Third Missionary Journey and Imprisonment at Cæsarea._
CHAP. I. Visit to Ephesus
CHAP. II. Letter to the Corinthians――Disturbance at Ephesus
CHAP. III. Troas――Second Journey to Greece
CHAP. IV. The Return to Jerusalem――The Tumult in the Temple
CHAP. V. The Imprisonment at Cæsarea
CHAP. VI. Paul before Felix and Festus
SECTION IV.
_St Paul’s Imprisonment at Rome._
CHAP. I. The Voyage from Cæsarea
CHAP. II. The Reception at Malta, and Arrival at Rome
CHAP. III. The first Imprisonment at Rome
CHAP. IV. St Paul’s Second Imprisonment and Death
APPENDIX AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES
INDEX
MAPS.
1. A Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the Asmonean Period
2. A Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the New Testament
3. The Shores of the Sea of Galilee
4. Jerusalem in the time of Our Lord
5. A Map to illustrate the Apostolic History
BOOK I.
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.
PART I.
THE JEWS UNDER THE PERSIANS, AND THE KINGS OF EGYPT.
CHAPTER I.
_HIGH-PRIESTHOOD OF JADDUA――ALEXANDER AT JERUSALEM._
B.C. 413–332.
“AFTER the death of Nehemiah, about B.C. 413, a thick curtain falls
on the history of the Jews till the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes,
B.C. 175[2].” During upwards of 230 years, a period as long, to compare
it with modern history, as from the death of Queen Elizabeth to the
accession of Queen Victoria, the record of events is of the scantiest
description. It appears certain, however, that Nehemiah was the last of
the governors sent from the court of Persia. Judæa itself was annexed
to the satrapy of Cœlesyria, and the administration of affairs was
entrusted to the high-priest subject to the control of the Syrian
Governor. Thus the civil and spiritual functions were united in one
person, and the pontifical office became an object of competition to
the different members of the family of Aaron, and the cause of many
violent and disgraceful contests.
As subjects, however, of the Persian kings, the Jews were pre-eminent
for their loyalty and good faith. While Egypt, Phœnicia, Cyprus, and
other dependencies of the Persian crown, were frequently the scenes of
rebellions, which were with difficulty suppressed, the Jews remained
steadfast in their allegiance to the “Great King,” and increased
rapidly alike in wealth and population.
A single incident distinguishes the uneventful annals of this period.
During the lifetime of Ezra and Nehemiah, the high-priest was Eliashib.
His successor, Joiada, had two sons, the one Jonathan or Johanan (Neh.
xii. 11, 22), the other Joshua. Joshua stood high in the favour of
Bagoses, the general of the Persian army, and obtained from him the
promise of the high-priesthood. Relying on this assurance, he ventured
to quarrel openly with his brother in the Temple, and fell slain by his
hand within the precincts of the sanctuary itself. So flagrant a crime
roused the indignation of Bagoses. Advancing to Jerusalem he demanded
admittance into the Temple, and when the Jews would have prevented his
entrance, declared he was less unclean than the body of the murdered
man, and not only polluted the sanctuary by entering it, but also
levied a fine of 50 shekels on every lamb offered in sacrifice during
the next seven years.
Like his father, Johanan also had two sons, Jaddua (Neh. xii. 11)
and Manasseh. Jaddua succeeded to the high-priesthood, B.C. 341, and
distinguished himself by zealously maintaining the Mosaic institutions
as restored by Ezra and Nehemiah. Manasseh, on the other hand, married
the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite[3], thus contracting one of
those alliances, against which the Princes of the Captivity had so
energetically protested. This roused the indignation of the elders in
Jerusalem, and of Jaddua himself, who declared that Manasseh must put
away his wife, or be no longer associated in the priesthood. This the
other declined to do, and repaired to his father-in-law in Samaria,
who suggested the building of a temple on Mount Gerizim, where Manasseh
might continue to exercise his priestly functions. With the permission
of the Persian court, this was accordingly done, and Manasseh became
the first priest of the Samaritans at their rival sanctuary, being
joined from time to time by those Jews who had been guilty of criminal
offences in their own country, or had any cause for dissatisfaction[4].
Though by these immigrations the Samaritans were more and more recalled
from idolatry, the building of this temple tended in no small degree to
stimulate the animosity between the two nations. The Jews affirmed that
sacrifice could only be offered at Jerusalem; the Samaritans replied
that on Gerizim Joshua had built his first altar, and that it was
the true place of sacrifice. The controversy thus generated gradually
extended, and produced that intense degree of illwill between the two
peoples, to which there are several allusions in the New Testament
(Lk. ix. 51–56; Jn. iv. 9, viii. 48).
During the high-priesthood of Jaddua, the Persian empire, to which the
Jews had so long been faithful, crumbled to pieces before the armies of
Alexander the Great. Victorious over the Persian forces at the Granicus,
B.C. 334, and again at Issus in the following year, the conqueror
captured Damascus, and having taken Sidon, laid siege to Tyre, B.C. 332.
Thence he sent a message to the high-priest at Jerusalem, demanding
the transference of his allegiance, and auxiliaries and supplies for
his army. This Jaddua declared was impossible, on the ground of his
oath of fidelity to the Persian monarch. Though incensed at this reply,
Alexander delayed to execute his vengeance, till after the reduction of
Tyre, and then set out for the Holy City. Jaddua and his people were in
the utmost consternation. Sacrifices were offered, prayers were put up
to God, and the Divine aid sought to appease the wrath of the invader.
At length the high-priest is said to have been warned in a dream how to
act. He hung the city with garlands, threw open the gates, and as soon
as he was informed that Alexander drew near, clad in his pontifical
robes, and followed by the priests in their ceremonial attire and the
people in white garments, he went forth to meet him at Sapha, probably
Mizpeh, _the watch-tower_, on the high ridge to the north of the city.
As soon as the Grecian conqueror beheld the venerable form of the
high-priest, he fell prostrate, and adored the holy Name inscribed
in golden letters on the frontal of his tiara. The Phœnicians and
Chaldæans in his retinue, ancient enemies of the Jewish people, were
only awaiting the signal to pillage the city and put the high-priest
to the torture. They could not, therefore, conceal their astonishment,
while the Syrian chiefs concluded that the great conqueror had lost
his senses, and Parmenio addressing him enquired why he, whom all the
world worshipped, should kneel before the high-priest. “It is not the
high-priest,” replied the other, “whom I worship, but his God, who has
honoured him with the priesthood. In a vision at Dios in Macedonia, I
saw him arrayed precisely as he now stands, and when I was debating how
I might obtain the dominion of Asia, he exhorted me to make no delay,
but boldly cross over the sea, for he would conduct my army, and give
me victory over the Persians.”
Then taking Jaddua by the right hand, he entered the city, and
repairing to the Temple, offered sacrifice to God, and paid high
honours to the whole priestly body. The prophecies of Daniel[5] were
now read in his hearing, and overjoyed at the prediction there recorded
that a Greek would overthrow the Persian Empire, he offered the Jews
whatever privilege they might select. Thereupon they requested that the
free enjoyment of their lives and liberties might be secured to them,
as also to their brethren in Media and Babylonia, and that they might
be exempted from tribute during the Sabbatical years. These privileges
the conqueror willingly conceded.
This famous visit is recorded only by Josephus, and has been
discredited on the ground that it is not mentioned by Arrian or
Plutarch, Diodorus or Curtius. But it has been observed that, though
probably incorrect in some of the details, there are several points
which confirm the truth of the main facts. Thus Curtius himself
relates that, after the capture of Tyre, Alexander visited some of the
cities which refused to submit to him, and that he personally executed
vengeance on the Samaritans[6]. The Jews, moreover, certainly served
in the army of Alexander, and were located by him in great numbers in
his new city of Alexandria; while the privileges he is said to have
conferred upon them undoubtedly existed in later times, and imply some
such relation between them and the great conqueror. Moreover, from
policy or conviction, Alexander delighted to represent himself as
chosen by destiny for the great acts which he achieved, and his visit
to Gordium before the battle of Issus, and his pilgrimage to the shrine
of Jupiter Ammon alike illustrate the force of religious feelings in
connection with his campaigns[7].
CHAPTER II.
_PTOLEMY SOTER AND PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS._
B.C. 323–247.
ON the death of Alexander, B.C. 323, the vast empire, which he had
won by his arms, was divided amongst his generals, and Palestine, as a
province of Syria, passed into the possession of Laomedon, while Egypt
was assigned to Ptolemy Soter. Between these two war soon broke out,
and Ptolemy having conquered Cyrene, cast longing eyes on the kingdom
of Syria, the harbours of Phœnicia, and the iron and timber, which
abounded in Palestine and amongst the lofty ridges of Libanus and
Anti-Libanus. Accordingly he invaded the realms of Laomedon, defeated
him in a great battle, and gained possession of all Syria and Phœnicia.
The Jews on this occasion manifested such unwillingness to violate
their engagements to the Syrian king, that Ptolemy advanced against
Jerusalem, and besieged it with a large army. Entering the city B.C.
320, under pretence of offering sacrifice on the Sabbath-day, when
the scruples of the inhabitants forbade their offering any defence,
he easily succeeded in capturing it. Instead, however, of following
up his victory by an indiscriminate massacre, he contented himself
with transporting a great number of the inhabitants to Egypt, where he
distributed them as garrisons in different places, but especially in
Alexandria, and conceded to them equal privileges with the Macedonians
themselves. Eight years afterwards he transported another large body
of them to Libya and Cyrene, and thus by successive deportations and
voluntary immigrations on the part of the people themselves, Egypt
became an important centre of Jewish influence.
The king of Egypt, however, was not allowed to remain long in
undisturbed possession of his prize, and found it disputed with him
by Antigonus, one of the most turbulent of the successors of Alexander.
Twice the coveted province fell into the hands of his rival, twice
Ptolemy managed to recover it, and it was finally adjudged to his share
after the decisive battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, B.C. 301.
Meanwhile Jaddua had been succeeded in the high-priesthood at Jerusalem
by his son Onias I., and he again by Simon the Just, the last of the
men of the “Great Synagogue[8],” as he was called by the Jews. He
superintended the repair of the sanctuary of the Temple, surrounded
with brass the cistern or “sea” of the principal court, fortified
the city-walls, and maintained the sacred ritual with much pomp and
ceremony (Eccles. i. 1–22). He is also said to have completed the Canon
of the Old Testament, by adding to it the books of Ezra and Nehemiah,
of Chronicles and Esther, as also the prophecies of Malachi[9]. He died
B.C. 291.
The battle of Ipsus, besides securing to Ptolemy Soter the dominion of
Palestine, Phœnicia, and Cœlesyria, elevated Seleucus to the command of
an Empire greater than any other held by the successors of Alexander.
He assumed the title of “king of Syria,” and his dominion, in the words
of the prophet Daniel (Dan. xi. 5), was _a great dominion_, extending
from the Euxine to the confines of Arabia, and from the Hindokush to
the Mediterranean. His Eastern capital he founded on the banks of the
Tigris, and called _Seleucia_, after his own name. For his western
metropolis he selected a spot admirably situated both for military
and commercial purposes[10], on the left bank of the river Orontes,
just where “the chain of Lebanon running northwards, and the chain
of Taurus running eastwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting[11].”
Here he founded a city with much display in the year B.C. 300, and
called it _Antioch_, after the name of his father Antiochus. Convinced,
like the Egyptian monarchs, of the loyalty of the Jews, he began to
invite many of them to his new capital and other cities in Asia Minor,
assuring them of the same privileges which they enjoyed under Ptolemy
in Alexandria. This invitation was readily embraced by many of the Jews,
who settled down in Antioch, were governed by their own ethnarch, and
were admitted to the same advantages as the Greeks[12].
Ptolemy Philadelphus succeeded his father Ptolemy Soter, B.C. 283.
In pursuance of the policy of the previous reign, he distinguished
himself by uniform kindness to the Jewish nation, ransoming many who
had been sold as slaves, and inviting many to settle in Egypt. A
liberal patron of literature and science, he established a famous
library at Alexandria, and spared no pains in procuring books to be
deposited therein. He is also represented to have caused the Hebrew
Scriptures to be translated into Greek, and thus to have originated
the celebrated Version called the _Septuagint_, from the tradition
that 72 persons were engaged in the translation, which obtained a
wide circulation, and was extensively read. The same monarch conferred
costly presents on the Temple at Jerusalem, consisting of a table for
the shewbread of marvellous workmanship, cisterns of gold, bowls, and
other vessels for the public and private use of the priests[13].
CHAPTER III.
_PTOLEMY EUERGETES AND PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR._
B.C. 247–222.
ON the death of Philadelphus, Ptolemy Euergetes succeeded to the
Egyptian throne. The new king considerably extended the privileges
of the Jews, and bestowed many presents upon their Temple. During his
reign an incident occurred, which illustrates in a striking manner
at once the condition of Judæa at this time, and the influence of
individual members of the chosen nation.
On the death of Simon “the Just,” his brother Eleazar became
high-priest B.C. 291. He was succeeded in B.C. 276, not by his
own son Onias, but his uncle Manasseh, the son of Jaddua. At his
death, B.C. 250, the son of Simon, Onias II., became high-priest, but
inherited none of his father’s virtues, being distinguished for nothing
but meanness, and an inordinate love of money. The older he grew, the
more avaricious he became, and neglected from year to year to remit
to Ptolemy Euergetes the customary tribute of 20 talents of silver.
At length, about B.C. 226, that king sent his commissioner Athenion
to Jerusalem to demand the arrears, and threatened violence, if his
claims were not satisfied. The Jews were filled with dismay at the
too probable consequences of continued disobedience, but Onias still
persisted in his refusal.
At length his nephew Joseph took upon him the task of appeasing the
royal anger, and having ingratiated himself with Athenion persuaded him
to return to Alexandria, and promised that he himself would speedily
follow, and satisfy every demand. Shortly afterwards he himself set
out, and on his way fell in with several men of distinction belonging
to Phœnicia and Cœlesyria who were going up to the Egyptian capital
to compete for the farming of the revenues, which were annually sold
to the highest bidder. Not suspecting a competitor in the Jew, whose
slender equipage contrasted unfavourably with their splendid cavalcade,
they unwittingly revealed the amount at which the revenues had been
farmed.
Thereupon Joseph resolved to outbid them, and in an audience with the
king contrived by his cleverness and ready address completely to win
the royal favour. When the day for the auction came, the nobles of
Phœnicia and Cœlesyria bid 8000 talents for the farming of the revenues.
But Joseph came forward and engaged to pay twice that sum, in addition
to all the goods which should be confiscated for neglect of payment.
Thereupon Ptolemy granted his request, and he became collector of
the revenues from Judæa, Samaria, Cœlesyria, and Phœnicia, and was
furnished with a guard of 2000 soldiers to extort payment from the
refractory.
Having liquidated the arrears due from his uncle, Joseph returned to
Palestine to carry out his instructions. Excited by the disappointed
collectors, Askelon at first refused payment, and treated his demands
with insult. But Joseph was not to be trifled with. He slew 20 of the
chief inhabitants, and sent 1000 talents of their confiscated property
to the king, who highly commended his determination. A similar instance
of severity at Scythopolis[14] put down all further opposition, and
Joseph was at length universally acknowledged as the collector for the
Egyptian king, and held the office upwards of 22 years. He now became
the founder of a family, which vied with that of the high-priest in
power and influence, and became the occasion of many serious quarrels
between them.
The reign of Ptolemy Euergetes came to a sudden and tragical close.
In the year B.C. 222 he was assassinated by his own son Ptolemy IV.,
who in irony was called _Philopator, the lover of his father_. As soon
as he ascended the throne, he murdered his mother Berenice, and his
brother Magas, and gave himself up to luxury and dissipation. Taking
advantage of his well-known effeminacy, Antiochus the Great welcomed
the offer of Theodotus, governor of Cœlesyria, to surrender that
province, and after a brief campaign became master of Phœnicia,
Tyre, Ptolemais, Damascus, and the greater part of Cœlesyria. Roused
at length from his lethargy, the Egyptian monarch confronted his
rival at Raphia, between Rhinocorura and Gaza, and defeated him with
enormous loss, B.C. 217, the same year that Hannibal was victorious at
Thrasymene.
Meanwhile the Jews had remained steadfast in their allegiance to
Ptolemy, and the conqueror visited Jerusalem, offered sacrifices
according to the Jewish law, and presented rich gifts to the Temple.
Attracted by the beauty of the building, and the solemnity of the
service, he desired to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Simon II.,
who had succeeded Onias, together with the priests, entreated him to
desist from his purpose, but this only increased his determination
to view the interior, and he pressed forward, amidst the dismay of
the pontiff and the lamentation of the people, towards the sanctuary.
Here, however, he was seized with a sudden and supernatural terror,
and was carried forth half-dead. Enraged at this repulse, he retired
to Alexandria, and wreaked his vengeance on the numerous Jews who had
settled there. Some he is said to have put to death, others he degraded
from their high positions and consigned to slavery, or reduced to the
lowest class of citizens. Thirteen years afterwards, B.C. 204, he died
a victim to his sensual habits, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy
Epiphanes, then only five years old.
Meanwhile, since his disastrous defeat at Raphia, Antiochus had been
gradually strengthening his position in Upper Asia, where he had
won his title of “the Great” by his successes against the Parthians
and Bactrians, as also on the banks of the Indus. Having thus
re-established the supremacy of the Seleucidæ he returned to Western
Asia, to find his old rival dead, and the Egyptian throne in the
possession of a child. He instantly embraced the opportunity of
attacking the Egyptian dominions, and in concert with Philip III. of
Macedon resolved to avenge the defeat at Raphia. In the campaigns that
ensued the Jews suffered severely, and became in turn the prey of each
of the contending parties[15]. In B.C. 203, Antiochus succeeded in
taking Jerusalem. In B.C. 199 it was retaken by Scopas, the general of
the Egyptian forces. Next year Antiochus reappeared in the field, and
at the foot of Mount Panium[16], near the sources of the Jordan, gained
a decisive victory over Scopas, capturing that general himself and the
remnant of his forces, which had fled for refuge to Sidon.
Wearied of the struggle, and remembering the indignities offered to
their sanctuary by Philopator, the Jews now threw off their subjection
to Egypt, welcomed the conqueror as their deliverer, and furnished
supplies for his army. Antiochus in his turn treated his new subjects
with liberality and kindness. He not only guaranteed to them perfect
freedom and protection in the exercise of their religion, but promised
to restore their city to its ancient splendour, forbade the intrusion
of strangers in their Temple, and contributed largely towards the
regular celebration of its services. At the same time, imitating the
examples of Alexander and Seleucus, he issued orders to Zeuxis, the
general of his forces, to remove 2000 Jewish families from Babylon into
Lydia and Phrygia, where they were to be permitted to use their own
laws, to have lands assigned them, and to be exempted from all tribute
for ten years[17].
PART II.
THE JEWS UNDER THE KINGS OF SYRIA.
CHAPTER I.
_ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT――SELEUCUS PHILOPATOR._
B.C. 198–175.
THE battle of Mount Panium marks an era in the history of the Jews. For
a century since the battle of Ipsus they had been steadfast in their
allegiance to the Egyptian throne. They now transferred it from the
descendants of the Ptolemies to those of Seleucus Nicator, and their
connection with the Syrian kings begins.
Antiochus, who had bestowed upon them so many privileges, did not long
enjoy the fruits of his victory. His chief ally in the late campaign
had been Philip of Macedon, who, at the conclusion of the third war
against Carthage, found himself attacked by the forces of the great
Republic of the West now commencing its conquest of the world. Deserted
by his friend Antiochus, whose aid he might reasonably have expected,
he was forced after three campaigns to sue for peace, and the Romans
became supreme in Macedonia and Greece, B.C. 197.
Five years afterwards Antiochus found _his_ turn was come to feel the
weight of the same all-conquering arms. In the year B.C. 192 he crossed
over into Greece on the invitation of the Ætolians, and under the
expectation of a general rising of the Greeks ventured on a campaign
with Rome, entrenching himself at Thermopylæ[18]. But in the following
year the consul M. Acilius Glabrio attacked him in his entrenchments,
and speedily put his whole army to flight. Thereupon the Syrian king
hastened back to Asia, and employed himself in collecting a vast host
from all parts of his dominions, wherewith to prosecute the campaign,
which his friend Hannibal truly warned him was close at hand. In
B.C. 190 the Romans, under Scipio Africanus and his brother Scipio
Asiaticus, crossed the Hellespont, and Antiochus confronted them in the
neighbourhood of Magnesia[19], at the foot of Mount Sipylus. His motley
hosts, though aided by numerous elephants and the Macedonian phalanx,
were utterly unable to resist the terrible Roman legions. Defeated with
a loss of 50,000 men, the haughty Syrian was constrained to sue for
peace. The conditions exacted by the conquerors were the death-blow of
the Syrian empire. Antiochus was forced to cede all his dominions in
Asia Minor west of Mount Taurus; to surrender all his ships of war, and
retain no more than 10 merchant vessels; to keep no elephants; to raise
no mercenaries in any of the countries allied with Rome; to pay down
2500 Euboic talents at once, and 12,000 more by instalments of 1000
a year; and to deliver up Hannibal and other enemies of Rome who had
taken refuge in his dominions.
Beaten, baffled, and disgraced, the Syrian monarch returned to his
capital. The hard conditions of peace were approved by the senate
B.C. 188, and to raise the heavy tribute, which threatened to exhaust
all the resources of his empire, he resolved to plunder the temples
throughout his dominions. The first attack it was agreed should be
made on that of Elymais, situated at the meeting-point of the caravan
routes which connected Media with Persia and Susiana. But the guards
of the temple, aided by the hardy mountaineers of the district, made a
vigorous defence of their shrine, and Antiochus was slain, B.C. 187[20]
(Dan. xi. 19).
On the news of his death, his son Seleucus ascended the throne, and
assumed the title of _Philopator_. During the early period of his
reign, the new king carefully abstained from giving any offence to the
Jewish nation, guaranteed to them the free exercise of their religion,
and even contributed to the expenses of the Temple services (2 Macc.
iii. 2, 3).
Before long, however, his attention was directed to the riches
deposited in the sanctuary at Jerusalem. At this time that city
presented an appearance of much external prosperity. The high-priest
Onias III, who succeeded Simon B.C. 195, was held in high respect,
and ruled the people with firmness and vigour (2 Macc. iii. 1). But
an untoward cause of intestine dissension soon arose, and led to the
interference of the Syrian king.
Joseph, the collector of the revenues of Phœnicia and Cœlesyria, had
left behind him an illegitimate son, named Hyrcanus. Between this son
and his legitimate brothers a serious quarrel arose respecting their
father’s property. Onias espoused the cause of Hyrcanus, and on his
death secured his property in the treasury of the Temple, the custody
of which was now held by one Simon, who is supposed by some to have
been a son of Joseph (2 Macc. iii. 4). Filled with spite against the
high-priest he gave information to Apollonius the governor of Phœnicia
and Cœlesyria respecting the amount of treasure contained in the Temple,
and represented that it might without difficulty be applied to the
king’s use (2 Macc. iii. 4–6). The governor reported this to Seleucus,
and the Syrian king, straitened for means to pay the Roman tribute,
directed his treasurer Heliodorus not only to penetrate into the Temple,
but plunder it of its funds.
Heliodorus arrived at Jerusalem, communicated his instructions,
and demanded the surrender of the money. In vain the high-priest
expostulated on the insult which would be offered to the national
sanctuary, and declared that one half the treasures belonged to God,
and the other to widows and orphans, who had placed it there for
security. Heliodorus declared that his orders must be carried out,
demolished the outer gates, and was on the point of entering the
sanctuary, when, like Ptolemy Philopator, he too was struck with a
panic terror, which prostrated him speechless on the ground, so that he
had to be carried away insensible by his retinue (2 Macc. iii. 26–30).
Restored, however, by the prayers of Onias, he gradually recovered, and
returning to Antioch related all that had occurred, and declared to his
Syrian lord that nothing would induce him to venture again on such an
errand.
On the death of Antiochus the Great, it had been agreed between the
senate of Rome and Seleucus that he should send his son Demetrius to
take the place, as a hostage, of his brother Antiochus, who was to be
allowed to come back to Syria. Shortly after his return from Jerusalem,
Demetrius departed for this purpose, and Heliodorus, in the absence
of the two persons nearest in succession to the throne, poisoned his
master and usurped the crown. News of this reached Antiochus as he was
visiting Athens on his way to the Syrian capital. He instantly invoked
the aid of Eumenes king of Pergamus, at this time master of the greater
part of the territories in Asia Minor wrested by the Romans from his
father, and having quickly crushed the usurper, ascended the Syrian
throne, and assumed the title of Epiphanes, or _the Illustrious_, while
his nephew Demetrius remained a hostage at Rome[21], B.C. 175.
CHAPTER II.
_REIGN OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES._
B.C. 175–170.
THE long-continued subjection of the Jews to Grecian monarchs had by
this time exerted a very considerable influence on their habits and
mode of life. Familiar not only with the language but the literature
and philosophy of Greece, many had acquired a strong taste for Grecian
studies, preferred the Grecian religion to their own, adopted Grecian
manners, and practised Grecian arts. Amongst this Hellenizing party
none was more active than Joshua the brother of the high-priest, who
even assumed the Grecian name of Jason.
On the accession of Epiphanes he made his appearance among the princes
who flocked to Antioch to assure the new monarch of their allegiance,
and by his insinuating manners rapidly rose into high favour. Knowing
the depressed condition of the Syrian exchequer, in consequence of
the annual tribute to Rome, he offered the king the tempting bribe of
440 talents of silver to secure the deposition of his elder brother,
and his own appointment to the high-priesthood. Successful in this he
caused Onias to be summoned to Antioch, and kept there as a prisoner at
large, and then returning to Jerusalem devoted himself to the work of
introducing Grecian customs among the people.
By a second bribe of 150 talents he obtained permission from his
patron to establish at Jerusalem a gymnasium for athletic exercises,
and with such success that even the priests _despised the Temple_ and
_neglected the sacrifices_ to take part in the games (2 Macc. iv. 14).
He next procured a license to establish an academy in which the Jewish
youth might be brought up in the Grecian fashion, and was empowered
to confer the citizenship of Antioch on many of his fellow-countrymen,
who eagerly coveted the empty honour (2 Macc. iv. 9). Not content with
this, in the year B.C. 174 he went so far as to send a deputation with
300 drachmas of silver to Tyre, towards the celebration of the games
in honour of the tutelary deity, Hercules. But even his own ♦partisans
shrunk from such open idolatry, and in place of bestowing the money
on the games, preferred to offer it towards the building of a fleet
(2 Macc. iv. 20).
For three years the high-priest continued his work of corrupting the
manners of his people, and then found the means he had used to acquire
his ill-gotten dignity turned against himself. Having occasion to send
his brother Onias IV., who had assumed the name of Menelaus, to the
Syrian court, his envoy embraced the opportunity of offering Antiochus
300 talents a year more than his brother had paid for the office of
high-priest, and succeeded in supplanting him in the royal favour
(2 Macc. iv. 24). Escorted by a body of Syrian troops, he then expelled
Jason, who fled into the country of the Ammonites, and assuming the
position and title of high-priest, proved even more wicked than his
predecessor.
For some time, however, he delayed to make the stipulated payment to
Antiochus, and when Sostratus, the commander of the Acra, had made
several ineffectual demands for it, they were both summoned to the
Syrian capital. At the time of their arrival Epiphanes was absent in
Cilicia, and had left Andronicus in charge of affairs. Finding that
in some way the money must be procured, Menelaus sent instructions to
his brother Lysimachus to abstract some of the golden vessels of the
Temple, and having secretly sold them at Tyre, obtained sufficient
money to liquidate the debt and bribe over Andronicus to espouse his
cause. The sacrilegious sale, however, transpired, and came to the ears
of the venerable Onias III., the legitimate high-priest, who severely
reproved the usurper for his conduct. Enraged at this reproof, Menelaus
prevailed on the king’s deputy to seize the aged priest and put him
to death (2 Macc. iv. 27–35). This atrocious deed roused the utmost
indignation amongst the Jews at Antioch, and the Syrian king stripped
Andronicus of the purple, and ordered him to be executed on the very
spot, where the venerable priest, whose _sober and modest behaviour_
(2 Macc. iv. 37) he always respected, had been murdered.
At this time the thoughts of Antiochus were fixed on the reduction of
Egypt. In B.C. 171 he led his forces through Palestine and defeated
the Egyptians before Pelusium. In the following year he led a second
expedition, and taking advantage of the occupation of the Romans
with the war against Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, evaded
the condition of the late treaty[22], which restricted his fleet to
10 ships, and attacked Egypt by sea and land. Again he was successful,
and reduced the whole country with the exception of Alexandria.
While he was before the walls of this city, a report reached Palestine
that he was dead. On this Jason, taking advantage of the unpopularity
of Menelaus, placed himself at the head of 1000 men, seized Jerusalem,
and, while his brother secured himself in the castle of Zion, put great
numbers of the Jews to death (2 Macc. v. 5, 6).
The first intelligence of these events received by Antiochus
represented that all Judæa was in a state of rebellion, and that the
Jews were rejoicing in his supposed death. Enraged at these tidings
he instantly made preparations for marching upon Jerusalem, whence
Jason, hearing of his approach, fled into the country of the Ammonites.
The city was taken by storm, and the late proceedings being considered
as a revolt, it was resolved to inflict a proportionate punishment.
Accordingly for three days Antiochus surrendered the capital to the
fury and license of his soldiers, and during this period 40,000 of the
inhabitants were slain, and an equal number sold into captivity. Under
the guidance of the impious Menelaus, he then entered the Sanctuary,
seized all the sacred vessels, and searching even the subterranean
vaults, carried off treasure to the amount of 1800 talents of gold.
He next ordered a great sow to be sacrificed on the brazen altar of
burnt-offering, a portion of the flesh to be boiled, and the liquor
poured over every part of the Temple; and having thus drained the
capital of its treasure, drenched the streets with blood, and profaned
its Sanctuary, handed it over once more to the administration of
Menelaus, supported by Philip, a Phrygian, and _for manners more
barbarous than he that set him there_ (2 Macc. v. 15–23; 1 Macc.
i. 20‒28).
CHAPTER III.
_PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS UNDER EPIPHANES._
B.C. 169–167.
HIS exchequer recruited by this valuable plunder, Antiochus in the
following year, B.C. 169, led a third expedition into Egypt, and once
more laid siege to Alexandria. But his late proceedings at Jerusalem
had raised against him fiercer enemies even than the Egyptians. The
Jews, who formed a full half of the population, stung to the quick by
the indignities offered to their fellow-countrymen and the desecration
of the national Temple, assisted the Alexandrians with the fiercest
zeal in repelling his attacks, and once more forced the king to raise
the siege.
Undaunted, however, by this second repulse, he reappeared before the
walls the next year, B.C. 168, and having a still larger force at his
command, determined to reduce the city to subjection. But he was now
confronted with a power it was impossible to resist. Having defeated
Perseus at the decisive battle of Pydna, and reduced Macedonia to
the condition of a Roman province, the Romans had at length found
themselves able to listen to the repeated entreaties of the Ptolemies
for assistance.
Accordingly Antiochus, on invading Egypt for the fourth time, found
at Eleusis, about 4 miles from Alexandria, Caius Popilius Lænas, Caius
Decimius, and Caius Hostilius, ambassadors from Rome, who commanded
him to abstain from all hostilities against the Ptolemies, or prepare
for war against the haughty republic of the West. During his long
residence at Rome[23], Antiochus had made the acquaintance of Popilius,
and seeing him at the head of the embassy, stretched forth his arms to
embrace him. But the Roman sternly repelled the salute, and handed to
him the written orders of his government. The Syrian monarch requested
time to refer the matter to his council, but Popilius drew a circle on
the sand with his staff round the king, and declared that he should not
leave it, till he had given him an answer, which he could report to the
senate. Confounded at this determined conduct, Antiochus was obliged
to yield, and having, after a brief struggle, consented to bow to the
senate’s decree, was rewarded with the ambassador’s hand[24].
Accordingly the command was given to desist from any attack upon
Alexandria, and the Syrian mercenaries prepared to evacuate the land
of the Ptolemies. But the rage and disappointment of Antiochus knew
no bounds. The imperious commands of the haughty Romans roused him
to positive phrenzy. His private life had long since procured for him
the title of _Epimanes_, “the madman,” instead of _Epiphanes_, “the
illustrious[25].” Uniting “the quick and versatile character of a Greek
with the splendid voluptuousness of an Asiatic[26],” he thought nothing
of debasing the royal dignity by mingling with the revels of his
meanest subjects. He would scour the streets, visit the lowest places
and the commonest baths, or, like Peter of Russia, converse with the
artizans in their shops respecting their various trades. Sometimes he
would mingle with some drunken revellers, and amuse them by singing or
playing on his flute. At other times he would array himself in a white
robe like the candidates for office at Rome, and in this guise go about
the streets of Antioch, saluting the citizens, taking them by the hand,
and supplicating their votes for some Roman office, of which in all
probability they had never heard the name. Having in this way obtained
a sufficient number of votes he would, with all the solemnity of
a tribune or an ædile, take his seat in the market-place after the
Roman fashion, and deliver judgment with all the gravity of a Roman
magistrate. Immoderately fond of wine, he became under its influence
a madman, and when thwarted in any design his fury knew no bounds.
At the same time he was bigoted and intolerant to an extent almost
incredible. His favourite deity was Zeus Olympius, and in his honour
he was in the habit of celebrating games at Daphne, which exceeded
in splendour anything that his predecessors had ever attempted, and
erected a magnificent temple, at which he offered the most sumptuous
and extravagant sacrifices.
Such was the man, now goaded into even more than usual fury by the
disappointments of his designs on Egypt, who was forced to bow before
the power of Rome. As he returned to his own dominions, Jerusalem
unfortunately lay in his way. Accordingly, he detached Apollonius,
one of his generals, with a division of 22,000 men, and ordered him
to wreak that vengeance on the city which he could not inflict on
Egypt. As he was the chief collector of the tribute throughout Judæa,
Apollonius found no difficulty in effecting his way into the capital,
and no suspicions were entertained of his designs. He then waited till
the first sabbath after his arrival, when he knew no resistance was
to be dreaded, and suddenly let loose his soldiers on the unresisting
multitude, instructing them to slay all the men they met, to make
slaves of the women and children, plunder the houses, and throw down
the city walls (2 Macc. v. 24–26).
His orders were executed with relentless severity; the streets of
the city and the courts of the Temple ran with blood; the houses
were pillaged; the dwellings near Mount Zion demolished; and with
the materials thus obtained the fortifications of that citadel were
strengthened, and occupied with a Syrian garrison (1 Macc. i. 33).
This fortress overlooked the Temple, and the Jews could no longer steal
into the city, and offer sacrifice in the accustomed place. The daily
sacrifice therefore ceased in the month of Sivan, B.C. 167; Jerusalem
became deserted; her inhabitants fled; _her sanctuary was laid waste
like a wilderness; her feasts were turned into mourning; her sabbaths
into reproach; her honour into contempt_ (1 Macc. i. 39).
But the persecution did not end here. Like Nebuchadnezzar before him,
Antiochus resolved on obtaining a uniformity of worship throughout
his dominions. A decree therefore was issued from the Syrian capital
enjoining his subjects to worship the gods of the king, and none other.
Some of the Jews now fled from the land, or concealed themselves in
caves or mountains. Others, long secretly attached to Grecian customs,
consented to conform, _sacrificed unto idols, and profaned the Sabbath_
(1 Macc. i. 43).
Before long a royal commissioner, named Athenæus, arrived with
instructions to enforce a general compliance to the royal edict. He
re-consecrated the Temple in honour of Zeus Olympius; erected on the
brazen altar of burnt-offering another in honour of that god; offered
swine’s flesh upon it; and introduced the heathen ritual with all
its lascivious accompaniments. Having thus set up _the abomination of
desolation upon the altar_ (1 Macc. i. 54; comp. Dan. xi. 31), he made
the observance of any portion of the law of Moses a capital offence.
Circumcision, the keeping of the Sabbath, the reading of the Law, were
strictly forbidden. Every copy of the sacred books that could be found
was seized and defaced, torn to pieces or burnt. Groves were at the
same time consecrated, heathen altars set up in every city, and every
month, on the birthday of the king, the people were ordered to offer
sacrifice and eat swine’s flesh. Moreover, in place of the Feast of
Tabernacles, they were compelled to observe the licentious festival of
the Bacchanalia, to join in the procession, and to appear crowned with
the ivy wreaths sacred to the god of wine (2 Macc. vi. 3–7).
Proceedings equally tyrannical were enacted in other parts of the land.
The Samaritans, on the occasion of the visit of Alexander the Great,
had claimed relationship with the Jews. They now wrote to Antiochus,
stating that they were Zidonians, and offering to dedicate their temple
on Mount Gerizim to Zeus Xenios, _the Defender of Strangers_. With
this proposal the Syrian monarch complied, and the temple was dedicated
accordingly. Meanwhile all who refused to yield to the orders of the
persecutor suffered the most fearful tortures. Two women, who had dared
to circumcise their children, were led round the streets of Jerusalem
with their babes hanging round their necks, and were cast down the
battlements into the deep valley below the city-walls. Eleazar, an
aged man, and one of the principal of the scribes, for refusing to eat
swine’s flesh was beaten to death, while a mother and her seven sons
for the same offence were executed after enduring the most revolting
and horrible tortures (1 Macc. i. 61; 2 Macc. vi. vii.).
PART III.
RISE OF THE ASMONEAN DYNASTY.
CHAPTER I.
_MATTATHIAS AND JUDAS MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 167–165.
NEVER did the fortunes of the Chosen People look so dark and troubled
as now; never did the nation itself, never did the religion of Jehovah
appear so near to total extermination. But it was at this very time,
when the gradual prevalence of Grecian manners, Grecian idolatry, and
Grecian corruption threatened to eradicate all real attachment to the
Law of Moses, that God interposed in behalf of His people, and through
the genius, bravery, and heroic devotion of one noble-minded family,
raised them from their prostrate misery to a height of power, which
recalled the glory and the splendour even of the reign of David.
At Modin[27], a town situated on an eminence on the road between
Jerusalem and Joppa, there lived a priest, named MATTATHIAS, of the
line of Joiarib, the first of the 24 courses (1 Chron. xxiv. 7). The
son of Jochanon, the son of Simon, the son of Asamonæus or Chasmon,
from whom the family took its name, he could boast of noble blood.
At this time he was advanced in years, but his sons were in the prime
of life, and were five in number, Johanan, Simon, Judas, Eleazar, and
Jonathan.
The sad declension of the nation and the ruthless persecution of
Antiochus had already roused his keenest indignation, when a royal
commissioner, Apelles, arrived at Modin, charged to carry out the
edict against the Jewish religion, and to require the people to
offer idolatrous sacrifice. Knowing his influence in the place, the
commissioner used his utmost efforts to induce Mattathias to conform to
heathen customs. But it was in vain. The aged priest not only declared
his resolution to live and die in the faith of his fathers, but when
an apostate Jew approached the altar which Apelles had erected to offer
sacrifice, struck him down, and then, aided by his sons and the men
of the town, rushed upon the commissioner himself, slew him and his
retinue, and tore down the altar (1 Macc. ii. 15–29). The first blow
thus struck, he called upon all such of his fellow-townsmen as were
zealous for the Law of Moses to follow him, and, unfurling the banner
of the national Faith, fled to the dark and rugged mountains of Judæa,
where he was soon joined by many who feared God, and hated idolatry.
Tidings of these events quickly reached the ears of the Phrygian
governor at Jerusalem, and he dispatched a large force, which attacked
the patriots on the Sabbath-day, when they were unlikely to offer any
resistance, and slew upwards of 1000, with their wives, children, and
cattle (1 Macc. ii. 31–38). This untoward incident awoke the little
army of Mattathias to the conviction that they would be _rooted out
of the earth_ (1 Macc. ii. 40), if they persisted in their resolve
not to act in self-defence on the Sabbath-day. With the sanction,
therefore, of their brave leader, they determined to break through
this overscrupulous observance, and though they would not attack, they
henceforth considered it lawful to defend themselves on this day.
Before long, they were joined by the “Assideans,” the zealots for the
Law (1 Macc. ii. 42), and by numbers flying from the persecution still
going on throughout the country, and prepared to conduct the war of
independence with prudence and discretion. For a time, therefore, they
laid hid in their mountain fastnesses, and, as opportunity offered,
poured down upon the towns, destroyed the heathen altars, enforced
circumcision, punished all apostates who fell into their hands,
recovered many copies of the Law from the possession of their enemies,
and re-established public worship.
But the hardships of the campaign did not suit the advanced age of
Mattathias. Sinking under the weight of years, he called together his
followers, exhorted them in noble words to constancy and devotion, and
bequeathed the command of his little army to Judas, the third and most
valiant of all his sons, associating with him Simon, his second son,
as chief counsellor (1 Macc. ii. 49–69). Having given them this prudent
advice, he died, and was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers at
Modin, amidst the universal lamentations of the people, B.C. 166[28].
Though Judas was young in years, he lacked neither energy nor prudence,
and succeeding to the designs of his aged father, first unfolded the
banner of the MACCABEES. This name is of uncertain meaning. Some derive
it from the concluding letters of a sentence in Exod. xv. 11, Mi Camo
Car Baalim Jehovah, i.e., _Who is like unto Thee among the gods, O
Jehovah?_ Others, again, derive it from the banner of the tribe of Dan,
which is said to have contained the three last letters of the names of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Others, with more probability, understand
it to have been a personal appellation of Judas himself, meaning the
_Hammerer_, like Martel, the surname of the famous Carlovingian chief,
Charles.
Whatever was the precise meaning of the name, the new leader _girt
his warlike harness about him_ (1 Macc. iii. 3), rallied his forces,
and bent all his energies to the task of uniting in a compact body all
who were zealous for the national faith. “By night attacks, by sudden
surprises (2 Macc. viii. 6, 7), he taught his people how to fight and
conquer. Alert of foot and quick of brain; yesterday in the mountains,
to-day in the plain; now marching on a post, now storming a castle;
in a few months of service he changed his rabble of zealots into an
army of solid troops, capable of meeting and repelling the royal hosts
commanded by generals trained in the Macedonian school of arms[29].”
At length Apollonius, who had recently signalized himself by plundering
Jerusalem and massacring its inhabitants, deemed it time to interfere.
At the head of a large army, mostly composed of Samaritans and apostate
Jews, he marched against the patriot chief, but was totally defeated
and slain (1 Macc. iii. 10–12). Tidings of this disaster roused Seron,
the deputy-governor of Cœlesyria, and he went forth at the head of
a still larger force, determined to have his revenge. Judas did not
decline the combat, which took place at Beth-horon, famous as the scene
of Joshua’s victory over the southern Canaanites[30], and resulted in
the complete defeat of the Syrian general, whose troops were driven in
confusion down the rocky pass to the western lowlands (1 Macc. iii. 24).
These two disasters moved the indignation of Antiochus beyond measure.
He was himself, however, unable to take the field, for his exchequer
being exhausted by his prodigal munificence (1 Macc. iii. 29), and
his eastern provinces, Armenia and Persia, refusing to pay any further
tribute, he deemed it expedient to lead an expedition thither in hopes
of recruiting his treasury. Accordingly he entrusted the government of
all that portion of his empire, which lay between the Euphrates and the
borders of Egypt, to Lysias, one of his nobles and of the blood royal,
and gave him the command of half his army, with instructions utterly
_to destroy and root out the strength of Israel and the remnant of
Jerusalem_ (1 Macc. iii. 35).
CHAPTER II.
_BATTLE OF EMMAUS――RE-DEDICATION OF THE TEMPLE._
B.C. 165.
ON the departure of Antiochus, the regent, who entered zealously into
all his plans, began to concert measures with Ptolemy Macron, the
governor of Cœlesyria, and diligently collecting his forces, early the
next year dispatched 40,000 troops into Judæa, under the command of
Gorgias and Nicanor, two generals of tried ability.
While the Syrian troops, who were shortly joined by 7000 cavalry,
encamped at Emmaus, about a mile to the north-east of Modin, Judas had
assembled his little army of 6000 devoted followers at Mizpeh, _the
Watchtower_, over against Jerusalem (1 Macc. iii. 46), where Samuel,
in one of the darkest periods of his nation’s history, had erected
the Stone of Eben-ezer, _the rock of help_, after the Lord had given
victory to the people[31]. Here the Maccabæan chieftain kept a solemn
fast, laid open the book of the Law, _wherein the heathen had sought
to paint the likeness of their images_ (1 Macc. iii. 48), and made a
public confession of the national sins. In strict conformity with the
command of Moses (Deut. xx. 5–8), he then bade all, who in the course
of the year had built a house, or betrothed a wife, or had planted a
vineyard, or were fearful, to return every man to his home. Half of his
little army obeyed the invitation, and with barely 3000 men, _who had
neither armour nor swords to their minds_ (1 Macc. iv. 6), he was left
to confront the vast hosts of the enemy.
So certain did the Syrians deem themselves of a victory in the
approaching encounter, that Nicanor had proclaimed beforehand in all
the cities and sea-ports round about (1 Macc. iii. 41) a sale of Jewish
captives, at the rate of 90 for a talent. This proclamation attracted
numbers of slave-merchants to his camp, who with their servants made
every preparation to carry off their anticipated booty. Hearing through
his scouts of the reduction of the forces of Judas, he now dispatched
Gorgias with 5000 infantry and 1000 cavalry, to surprise him by night,
and cut off his retreat into the mountains. But equally well served
by _his_ spies, the Jewish warrior was no sooner made aware of his
intention, than he instantly conceived the daring design of attacking
the camp of Nicanor, in the absence of his brother commander, and
sallying forth early in the evening, fell upon it with the utmost
fierceness at midnight.
Fully believing in the certain success of Gorgias, Nicanor had made
no provision against such an attack, and was roused from sleep only
to find his camp in inextricable confusion. The terrible bravery of
the Maccabees filled the Syrians with a sudden panic, and they were
as little able to resist the fury of their attack as the Midianites
to oppose the onset of Gideon’s three hundred men. Without striking a
blow, they fled precipitately to Gazara[32], the plain of Idumæa[33],
Azotus[34], and Jamnia[35], and left their camp at the mercy of their
foes, with all the wealth which it contained.
Meanwhile Gorgias was wandering in the mountains, vainly searching
for the little army of Judas, who having persuaded his men to restrain
themselves from rifling the Syrian camp till their victory was complete,
calmly awaited his return. The first sight that met the Syrians, when
they came back, was the flame of their blazing tents; the first sound,
the signal from the Maccabæan trumpets for the onset. Filled with alarm
they too fled precipitately, nor attempted to lift a hand against the
victorious Hebrews.
After these two routs, in which the Syrians lost upwards of 9000 men,
their camp could be plundered with impunity of its gold and silver,
provisions, and rich merchandise (1 Macc. iv. 23). The numerous
slave-dealers who had followed the Syrians for the purpose of buying
up the Jewish captives were themselves sold into bondage, and the
spoil was divided partly amongst the conquerors, and partly amongst the
numerous widows and orphans of the late persecutions. Nicanor himself
escaped from the field in the disguise of a slave, and flying to
Antioch, openly acknowledged the power of that God who had so mightily
avenged the wrongs of His people, and raised them up from their former
prostrate condition.
Thus closed the first campaign of the Maccabees. Furnished from the
recent spoils with ample arms and ammunition, and joined by numerous
fresh followers, Judas was now in a position to cope with the forces
of Timotheus, governor of the country beyond the Jordan, as also of
Bacchides, an experienced Syrian general, who next invaded Judæa with
a large army. Defeating them in a pitched battle, he captured upwards
of 20,000 stand of arms, and ample provisions. Next year he was called
to confront Lysias himself, who with 60,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry
marched through Idumæa, and encamped before Beth-sura[36], or Beth-zur,
a strong fortress in the mountains of Judæa, north-west of Hebron.
Though the Maccabæan chief had but 10,000 men, with whom to confront
this formidable array, he did not scruple to meet them in the field,
and again succeeded in obtaining decisive advantages (1 Macc. iv.
29, 34).
The Syrian regent now returned to Antioch, and Judas, successful on
every side, turned his thoughts towards the capital of the recovered
province of Judæa. On ascending Mount Moriah, and entering the courts
of the Temple, a sad scene of desolation met his eyes. The altar of
burnt-offering was surmounted with that dedicated to Zeus Xenios;
the gates were in ashes; the priests’ chambers were in ruins; _shrubs
grew in the courts as in a forest, or on one of the mountains_ (1 Macc.
iv. 38); while the sanctuary itself was empty and exposed to all eyes.
Having taken the precaution to fill the avenues with his choicest
troops to be on the watch against the Syrian garrison in the Acra,
Judas at once cleared the sacred precincts, took away the polluted
altar, constructed a new one, replaced the holy vessels, reinstated
the priests, rekindled the sacred flame, and three years after its
desecration by Apollonius celebrated the re-dedication of the Temple,
on the 25th of the winter month Chisleu, in the year B.C. 165, with a
festival which lasted 8 days (1 Macc. iv. 45–59).
Illustration: A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND
to illustrate the
ASMONEAN PERIOD
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Stanford’s Geographˡ Estabᵗ. London_
CHAPTER III.
_EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 165–161.
THIS recovery of a powerful city by the skill and energy of one man,
was regarded with no friendly feelings by the surrounding nations.
But Judas, resolving to be beforehand with any opposition they might
offer, carried his victorious arms into the territories of the Idumæans
and Amorites. Then, having strengthened the outer wall of the Temple,
and placed there a garrison to act against the Syrians in the Acra,
and fortified the stronghold of Beth-zur, he divided his army into
three parts. With 8000 men he himself crossed the Jordan into the
land of Gilead; his brother Simon with 3000 was stationed in Galilee;
while Joseph and Azariah were posted with the remainder in Judæa, with
express orders not to venture on any attack before they were joined by
the rest of the patriot forces.
As before, the energy of the brothers was irresistible. Simon
fought many battles in Galilee, chased the Syrians to the gates of
Ptolemais[37], and restored many Jewish captives to their own land
(1 Macc. v. 21–23). Judas with his brother Jonathan captured numerous
cities in Gilead, ransomed many captives, and returned in triumph to
Jerusalem to find that the captains he had left there, disregarding
his instructions, had made an unsuccessful attack upon the sea-ports
of Jamnia, and had been driven back with severe loss.
Meanwhile Epiphanes, the terrible oppressor of the Jews, had died.
Repulsed in an attempt to capture the rich Temple of Nanea, the Moon
Goddess, at Elymais, which was hung with the gifts of Alexander the
Great (1 Macc. vi. 1, 2; 2 Macc. i. 13–16), he fell back upon Ecbatana,
and there received intelligence of the disasters which had befallen his
arms in Palestine. Filled with rage and vexation, he urged his troops
westward, but, struck with an incurable disorder which preyed upon his
vitals, he died, B.C. 164, at the village of Tabæ near Mount Zagros, on
the road to Babylon, having appointed his foster-brother Philip regent
of Syria, and guardian of his son, Antiochus the Fifth.
On receiving intelligence of his death, Lysias, who was himself of the
blood royal (1 Macc. iii. 32), assumed the government as guardian of
Antiochus Eupator, another son of the deceased king, who was at this
time but nine years old. His first act was to attempt the reconquest
of Judæa, to which he was urged at once by the representations of many
apostate Jews, and by the Syrian garrison at Jerusalem, which Judas was
now besieging with banks and engines (1 Macc. vi. 18–27). Accordingly
assembling all his forces to the number of 180,000 infantry, 20,000
cavalry, and 32 elephants, he marched, accompanied by the young king,
through Idumæa, and once more laid siege to Beth-zur. The Jewish
garrison posted there made a vigorous defence, and succeeded for some
time in keeping off the assailants. Resolved to succour them, Judas
marched forth from Jerusalem, and encamped at Bethzacharias, an almost
impregnable position about nine miles north of Beth-zur. Thither Lysias
also marched with all his elephants, each attended by a thousand of his
troops, and bearing a strong tower of wood containing 32 men. Several
obstinate contests took place, in one of which Eleazar covered himself
with glory by rushing under an elephant, and stabbing it in the belly,
to be himself crushed to death by its fall (1 Macc. vi. 32–46).
Perceiving the strength of the foe, Judas now fell back upon Jerusalem,
and entrenched himself in the Temple-fortress. Thereupon the garrison
at Beth-zur, pressed by famine, capitulated on honourable terms, and
the Syrians advanced against the capital. But the stronghold of Zion
resisted all their efforts, and assault after assault was delivered
in vain. Soon however, for it was a Sabbatical year (1 Macc. vi. 53),
the garrison began to be hard pressed by famine, and many effected
their escape. At this juncture Lysias received information that Philip
had been appointed regent by the late king, and had succeeded in
taking Antioch. On this he hastily concluded a treaty with the Jews,
guaranteeing to them the use of their own laws and religion, and
retired to Syria, taking with him the apostate Menelaus, whom he
persuaded Antiochus to smother in the Ash-tower at Berœa, as being the
cause of all the late reverses. Judas was now recognised as governor
of Palestine, and from this year, B.C. 163, his accession to the
principality is usually dated.
On reaching Antioch, Lysias defeated Philip, but in the course of a
year was himself put to death by another aspirant to the Syrian throne.
It has been mentioned, that in the year B.C. 175, Demetrius was sent
as a hostage to Rome, in exchange for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes.
Secretly leaving Italy, he now landed with a small force at Tyre, and
having given out that the Romans had recognised his claim to the Syrian
throne, easily succeeded in putting Antiochus and Lysias to death, and
seizing the crown (1 Macc. vii. 1–14).
At the same time that he put Menelaus to death at Berœa, Lysias had
conferred the high-priesthood on one Jakim, or Joachin, who, according
to the prevailing fashion of adopting Grecian names, was also known by
that of _Alcimus_. One of the stock of Aaron, but not of the pontifical
family, the new high-priest was a zealous adherent of the Hellenizing
party. In him, Demetrius saw a ready instrument for sowing discord
among the Maccabæan patriots. Accordingly he confirmed him in the
sacerdotal dignity, and sent him to Jerusalem, accompanied by Bacchides,
governor of Mesopotamia, and one of his most able generals. With a
large force they appeared before Jerusalem, and the zealots for the
Law, unwilling to reject a descendant of Aaron, admitted Alcimus within
the walls, and acknowledged him as high-priest. So long as the Syrian
general remained in the neighbourhood, Alcimus was able to assert his
authority, and take a cruel revenge on his enemies. But no sooner had
Bacchides withdrawn his troops, than Judas, quickly recovering his old
influence, compelled the innovating high-priest to fly to Antioch.
By dint, however, of large bribes, Alcimus again succeeded in
persuading Demetrius to assist him in recovering his authority, and
crushing the Maccabæan chief. Accordingly a large army was entrusted
to Nicanor, with strict injunctions to cut off the partisans of Judas,
and reinstate Alcimus in power. Nicanor, taught by past experience on
the disastrous field of Emmaus to entertain a wholesomer dread of his
enemy’s prowess, at first endeavoured to get him into his power by
treachery (1 Macc. vii. 27–31). Unsuccessful in this, and urged on
by the express orders of Demetrius, he then ventured to attack him
at Capharsalama, but was defeated with the loss of 5000 men. Shortly
afterwards, with 40,000 men he again attacked him at Adasa, about
30 stadia from Beth-horon, where his whole army sustained a total rout,
and he himself fell amongst the slain (1 Macc. vii. 40–47; 2 Macc.
xv. 36).
This signal victory restored peace for a short time to Judæa, and was
deemed of sufficient importance to justify an annual commemoration on
the 13th of the month Adar. Fully aware of the necessity of providing
against the ceaseless animosity of Demetrius, Judas resolved to improve
this interval by concluding an alliance with the Romans. He had heard
much of the fame of this great nation, of their conquests in Gaul,
Spain, and Greece, of their victories over Philip and Perseus, and
the great Antiochus (1 Macc. viii. 1–16). Accordingly he sent two
ambassadors to the metropolis of the West, and the Roman senate, whose
settled policy it was to weaken great states by forming alliances
with smaller ones, readily passed a decree acknowledging the Jews as
their friends and allies, and resolved to send a letter to Demetrius,
commanding him, on pain of their heavy displeasure, to desist from any
further attacks upon them (1 Macc. viii. 17–32).
Before, however, the ambassadors could return, the Syrian king keenly
resenting the disaster which had befallen the army of Nicanor, had sent
Alcimus and Bacchides with the entire force of his realm into Palestine.
Never were the Maccabæan patriots so ill prepared to meet this fresh
invasion. The mass of the people were tired of constant fighting, and
the late negociations with Rome had alienated a considerable number
of the Jewish zealots from the councils of Judas. In consequence the
brave Maccabee was unable to bring more than a very small force into
the field, and of these, a large portion deserted him on the eve of
battle (1 Macc. ix. 6). With 800 men, however, he ventured to attack
the Syrian host at Eleasa, not far from Ashdod, and actually succeeded
in routing their right wing with enormous loss. But the odds were far
too desperate, and the brave chief fell amongst a number of gallant
followers, and was buried amidst universal lamentation in the ancestral
tomb at Modin (1 Macc. ix. 19–21).
CHAPTER IV.
_JONATHAN MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 161–146.
THE death of their great leader was a terrible blow to the hopes of
the Jewish patriots, and for a short time their plans were totally
disorganized. The Syrians regained their ascendancy everywhere, Alcimus
was reinstated in the high-priesthood, and Bacchides wreaked his
vengeance on the adherents of Judas with unrelenting cruelty. All the
advantages which that brave chieftain had gained during six years of
incessant warfare, seemed to have been utterly thrown away, and the
national cause to be on the verge of destruction.
At length, however, the Maccabæan party rallied, and offered the
command to Jonathan, surnamed Apphus (_the wary_), the youngest son
of Mattathias. In view of the present desperate circumstances of the
nation, the new leader did not attempt to operate in the open country,
but retired to the wilderness of Tekoa, where the Syrian general in
vain endeavoured to surprise and capture him. Thence, crossing the
Jordan, he carried on a guerilla warfare, while Bacchides resolving
to keep the Jews in subjection, employed himself in strengthening the
fortifications of Emmaus, Beth-horon, Gazara, and Beth-zur. At the same
time he furnished the garrison in the Acra, which commanded the city
and temple of Jerusalem, with fresh supplies of arms and provisions,
and placed there the children of several of the chief Jewish families
as hostages. Meanwhile Alcimus, bent on his plan of fusing Jew and
Gentile, gave orders that the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary
should be pulled down, and was in the act of seeing them carried out,
when he was suddenly struck with paralysis, and died in great misery.
Upon this, Bacchides returned to Antioch, and Jonathan re-appearing
from his hiding-place, established himself in Judæa, where, for upwards
of two years, he was left unmolested by the Syrians, in accordance with
orders from Demetrius, who by this time had received the commands of
the Roman senate forbidding all hostilities towards their new allies.
This condition, however, of tranquillity by no means fell in with
the views of the large Hellenizing party in Judæa, and they invited
Bacchides to return once more and crush their enemy. Accordingly the
Syrian commander re-entered Judæa at the head of a considerable army,
and Jonathan retiring as before into the wilderness, maintained a
desultory warfare, while his brother Simon occupied the fortress
of Beth-basi, in the Jordan valley, not far from Jericho. Though he
attacked it with all his forces, Bacchides was utterly unable to reduce
this stronghold, and at length, wearying of a campaign which brought
little glory and less profit, he turned against those who had advised
the expedition, and sought means to secure an honourable retreat.
Informed of the altered feelings of his foe, Jonathan thereupon sent
envoys, and succeeded in concluding a peace, agreeing to acknowledge
Bacchides as governor under the Syrian king, and obtaining a promise
from that general that he would not enter the land again.
On these terms, hostilities were suspended, and the authority
of Jonathan as deputy governor of Judæa was publicly recognised.
Establishing himself at Michmash (1 Macc. ix. 73), he ruled the
people according to the law of Moses, though Jerusalem and many of
the stronger towns were still retained by garrisons of Syrians or
apostate Jews.
After the lapse, however, of a very few years, a revolution took place
in Syria, which produced a surprising change in his fortunes. About
the year B.C. 153, Demetrius retired to a new palace he had built at
Antioch, and there gave himself up to pleasure, and various luxurious
excesses[38]. This, added to other causes, made him extremely unpopular
with his subjects, and gave rise to a conspiracy which was fostered by
Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, Attalus king of Pergamus, and especially
by Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt, from whom Demetrius had taken the
island of Cyprus. By their connivance, a young man named Balas[39] was
persuaded to give himself out as the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, and to
claim the Syrian throne. Through the intrigues of Heraclides, a former
treasurer of Epiphanes, his claim was admitted by the Romans, and on
his landing at Ptolemais after a visit to Rome, the place was betrayed
by the garrison, and his standard was joined by numerous disaffected
subjects of Demetrius, B.C. 152.
Roused at last from his lethargy, that monarch collected an army,
and prepared to defend his crown. Both kings had an equal interest in
securing the friendship of Jonathan, who could render essential service
to whichever side he joined. The promises of Demetrius were lavish even
to desperation. He offered to make Jonathan commander-in-chief over
Judæa, to allow him to levy soldiers, and also undertook to release the
Jewish hostages held by the Syrian garrison in the Acra. Jonathan read
the letter containing these offers to the soldiers in the citadel, and
they straightway delivered up the hostages, while the garrisons retired
from most of the stronger towns, save those of Beth-zur and Jerusalem,
which were chiefly composed of apostate Jews (1 Macc. x. 3–9, 12–14),
who dreaded to leave their places of refuge. The power of the Maccabæan
chief was thus greatly extended; he levied troops, and supplied them
with arms; he rebuilt and repaired the walls of Jerusalem, particularly
around Mount Zion, which were strongly fortified, and took up his own
abode in the capital (1 Macc. x. 10, 11).
It was now the turn of Balas to court the alliance of the Jewish prince,
and he resolved to outdo Demetrius in the liberality of his promises.
Accordingly, he wrote a letter in which he saluted Jonathan as his
“brother” (1 Macc. x. 18), conferred upon him the high-priesthood,
which had now been vacant seven years, and sent him the purple robe,
and the crown of an _ethnarch_, or independent prince of Judæa.
Jonathan accepted all that the other conferred, and without openly
espousing the cause of either king, assumed the pontifical robes at the
Feast of Tabernacles (1 Macc. x. 21), and with them the purple. Thus
the high-priesthood, which had remained in the family of Jozadak ever
since the time of Cyrus, was transferred to that of Joiarib, and the
reign of the Priest-kings of the Asmonean line commenced, B.C. 153.
As soon as Demetrius was informed of the offers of Balas, he wrote
a second time to Jonathan, and made him the most extravagant promises
if he would espouse his cause. But the Jews, remembering what they had
suffered at his hands, could not be convinced of his sincerity, and
threw all the weight of their influence into the cause of his rival. At
first the efforts of Balas were unsuccessful, but eventually, B.C. 150,
he succeeded in completely routing the army of Demetrius, mounted the
Syrian throne, and at Ptolemais was united in marriage with Cleopatra,
the daughter of Philometor, king of Egypt. On this occasion Jonathan
also repaired to that city, where he was received by Balas with every
mark of friendship and regard, raised to the rank of _meridarch_, or
ruler of a part of the empire (1 Macc. x. 65), and invested with regal
honours.
But the prosperity of the usurper of the Syrian throne was shortlived.
So long as the contest with the late king continued, he evinced both
energy and courage, but no sooner was his power confirmed, than he gave
himself up without restraint to the indulgence of the worst passions,
and became only an object of contempt to his subjects. At this time
Demetrius, surnamed afterwards _Nicator_, was at Cnidus. Hearing of
the feelings with which Balas was regarded, he landed in Cilicia at
the head of a considerable force, and rapidly gained over a number
of adherents, and amongst them Apollonius, governor of Cœlesyria,
who openly revolted and espoused his cause. Jonathan, however, still
remained faithful in his allegiance, and attacking Apollonius near
Azotus, completely defeated him, laid that city in ashes, and returned
to Jerusalem with rich spoils. This complete suppression of the revolt
in Cœlesyria excited the warmest gratitude in the heart of Balas, who
sent his faithful ally a rich gold chain, such as was worn by none but
princes of the highest rank (1 Macc. x. 88, 89), and bestowed upon him
the city and territory of Ekron as a free gift.
But though checked in Cœlesyria, the rebellion made such progress in
other parts of his dominions, that he shut himself up in the city of
Antioch, and appealed for aid to Philometor, the father of his wife
Cleopatra.
Accordingly, B.C. 146, that monarch set out attended by a fleet and a
numerous army to assist his son-in-law. As he proceeded along the coast
of Palestine, every city threw open its gates in token of friendship,
and at Joppa he was met by Jonathan, who escorted him as far as the
river Eleutherus (1 Macc. xi. 1–7). No sooner, however, had he reached
Antioch, than he threw off the mask, and wrote to Demetrius offering
to support his claims, and to unite him in marriage with his daughter.
Demetrius eagerly accepted his offer, and, though not without some
difficulty, was acknowledged as king. Early in the following year Balas
made a determined effort to recover his crown, but being defeated in
battle, fled to Abæ in Arabia, where five days after he was murdered by
a native chief named Zabdiel, who sent his head to Demetrius ( 1 Macc.
xi. 17).
CHAPTER V.
_EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF JONATHAN._
B.C. 146–144.
THE accession of the new Syrian monarch once more raised the hopes
of the faction opposed to Jonathan, who had gathered his forces and
laid siege to the Syrian garrison in the Acra (1 Macc. xi. 20). This
was eagerly reported to Demetrius, and he instantly sent for the
priest-king to meet him at Ptolemais. Great as was the risk, without
suspending the siege, Jonathan forthwith set out thither with some of
the elders of the ♦Sanhedrin, and pleaded his cause with such effect
that he not only succeeded in silencing the clamour of his enemies,
but was confirmed in all the dignities he had received from Balas, and
even secured for himself still further advantages. Three principalities,
hitherto included in the district of Samaria, were added to his
dominions, and all previous claims for tribute due from his kingdom
were remitted (1 Macc. xi. 23–37).
Successful beyond his utmost expectations, Jonathan returned to
Jerusalem, and again pushed forward the siege of the Syrian garrison.
But such was the energy of the defenders, and such the strength of the
fortress, that all his efforts were frustrated, and he resolved on
making an application to Demetrius for an order directing the
evacuation of the stronghold, as also of Beth-zur.
At the time when this request reached him, Demetrius himself was in the
greatest straits. Young and inexperienced he had entrusted the entire
management of his affairs to a Cretan officer, named Lasthenes, who had
assisted him in obtaining his crown with a large body of mercenaries
(1 Macc. x. 67[40]), and by his advice had disbanded the whole of the
national troops. This, added to the ferocious conduct of his general,
naturally roused the illwill of the citizens of Antioch, and they
broke out into a furious revolt, which all the efforts of the king
were unable to quell. At this juncture he received the message of
Jonathan, and anxious for assistance from whatever quarter, professed
his readiness to grant all his demands, on condition of receiving help
in putting down the rebellion of his own subjects. To this Jonathan
readily assented. A force of 3000 Jews marched to Antioch, and, aided
by the royal mercenaries, slew upwards of 100,000 of the rioters, and
quenched the rebellion in blood. But the priest-king soon found reason
to regret the step he had taken. Once more secure upon his throne,
Demetrius not only refused to order the evacuation of the fortress, but
demanded the speedy payment of all the tribute, which he had agreed to
remit at Ptolemais[41].
But in a very short time he learned to repent of his perfidy. Attached
to the court of the late usurper Balas was a Syrian Greek, named
Diodotus, or, as he was afterwards called, Tryphon, _the Luxurious_.
Perceiving the growing unpopularity of Demetrius, he repaired to the
Arab chief Zabdiel, to whom Balas had entrusted the care of his young
son Antiochus, and by dint of much importunity prevailed upon him to
surrender the young prince into his charge. Then returning to Antioch
he shewed him to the disaffected soldiers, whom Lasthenes had disbanded,
and easily persuaded them to revolt against Demetrius. A battle was
fought in which that king was defeated, and the young prince was
crowned at Antioch, and assumed the title of Theos, _the God_.
One of the first steps of the new monarch was to secure the
co-operation of Jonathan and his people. Accordingly he not only
confirmed all former grants made to the Jewish nation, and remitted
all arrears of tribute, but sent him a purple robe and gold chain, and
invested his brother Simon with the command of all the royal forces
between the “ladder of Tyre” and the frontiers of Egypt. Jonathan,
who had every reason to resent the ingratitude of Demetrius, readily
accepted his proposals, and at the head of a large army speedily
subdued the entire country, as far as Damascus, to the power of
Antiochus, while Simon captured the fortress of Beth-zur, and
garrisoned it with Jewish soldiers (1 Macc. xi. 65, 66)[42].
Resolved to make the most of the present advantageous turn of events,
the Jewish prince now sent ambassadors to Rome, renewed the previous
treaty, and at the same time concluded another with the Lacedæmonians
(1 Macc. xii. 1, 2)[43]. Meanwhile Demetrius had assembled an army,
with which he encamped at Hamath on the extreme north of Palestine.
Thither Jonathan quickly went forth to meet him, and gaining
information that a night attack on his camp was meditated, made such
a disposition of his troops that the enemy gave up their design, and
retired beyond the river Eleutherus. Returning thence he fell upon the
Nabathæan Arabs, who had espoused the cause of Demetrius, and defeated
them, while Simon attacked and succeeded in taking Joppa (1 Macc.
xii. 25–35).
Never did the fortunes of the Jewish patriots appear brighter than
at this period. Masters of the entire province of Judæa, strong in
the confidence of the Syrian monarch, invested with the command of
numerous trained warriors, the Maccabæan brothers seemed on the verge
of restoring their country to a condition of complete independence.
Accordingly they convened an assembly of the elders, and consulted
on the present state of affairs. The reduction of the garrison in the
Acra was the great object of the national hopes. It was clear that
this could never be accomplished so long as the garrison was able
to communicate, as had hitherto been the case, with the city and the
country, and there buy provisions. While therefore Simon was sent to
fortify several of the more important towns, Jonathan himself remained
in the city, and superintended in person the erection of new defences.
Accordingly the wall of the Temple was repaired, especially on the
eastern side, towards the valley of the Kidron, while a new wall was
built between Mount Zion and the rest of the city, of such a height
and strength as to cut off the hostile garrison from all communication
with the city on the west, and the country on the east[44] (1 Macc.
xii. 36, 37).
It soon appeared that these precautions had not been unreasonable.
Tryphon, though he had placed Antiochus on the throne, now resolved
to usurp the royal authority for himself. The only serious obstacle to
his design was the faithfulness of Jonathan to the Syrian king. At all
risks, therefore, he determined to get the Jewish prince into his power,
and for this purpose advanced into Palestine as far as Beth-shan or
Scythopolis, with a considerable force. Here Jonathan met him with an
army of 40,000 men. Afraid to confront so numerous a force, Tryphon
resorted to treachery, and pretended that the sole object of his coming
was to mark his gratitude for Jonathan’s services in the cause of
Antiochus, by placing him in possession of Ptolemais[45]. Completely
deceived, the Jewish prince disbanded all his forces, excepting 3000
men, and having left 2000 of these in Galilee, set out with the scanty
remainder for Ptolemais. No sooner however had he entered the city,
than the traitor Tryphon ordered the gates to be shut, butchered
Jonathan’s retinue to a man, and flung him loaded with chains into
a dungeon (1 Macc. xii. 37–52).
CHAPTER VI.
_SIMON MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 144–135.
NEWS of these occurrences filled the Jews with the deepest sorrow and
the utmost consternation. For 17 years their late leader had conducted
the affairs of the country with prudence, vigour and success. Now
all their fair hopes seemed destined to be crushed, if the perfidious
Tryphon should succeed in following up the success he had already
gained. In this emergency the eyes of all were turned towards Simon
surnamed _Thassi_, the elder and only surviving brother of Jonathan,
whom the aged Mattathias on his death-bed had commended for his
prudence in council. He therefore assumed the command of the patriot
forces, and was acknowledged as their leader.
His first step was to finish the walls and fortifications of Jerusalem
and to place the country in a complete posture of defence (1 Macc. xiii.
10, 11). He then went forth to meet Tryphon, who taking Jonathan with
him, had moved up from Ptolemais with a large force, and encamped at
Adida or Adithaim (Joshua xv. 36), a town on an eminence overlooking
the low country of Judæa. No sooner however did he find a Jewish army
ready to oppose him, than he once more had recourse to treachery,
and representing that Jonathan was merely held in custody on account
of a debt of 100 talents, offered to deliver him up on condition of
receiving the money and two of his children as hostages. Though he was
certain this was nothing more than an artifice, Simon determined that
it never should be said he had left any means untried for the release
of his brother (1 Macc. xiii. 17–19), and accordingly sent the money
and the hostages. But, as he had expected, Tryphon failed to fulfil his
word, and began to ravage the neighbouring country.
Meanwhile the Syrian garrison in Jerusalem, suffering severely from
the long-continued blockade, sent messengers begging Tryphon to come
to their aid. Thereupon the other ordered his cavalry to press forward
instantly to their relief, but a heavy fall of snow rendered the roads
impassable, and Tryphon finding it impossible to render the required
assistance, retired across the Jordan into the land of Gilead. Here he
put the heroic Jonathan to death at the city of Bascama, and hurrying
into Syria, murdered the young king Antiochus, and seized the supreme
power, which he exercised with cruelty and violence (1 Macc. xiii. 23).
As soon as he retired Simon sent to Bascama, and brought thence the
body of his brother to Modin, where he laid it with great pomp in the
ancestral tomb, and erected over it a magnificent monument, consisting
of seven pillars, and adorned with the beaks of ships, a conspicuous
sea-mark for all the vessels which sailed along the coast (1 Macc.
xiii. 27–30).
The continued tyranny of Tryphon once more raised the hopes of
Demetrius, and the Jews resolved to espouse his cause in preference
to that of his treacherous enemy. Accordingly Simon sent an embassy
offering to acknowledge his supremacy, and to aid him against the
usurper. Demetrius received the proposition with alacrity, and in a
royal edict formally drawn up and ratified, agreed to recognize Simon
as the high-priest and prince of Judæa, to renounce all claims on the
Jewish nation for tribute, customs, and taxes, and to grant an amnesty
for all past offences against himself. This amounted to a virtual
recognition of the complete independence of the country, and the year
B.C. 143, in which it was granted, was regarded as the first year of
the “freedom of Jerusalem” (1 Macc. xiii. 42).
Secure from all immediate danger of foreign interference, Simon now
devoted his energies to provide for the internal security of his
kingdom. He began by reducing the fortresses that still held out, and
garrisoned Gaza, Jamnia, and Joppa. He then turned his attention to
the Syrian garrison in the Acra, and reduced it to such straits that
the troops composing it were in imminent danger of perishing by famine,
and finally agreed to evacuate the fortress on condition that their
lives were spared. These terms were accepted, and, to his inexpressible
satisfaction, Simon entered the place on the 23rd day of the second
month of the year B.C. 142, _with thanksgivings, and branches of
palm-trees, and with harps and cymbals, and with viols and hymns and
songs_ (1 Macc. xiii. 51). The fortress was then entirely demolished,
and the eminence on which it had stood was lowered, until it was
reduced below the height of the Temple-hill beside it. This operation
cost incredible labour, and occupied upwards of 3 years[46]. The
fortifications of the hill, on which the Temple stood, were next
strengthened, and a fortress, called Baris[47], was erected to command
the site of the Acra, and here Simon and his immediate adherents took
up their abode.
The dominion of the priest-king was now confirmed on every side, and
the land enjoyed profound quiet. His subjects _tilled their ground in
peace, and the earth gave her increase, and the trees of the field
their fruit. The ancient men sat all in the streets, communing together
of good things, and the young men put on glorious and warlike apparel
... every man sat under his vine and his fig-tree, and there was
none to fray them_ (1 Macc. xiv. 4–13). Taking advantage of these
circumstances Simon sent an ambassador to Rome bearing a golden shield
weighing upwards of 1000 pounds. His present was accepted, and Lucius
the consul (1 Macc. xv. 16) sent letters recognizing his authority,
and claiming protection for the Jews from the kings of Syria, Pergamus,
Cappadocia, and Pontus, from the inhabitants of Sparta, Delos,
Sicyon, Gortyna in Crete, Samos, Cos, Rhodes, Myndus, Halicarnassus,
Cnidus, Aradus, Cyprus, and Cyrene (1 Macc. xv. 22, 23); “a singular
illustration,” it has been remarked, “of the widespread dispersion of
the Jews, and of the all-commanding policy of Rome[48].” In the same
year, B.C. 141, an assembly of the elders met at Jerusalem, and out
of gratitude for the services rendered to the nation by the house of
Mattathias, it was resolved that the high-priesthood and the dignity
of regent should be henceforth hereditary in the family of Simon. This
resolution was then engraven upon tables of brass, and set up in a
conspicuous place in the Temple, and copies of it were deposited in the
treasury (1 Macc. xiv. 41–49).
During this period, taking advantage of the disturbed condition of
Syria, Arsaces VI., king of Parthia, who was also called Mithridates,
had extended his authority from the Euphrates to the confines of
India. Wishing to collect forces, or in some way to strengthen his
position against the usurper Tryphon (1 Macc. xiv. 1), Demetrius
penetrated into the Parthian territory, and after several engagements
was taken prisoner B.C. 139. The conqueror, however, treated his
captive honourably, gave him his daughter Rodoguna in marriage, and
permitted him to reside in Hyrcania, with every indulgence due to his
rank (1 Macc. xiv. 3).
News of this marriage, and of the improbability of her husband ever
returning no sooner reached his wife Cleopatra, whom he had left
regent, than she sent to his younger brother, who was then residing at
Rhodes, and offered him her hand and kingdom. Antiochus entered into
the project with all the eagerness of youthful ambition, levied an
army, and assuming the title of king of Syria, wrote to Simon begging
his aid in recovering his father’s dominions from the usurper Tryphon,
and in turn confirming all his former privileges, and further conceding
that of the right to coin money of his own. Then sailing to Syria,
he married Cleopatra, and joining her forces to his own, commenced
hostilities against Tryphon, who fled to Dora, on the coast of Samaria,
where he straitly besieged him (1 Macc. xv. 11–14)[49]. Thence, however,
he managed to effect his escape to Apamea in Syria, and there was put
to death, or, according to some authorities, committed suicide.
Antiochus Sidetes[50] had no sooner become undisturbed master of the
Syrian kingdom, than, forgetting the promises already made to Simon,
he sent Athenobius to Jerusalem to demand the surrender of Gazara and
Joppa, of the fortress on Mount Zion, and other strongholds, or in lieu
of these 500 talents of silver, and an additional 500 as a compensation
for the injuries done to the Syrian dominions. Simon replied that he
was willing to give 500 talents for Gazara and Joppa, but the other
places were the inheritance of his fathers, and could not be given up
or bartered. This answer greatly irritated Antiochus, and as soon as
he had reduced Dora, he sent Cendebeus, the governor of Phœnicia, to
invade Judæa with a portion of his forces, and enforce the payment of
his demands.
Accordingly the Syrian general entered upon the expedition with a
powerful army of horse and foot, and capturing Cedron near Azotus and
Jamnia, fortified it in order to command the road of Judæa (1 Macc.
xv. 39; xvi. 9), and ravaged the neighbouring country. Simon was at
this time far too advanced in age to bear the fatigues of a campaign,
and therefore entrusted the command of the Jewish forces to his two
sons John Hyrcanus and Judas. The brothers forthwith set out, and
bivouacking for the night at Modin, descended on the following day into
the lower ground, and after a sharp engagement succeeded in defeating
the Syrian general, and carried a portion of his forces into Cedron,
and the remainder into Azotus, the tower of which they laid in ashes
(1 Macc. xvi. 1–10).
This invasion repulsed, the Jews enjoyed during three years a season
of peace, and the priest-king, though far advanced in age, devoted
himself assiduously to the superintendence of the internal affairs
of his people, while his three sons guarded the frontier. In the
prosecution of his design of inspecting in person the national defences,
he now visited Jericho where his son-in-law Ptolemy held the supreme
command. A prominent leader of the Hellenizing faction, and a man of
great wealth, Ptolemy bore no goodwill towards the priest-king, and,
in concert, it is probable, with Antiochus Sidetes, had resolved to
assassinate his father-in-law, and raise himself to supreme power.
The visit of Simon, with his two younger sons Judas and Mattathias,
presented a favourable opportunity for carrying out his designs, and he
treacherously murdered the three at a banquet, B.C. 137. Then sending
messengers to John Hyrcanus at Gazara he instructed them to stab him
also, and would have succeeded, had not the latter received speedy
tidings of what had occurred at Jericho. He therefore put the intended
assassins to death, and hurrying to Jerusalem, was acknowledged
as his father’s successor, and afterwards besieged Ptolemy in his
stronghold of Dôk, whence he effected his escape to the court of the
prince of Philadelphia, to be heard of afterwards no more (1 Macc.
xvi. 15–21)[51].
CHAPTER VII.
_JOHN HYRCANUS, AND ALEXANDER JANNÆUS._
B.C. 135–79.
THOUGH the confederacy between Ptolemy and Antiochus was thus
disconcerted by the rapid movements of Hyrcanus, the Syrian monarch
nevertheless led his forces into Palestine, overran the whole country,
and laying siege to Jerusalem, reduced Hyrcanus to the greatest
extremities. So close, in fact, was the siege, that for fear of famine
Hyrcanus was constrained to expel from the city all such as were, from
age or infirmity, unable to bear arms. As the Syrians refused them
a passage through their ranks, the fugitives presented a miserable
spectacle, wandering about between the two armies, and perishing in
extreme wretchedness amidst the outworks[52].
At length the Feast of Tabernacles drew near, and Hyrcanus requested
a week’s respite to celebrate that time-honoured festival. With rare
generosity, his adversary not only granted his request, but supplied
the besieged with victims for the sacrifices, and gold and silver
vessels for the Temple service. Such kindness induced Hyrcanus to send
an embassy, and endeavour to obtain a suspension of hostilities. In
this he succeeded, and peace was concluded on far better terms than
he had any right to expect. A portion of the fortifications of the
city was dismantled, tribute was exacted for the fortresses held out of
Judæa, but the conqueror was induced, by a present of 500 talents, to
forego the rebuilding of the fortress on the Acra, and the introduction
of a Syrian garrison[53].
The unexpected forbearance of Antiochus on this occasion won for him
not only the admiration, but the friendship of Hyrcanus, and when the
Syrian king led an expedition against the Parthians, who were now
extending their dominions on every side, the Jewish prince resolved to
accompany him. For this purpose he took into his pay a body of foreign
mercenaries, and with these and a detachment of his Jewish forces
followed him across the Tigris. At first Antiochus was successful,
but his army giving themselves up to luxury and dissipation, he was
unexpectedly attacked, and lost his life, B.C. 128.
Disorders of every kind, civil wars, murders, and mutinies of troops,
now rapidly succeeded one another in the Syrian kingdom, and Hyrcanus,
who had fortunately returned to Jerusalem before the overthrow of
his late ally, now threw off the Syrian yoke altogether, and employed
himself in extending his own kingdom. After reducing, therefore,
various fortresses on the further side of the Jordan, he invaded
Samaria, captured Sychem, and levelled with the ground the temple
on Mount Gerizim, which for 200 years had been a constant offence to
his subjects. Then, B.C. 129, turning his arms against the Idumæans,
who had made themselves masters of the southern part of Judæa, he
vanquished them in battle, and offered them the choice of leaving
the country, or adopting the Jewish religion. They chose the latter
alternative, submitted to circumcision, and became so completely
identified with their conquerors, that their name as an independent
power henceforth disappears.
During the next 20 years Judæa enjoyed profound peace under the
energetic government of Hyrcanus, who renewed the treaties with Rome,
and secured his subjects from foreign aggression. At length, B.C. 110,
he resolved to overpower the province of Samaria, and entrusted the
command of the expedition to his two sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus.
Twice the Samaritans applied for aid to Antiochus Cyzicenus, prince of
Damascus, who was twice defeated by the Jewish forces, and at length,
after an obstinate defence which lasted an entire year, their capital
fell, and with Scythopolis and other towns, passed into the hands of
the conqueror[54].
During his long and prosperous reign, Hyrcanus had raised his nation
to a height of greater power and dignity than it had ever enjoyed
since the return from the Captivity. But while triumphant abroad, his
domestic peace began to be troubled by serious dissensions between
two rival parties, now rapidly growing in power, the _Pharisees_ and
_Sadducees_. An examination of their respective tenets may be reserved
for another place. For the present it will be sufficient to say that
Hyrcanus was an adherent of the Pharisaic party, till a characteristic
incident induced him to espouse the cause of their rivals. Towards the
close of his administration he invited the chiefs of the Pharisees to a
banquet, and requested them to inform him if he had been guilty of any
dereliction of duty towards God or man. All the guests with one accord
testified to his blameless integrity, and praised his government, save
one, Eleazar, who affirmed that he ought to resign the high-priesthood,
because his mother had once been a captive, and it was doubtful
whether he was descended from Aaron, or from a heathen. Indignant
at this calumnious charge, Hyrcanus demanded the trial of Eleazar for
aspersions upon his character. By the influence of the Pharisees the
sentence was limited to scourging and imprisonment, and the priest-king,
considering this a proof of hostility to himself, listened to the
representations of Jonathan, a Sadducee, that the rival faction was
bent on lowering his sovereign power, and henceforth alienated himself
entirely from the Pharisaic party, and deposed from their high offices
many who had been the firmest supporters of his dynasty[55].
Escaping the fate of the older members of the Maccabæan family,
Hyrcanus died in peace, B.C. 106, bequeathing the sovereignty to his
wife. And now the decline of the Asmonean dynasty rapidly set in.
Aristobulus, the son of the deceased king, seized the supreme power,
flung his mother into prison, and starved her to death. He also
imprisoned three of his four brothers, sparing but one, Antigonus, the
next in age to himself. Assuming the diadem and the royal title, he
hastened to take advantage of the distracted state of affairs in Syria,
and turning his arms against Ituræa, a district south of Anti-Libanus,
forced the inhabitants, like the Idumæans, to conform to the Jewish
religion, on pain of being expelled from their country. During this
expedition he was seized with a dangerous illness, which compelled him
to return to Jerusalem, and leave his brother Antigonus to complete the
subjugation of the country. As he had no children, his queen Salome,
according to the Jewish law, would, in the event of his death, be
expected to marry Antigonus; but such was her aversion to him, that
she resolved to compass his death rather than be united with him in
marriage[56].
An opportunity soon presented itself for carrying out her design.
Successful in subjugating Ituræa, Antigonus returned to Jerusalem, and
at the Feast of Tabernacles hastened to the Temple, with his body-guard,
to offer up his petitions for his brother’s recovery. This act was
represented to Aristobulus as covering a seditious design against his
own life. Scarcely able to credit such a calumny, the king, who still
lay sick in his chamber in the tower of Baris, desired that his brother
should appear before him, but without arms. A dark underground passage
led from the Temple to the tower, and here, by the queen’s connivance,
a company of soldiers was stationed with instructions to put Antigonus
to death if he appeared clad in armour. She then caused it to be
represented to the unfortunate prince that it was the royal will he
should appear in a suit of splendid armour, which his brother wished
to see. Thus deceived he entered the underground passage, and was
instantly assassinated. What had occurred was reported to Aristobulus,
and brought on a sudden paroxysm of his malady followed by an excessive
hæmorrhage. A slave bore away the vessel into which the blood had
flowed, and stumbling on the very spot where Antigonus had been
murdered, caused the blood of the two brothers to mingle on the floor.
A cry of horror ran through the palace, and reaching the ears of the
king, roused a wish to know the cause. For some time his attendants
refused to tell the truth, but at length he forced them to declare what
had occurred, and had no sooner heard it than he was seized with such
an agony of remorse that he instantly expired.
After this tragical event, Alexander Jannæus, the eldest of the
imprisoned brothers, was placed upon the throne, B.C. 104. Taking
advantage of the disordered condition of the Syrian kingdom, he turned
his arms against Moab, Gilead, Ammon, and Arabia Petræa, and after
several successes laid siege to the port of Ptolemais. The inhabitants
called in the aid of Ptolemy Lathyrus, who came to their aid with
an army of 30,000 men. But no sooner did he appear before the gates,
than the very party which had invoked his aid refused to admit him.
On this he turned his arms against Gaza, and Jannæus, while pretending
to negotiate with him for a friendly surrender of the place, secretly
corresponded with his mother Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, and
besought her aid in expelling him from the country. Discovering this,
Ptolemy marched into Judæa, defeated Alexander with enormous loss, and
to spread the terror of his name, fell upon some villages, murdered
the women and children, and cutting their bodies in pieces boiled their
flesh.
The kingdom of Judæa would now have been totally lost, had it not been
for the intervention of an Egyptian army led by two Jews of Alexandria,
They drove Lathyrus into Cœlesyria, and once more restored to Jannæus
the sovereignty of the country, who now embarked on fresh expeditions
east and west of the Jordan, captured Gadara, Raphia, and Anthedon, and
at length succeeded in reducing Gaza.
But the domestic discords, which had distracted the reign of Hyrcanus,
broke out with tenfold violence in that of his son. The Pharisees had
by this time gained an extraordinary degree of influence over the
people. Detesting their turbulence and lofty pretensions, Alexander
attached himself to the Sadducaic faction, and thus brought down
upon himself the concentrated hatred of the Pharisees, who lost no
opportunity of aspersing his name and character. At length their
opposition took a more violent turn, and at the Feast of Tabernacles,
when the priest-king, clad in his gorgeous robes, was officiating
before the altar, they excited the people to fling at him the citrons,
which it was the custom of the Jews to carry in their hands at this
feast, and to deny his right to the high-priesthood. A fearful outbreak
ensued, in the midst of which Alexander ordered his body-guard to fall
on the unarmed multitude, and slew upwards of 6000.
To obviate a recurrence of such insults, he next caused a wooden
partition to be erected between the court of the priests and that
of the people, and surrounded himself with Pisidian and Cilician
mercenaries. But a defeat he sustained, while carrying on an expedition
in the country east of the Jordan, was the signal for a general rising,
which resulted in civil war carried on for upwards of six years, and
marked by the most shocking barbarities on both sides.
At first Jannæus met with much success, but on endeavouring to come to
terms with his subjects, they declared that nothing would satisfy them
short of his death, and even invoked the aid of Demetrius Euchærus,
king of Syria, and in a battle near Shechem utterly routed the
priest-king, with the loss of all his mercenaries. Thereupon he fled to
the mountains, rallied fresh troops, drove Demetrius from the country,
and took the majority of his rebellious subjects prisoners in the
fortress of Bethone. Returning to Jerusalem he crucified 800 of them in
one day, and seated at a banquet surrounded by his concubines, caused
their wives and children to be slain before their eyes, and glutted his
vengeance with the spectacle of their dying agonies.
This shocking act, which won for him the title of “the Thracian,”
shews how terribly the Asmonean princes were degenerating. Externally,
indeed, the country appeared to be prosperous, for the realm of Jannæus
extended over Samaria and Idumæa, the entire western seaboard from
_Strato’s Tower_ to Rhinocorura, and a considerable district beyond the
Jordan, but the temper neither of prince nor people was the same as in
the times of Mattathias and Judas, and evil days were at hand.
Four years after his triumph over his rebellious subjects, Alexander
Jannæus died, B.C. 79, having on his death-bed advised his queen
Alexandra to ally herself closely with the Pharisaic faction, as being
alone able to control the people. Acting on this advice, she convened
the most eminent of that faction, and entrusted to them the entire
management of affairs. Upon this their conduct underwent an instant
change; the highest honours were paid to the memory of the late king,
and the priesthood was conferred on his eldest son Hyrcanus II.
PART IV.
DECLINE OF THE ASMONEAN DYNASTY; INTERFERENCE OF THE ROMANS,
AND RISE OF THE HERODIAN FAMILY.
CHAPTER I.
_HYRCANUS II. AND ARISTOBULUS; POMPEIUS AND CRASSUS._
B.C. 79–53.
BESIDES the new high-priest, Alexander had left another son named
Aristobulus, a man of an ardent and impetuous temper, who took no pains
to conceal his dislike of his mother’s proceedings. Placing himself at
the head of the now offended and persecuted Sadducees, he encouraged
them in their opposition to the triumphant Pharisees, and so far
prevailed with the queen, that the leaders of the Sadducaic faction
were allowed to retire to the frontier fortresses of the kingdom.
Shortly afterwards he himself was sent on an expedition to Damascus,
to check the depredations of Ptolemy, who governed a small independent
kingdom at Chalcis[57]. The young prince did not lose the opportunity
thus afforded him of ingratiating himself with the soldiers, and began
to form designs of usurping the kingdom.
After a successful reign of 9 years, queen Alexandra died, B.C. 69,
and the Pharisaic party immediately placed Hyrcanus II. on the throne.
This was regarded as the signal for definite action by Aristobulus.
Quickly summoning his adherents from the frontier cities, he marched
towards Jerusalem, where the partisans of Hyrcanus seizing his wife
and children, placed them as hostages in the Tower of Baris, and then
prepared to meet the invader at Jericho[58]. But so strongly did the
feeling of the army declare itself in favour of Aristobulus, and so
many were the desertions to his side, including even not a few members
of the Sanhedrin, that Hyrcanus fell back upon Jerusalem, and with
such of his adherents as still remained faithful took refuge in the
fortifications of the Temple. But provisions failing them, they were
unable to stand a lengthened siege, and were soon compelled to yield to
Aristobulus, who thus obtained possession of the entire kingdom, while
his brother, who was of a feeble and indolent disposition, retired into
private life after a brief reign of three months.
But now a different actor appeared upon the scene, destined to prove
a far more fatal enemy to the Asmonean dynasty, and to raise his own
house upon its ruins. This was Antipater, the son of an officer who
had been high in the confidence of Alexander Jannæus, and had been
appointed governor of Idumæa. A man of great courage, astuteness,
and decision, he had acquired a complete mastery over the feeble
Hyrcanus, and in concert with the Pharisees repeatedly urged him to
attempt the recovery of his throne, but for a long time the indolent
prince absolutely refused to listen to his suggestions. At length, by
representing that his life was in danger, he succeeded in persuading
him to fly with himself to the court of Aretas, king of Arabia, whom he
induced, by promising to restore twelve frontier cities which Jannæus
had taken and united to Judæa, to espouse his cause. At the head of
50,000 men Aretas marched into the country, and being joined by the
partisans of Hyrcanus, defeated Aristobulus, and closely besieged him
in the Temple-fortress at Jerusalem[59]. The feast of the Passover
drew near, during which even heathen generals had been wont to allow
the sacrificial victims to be introduced into the city. But such was
the fury of the rival claimants for the supreme power that even this
indulgence was refused to the besieged. When Aristobulus let down
baskets from the top of the wall with 1000 drachmas of silver for each
victim, the besiegers took the money, but returned the baskets empty,
or, as some say, even laden with swine[60].
At this juncture news reached Jerusalem that a Roman army had seized
Damascus, and was advancing towards the country. Bent on their plan of
establishing a universal empire, the great republic of the West was now
busily engaged in those wars, which gradually placed at her feet the
old Asiatic monarchies. The Syrian kingdom, since B.C. 83, had passed
into the power of Tigranes, king of Armenia. This monarch, as well as
Mithridates, king of Pontus, was utterly defeated by Pompeius, B.C. 66,
and the ancient realm of the Seleucidæ was now reduced to a Roman
province. Retiring himself into lesser Armenia, the conqueror placed
his lieutenants Scaurus and Gabinius at Antioch and Damascus, the two
great capitals of the Syrian Empire.
This intelligence determined both brothers to try and secure the aid
of these powerful arbitrators, and their emissaries soon appeared
before Scaurus at Damascus, with 400 talents. The Roman general at
first hesitated which side to espouse, but at length reflecting that
Aristobulus was in possession of the Temple-fortress, and therefore
of the treasures, he ordered Aretas to withdraw, and break up the
siege[61]. The Arabian chief was forced to comply, and taking with
him Hyrcanus and Antipater marched away with his army, but not before
Aristobulus had sallied forth and inflicted upon it a considerable loss.
His triumph, however, was shortlived. Before long Pompeius arrived
in person at Damascus, and twelve kings crowded together to pay him
homage. The king of Egypt brought him a crown worth 4000 pieces of gold.
Aristobulus sent him a golden vine upon a square mount, the leaves and
branches most skilfully wrought, beneath which were lions, deer, and
other animals in life-like attitude[62]. His present was accepted, but
instead of his own name, that of his father was inscribed upon it, and
after hearing the ambassadors of each brother, the conqueror declared
that they must attend and plead their cause before him in person early
in the following year B.C. 63.
At the time appointed the brothers appeared, attended by numerous
witnesses in support of their respective claims, as also by
representatives of the Jewish people. Pompeius listened with attention
to their arguments, and then closed the conference by announcing his
purpose of settling the question in person at Jerusalem, intending
first to subjugate Aretas and to conquer Petra. The impetuous
Aristobulus, divining that the decision would be adverse to his
interests, prepared for resistance by flinging himself into the
fortress of Alexandrium, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem,
a position well adapted for resisting an approach to his capital.
Professing the greatest indignation at this conduct, and relieved
from the necessity of invading Arabia by the timely submission of
Aretas, Pompeius marched through the country east of the Jordan,
and besieged the impetuous Asmonean in his stronghold. After three
fruitless interviews, Aristobulus was forced to sign written orders
for the surrender of all his strongholds, and on promise of obedience
was liberated. Fleeing to Jerusalem, he now betook himself to the
Temple-fortress, and prepared for a siege. Pompeius advanced to
Jericho[63], where his soldiers were struck with admiration by the
beautiful palm-groves and balsam-trees of that tropic region, and then
pressed on to Jerusalem. The partisans of Hyrcanus, who were the most
numerous, threw open the gates, those of Aristobulus remained within
their stronghold, and resolutely refused the summons of the Roman
general to surrender.
On this Pompeius sent to Tyre[64] for his military engines, and
prosecuted the siege with the utmost vigour for three months[65].
It might have been protracted still longer, but for the suspension
of hostilities by the Jews on the Sabbath-day. At length the largest
of the towers was thrown down by one of the battering engines, and
Cornelius Faustus, a son of Sylla, mounted the breach, and the day was
gained B.C. 63. A terrible carnage now ensued, during which the priests
remained unmoved at the altar, and continued their solemn services,
pouring their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, till they
were themselves stricken down. The conqueror entered the Temple, and,
amidst the horror of the Jews, explored the total darkness of the Holy
of Holies, and found, to his great amazement, neither symbols, nor
statues, nor representation of any deity[66]. He surveyed with interest
the sacred vessels, the golden altar of incense, the golden candlestick,
and the Temple treasures, but with politic generosity left them
untouched. He then ordered the sacred enclosure to be cleansed from the
profanation of his soldiers, nominated Hyrcanus to the high-priesthood,
though without the royal diadem, and confined the limits of his
jurisdiction to Judæa. The walls of the city having been demolished, he
then set out for Rome, taking with him the captive Aristobulus, as also
his two sons and two daughters to grace his splendid triumph.
On the way, however, Alexander, the eldest son of the captive king,
managed to effect his escape, and returned to Judæa, where, rallying
round him the partisans of his father, he seized the fortresses of
Alexandrium, Hyrcania, and Machærus, and began to attack the adherents
of Hyrcanus. Alarmed at the progress of the invader, and unable to make
head against him themselves, the ethnarch and Antipater called in the
aid of the Romans, and Gabinius, who had been appointed prefect of
Syria, B.C. 57, deputed Marcus Antonius, his master of the horse, to
render the required assistance. Antonius, having defeated the invader
in a short engagement, shut him up in the stronghold of Alexandrium,
and on the arrival of Gabinius forced him, after a somewhat protracted
siege, to purchase his life by the surrender of the three fortresses,
which were now demolished[67].
Gabinius now employed himself in completely reorganizing the government
of the country. Hitherto the nominal power had centred in Hyrcanus.
Now he was deprived of even this semblance of authority, which was
placed in the hands of the aristocracy, five independent senates or
Sanhedrins being established, the first sitting at Jerusalem, the
second at Jericho, the third at Gadara, the fourth at Amathus, the
fifth at Sepphoris[67]. These arrangements made for destroying the
influence of the capital as a centre of union, Gabinius returned to
Syria. But scarcely had he done so, when Aristobulus himself reappeared,
having escaped from Rome with his younger son, Antigonus. He was,
however, more quickly disposed of even than Alexander had been, for the
prefect of Syria instantly dispatched a force against him, and having
overpowered his adherents, sent him back as a prisoner to Rome with his
son, who was afterwards, however, released.
Gabinius now proceeded with Antonius to Egypt to place Ptolemy
Auletes upon the throne, and both generals were strenuously assisted
by Hyrcanus and Antipater, who sent supplies for their armies, and
urged the Jews at Leontopolis to befriend them in like manner. Taking
advantage of the absence of the legions, Alexander made a second
attempt to recover the supreme power, but only to be a second time
defeated near Mount Tabor by the Roman commanders on their return from
Egypt, with a loss of 10,000 men.
The next year, B.C. 54, the prefect was recalled to Rome, where
numerous charges of rapacity and extortion were preferred against him,
and though defended by Cicero he was ignominiously banished[68]. The
celebrated triumvir Marcus Crassus now succeeded to the prefecture
of Syria, a man of mean abilities, but enormous wealth, and unbounded
avarice. Armed like Pompeius with proconsular authority for five years,
and empowered to maintain as large a force as he might see fit, and to
carry on wars without consulting the senate and people of Rome, Crassus
resolved on entering upon a war with Parthia. Hurrying to his province,
with some of the troops he had already collected, he entered Jerusalem,
attracted by the well-known fact that the treasury of its Temple
contained 2,000 talents, equivalent to nearly £2,000,000 sterling,
besides vessels of gold and silver to an almost equal amount. The Jews
were powerless to resist his intentions, but Eleazar, the guardian of
the Temple, offered him a solid bar of gold weighing nearly 1000 pounds,
concealed in a beam of wood, on condition that he left the rest of the
treasures untouched. Crassus solemnly promised to be satisfied with
this huge ingot, took it, and then, in defiance of his plighted faith,
robbed the Temple of all the treasures he could lay his hands on, not
sparing even the sacred vessels. The total amount he carried off is
said to have been worth upwards of 10,000 Attic talents, and consisted
of the gifts and offerings which during a hundred years the annual
contributions of Jews from well-nigh every quarter of the world
had amassed[69]. He then set out against the Parthians, crossed the
Euphrates, and plunged into the sandy deserts of Mesopotamia, to be
defeated with the loss of nearly his entire army at the disastrous
battle of Carrhæ, B.C. 53.
CHAPTER II.
_ANTIPATER AND HEROD; JULIUS CÆSAR AND ANTONIUS._
B.C. 53–41.
MISFORTUNE seemed to follow in the footsteps of every Roman general
that interfered in the affairs of Judæa. Gabinius was ignominiously
exiled, Crassus perished miserably in a foreign land, and now the
disastrous issue of the battle of Pharsalia, B.C. 48, drove Pompeius
to the shores of Egypt, there to perish by the blow of an assassin.
A new actor now appeared upon the stage. Master of Rome, nominated
dictator for the second time, Julius Cæsar repaired to Egypt in pursuit
of his rival, and a few days after his death arrived at Alexandria. For
the purpose of effecting a diversion in his favour, he had liberated
Aristobulus, and sent him to Palestine with two legions to overawe
Syria. But the partisans of Pompeius managed to poison him on the way,
and Scipio, who held the command in Syria, seized his son Alexander,
and caused him to be beheaded after a mock trial at Antioch[70].
The supremacy was thus left in the hands of Hyrcanus, or rather of
his minister Antipater, who really ruled in his name. With prudent
alacrity the wily Idumæan completely changed his tactics, and did
everything in his power to promote the cause of Cæsar. Resolved to
settle the disputes concerning the succession to the throne of Egypt,
and determined to uphold the claims of Cleopatra, who had completely
won his heart, this general embarked in a war, in which for some
time he was exposed to great danger on account of the small number of
his troops. Antipater seized the opportunity of displaying a prudent
activity on his behalf. He assisted his ally, Mithridates, king of
Pontus, in marching to his relief, he contributed to the reduction of
Pelusium, he conciliated the Jews in Egypt, who had espoused the cause
of the opposite party, and received wounds in almost every part of his
body[71], while fighting on his behalf.
Cæsar was not slow to declare his gratitude. Having brought the
Egyptian war to a close B.C. 47, he conferred upon his friend the
privileges of Roman citizenship, and at the same time at his request
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood[72]. But Antigonus, son
of Aristobulus, now appeared before him, and breaking forth into
the fiercest accusations against Antipater, charged him with cruelty
towards himself, oppression of the Jews, and an insincere friendship
for his patron. The Idumæan was equal to the occasion. Throwing open
his vest, he exposed the numerous wounds he had received in Cæsar’s
cause, and protested his innocence and fidelity. The Dictator could not
resist such an appeal, appointed him procurator of Judæa, and granted
him permission to restore the ruined fortifications of Jerusalem[73].
Having made these arrangements Cæsar marched through Syria towards
Pontus, to attack Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates the Great, who had
defeated one of his lieutenants. Antipater conducted him beyond the
Syrian frontiers, and returning to Jerusalem, commenced rebuilding the
walls which had been overthrown by Pompey. He then set out on a tour
through the country, suppressing tumults, and exhorting all to submit
to the rule of Hyrcanus; soon waxing bolder, and taking advantage of
the indolence of his nominal sovereign, he appointed his eldest son
Phasael military governor of Judæa, and conferred the tetrarchy of
Galilee on his younger son Herod, afterwards Herod the Great.
Though but a youth of 15, according to Josephus[74], but more probably
of 25[75], the new governor of Galilee soon began to give signs of that
decision of character which subsequently distinguished him. Turning
his energies against numerous robber bands, who infested his province
as also the confines of Syria, he put to death Hezekias, one of their
notorious chiefs, with nearly all his associates. Such energy and
determination won the delighted approval of the Syrians, who sang his
praises in their villages and cities[76], and not less of Sextus Cæsar,
the new president of that province.
But the news of these successes of the young man filled Hyrcanus
and many of the national party at Jerusalem with indignation. The
priest-king felt that the family of Antipater was everything, while
he himself was nothing. Herod was, therefore, summoned before the
Sanhedrin to answer for his conduct in putting so many to death without
a trial. He came, not in the garb of a suppliant, but clothed in purple,
accompanied by a strong escort, and bore with him a letter from Sextus
Cæsar, ordering his acquittal of the capital charge[77]. The great
council was terrified. Not a man dared to lift his voice to accuse
him, backed as he was by the terrible power of the Roman governor,
save Sameas, or Shammai, one of the most learned Rabbis and a man of
unblemished character. He sternly rebuked the accused for the haughty
independence he had evinced, and the others, emboldened by his conduct,
were ready to pronounce the sentence of death[78]. Hyrcanus now
interposed, and secretly advised Herod to fly from the city. He took
the advice and hurried to Damascus, where he threw himself at the feet
of Sextus Cæsar, and in consideration of a heavy bribe, was appointed
governor of Cœlesyria and Samaria. Burning with rage, he now gathered
an army, marched against Jerusalem, and would have taken summary
vengeance on his opponents, had it not been for the intervention of his
father and brother, who advised him to be satisfied with his acquittal
and draw off his troops.
Two years afterwards, B.C. 44, Cæsar was assassinated on the Ides of
March, in the senate-house at Rome. Cassius, the chief conspirator,
betook himself to Syria, to secure the troops stationed at Apamea[79],
and began to impose heavy tribute on the various cities of Asia Minor,
and the Syrian provinces. Palestine was assessed to pay the enormous
sum of 700 talents of silver[80], and Antipater commissioned his son
Herod to collect the contribution from Galilee, while Malichus, a
powerful Jew, and principal adherent of Hyrcanus, collected the rest.
With characteristic tact, Herod employed himself diligently in raising
his quota, and repairing to Cassius with 100 talents gained his hearty
good will, while Malichus so incensed him by his dilatoriness, that he
would have put him to death, had not Hyrcanus soothed the Roman’s anger
by the present of another 100 talents[81].
The influence of Antipater on this occasion Malichus deemed unendurable.
He saw that his patron Hyrcanus was rapidly losing even the semblance
of power, and he resolved to compass the Idumæan’s death. Suspecting
his designs, Antipater fled beyond the Jordan, and collected a body
of men to defend himself. But persuaded that his suspicions were
groundless, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was shortly afterwards
poisoned with a glass of wine at an entertainment in the high-priest’s
palace, B.C. 43. Herod would have instantly avenged his father’s murder,
but Phasael persuaded him to bide his time, and the brothers celebrated
their father’s obsequies with the greatest splendour, pretending
to believe the assassin’s assertion of innocence. Before long, an
opportunity of revenge presented itself. On the capture of Laodicea by
Cassius, the kings and nobles of the surrounding provinces assembled,
bearing gifts and crowns. Amongst the rest came Hyrcanus and Malichus,
and on the way stayed at Tyre, where Herod, who had joined them,
invited them to a banquet, and sending secret instructions to the Roman
soldiers, caused Malichus to be dispatched on the sea-shore. The feeble
Hyrcanus witnessed the bloody deed, and immediately fainted away, but
no sooner heard that it had been done by command of Cassius, than he
acquiesced, and denounced Malichus as the enemy of his country.
It was now clear that the virtual supremacy lay in the hands of the
sons of Antipater, and that the party of Hyrcanus could but struggle
in vain against their influence. It was not, however, their interest to
come to an open rupture with the high-priest, and Herod for the sake of
conciliating the people, who still clung with unabated devotion to that
noble race, resolved to ally himself with a princess of the Asmonean
family. He had already married Doris, a native of Judæa, and by her
had become the father of a son Antipater. He now was betrothed to
the beautiful and accomplished grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, the famous
Mariamne, who was as yet a child.
Meanwhile, B.C. 42, the forces of Brutus and Cassius had met their
opponents Antonius and Octavius on the bloody field of Philippi, and
had sustained a disastrous defeat. The conquerors separated; Octavius
departed for Italy, Antonius for Asia. On his arrival in Bithynia, a
number of influential Jews waited upon Antonius with bitter complaints
against Phasael and Herod[82], but Herod plied him with such heavy
bribes, that the deputation withdrew unable to effect anything. Shortly
afterwards another deputation met him at Daphne near Antioch, and with
them came Hyrcanus. The Roman listened to their complaints, and then
turning to the high-priest, asked whom he deemed best fitted to rule
the country? Influenced probably by the projected alliance between
Herod and his grand-daughter, he named the brothers. Antonius, who
had been hospitably entertained by their father Antipater, when he
accompanied Gabinius to Egypt[83], readily assented, and named them
tetrarchs of Judæa, nor could a subsequent deputation of 1000 Jews,
who waited upon him at Tyre, avail to alter his decision[84].
A single obstacle to the complete success of the brothers still
remained in the person of Antigonus. He had already made an ineffectual
attempt to recover the throne, and now assistance appeared in an
utterly unexpected quarter. While Antonius was wasting his time in
the society of Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, the Parthians, under Pacorus,
entered Syria, overran the whole country, and made themselves masters
of Sidon and Ptolemais. Antigonus resolved to court the assistance of
these unexpected allies, and by a bribe of 1000 talents and 500 Jewish
women, persuaded Pacorus to espouse his cause. With a division of
the Parthian army he now marched against Jerusalem, and an obstinate
struggle commenced. At length the Parthian general with a few horsemen
was admitted into the city, and offered to act as umpire between the
rival claimants. Phasael assented, and in an evil hour for himself,
accompanied by Hyrcanus repaired to the court of Barzapharnes, the new
Parthian governor of Syria, who threw them into chains[85]. Meanwhile
Herod, suspecting treachery, and warned by Mariamne, secretly escaped
with a picked body of troops from Jerusalem[86], and made his way to
Masada[87], a strong fortress on the south-western side of the Dead
Sea. So desperate were his circumstances, that he was with difficulty
restrained from making away with himself[88], and finally, leaving
Mariamne and his family at Masada, in charge of 800 men, he fled to
Petra, to try to obtain help from the successor of Aretas. This being
denied, he dismissed the remainder of his forces, and made his way
to Pelusium, and so to Alexandria, whence declining the command of an
expedition offered him by Cleopatra, he took ship, although it was the
depth of winter, and sailed for Rome[89], B.C. 40.
CHAPTER III.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 40–33.
MEANWHILE the Parthians had made themselves masters of Jerusalem,
reinstated Antigonus in the supreme power, and delivered into his hands
the captives Hyrcanus and Phasael. The new ruler, unwilling to put his
aged uncle to death, but determined that he should never be able to
hold the office of high-priest again, caused his ears to be cropped
off[90], and then sent him to Seleucia in Babylonia to be retained as
a prisoner of the Parthians. Phasael, knowing his death was certain,
anticipated the executioner by beating out his brains against the walls
of his prison.
In the mean time Herod had reached Rome, where he found Antonius at the
very summit of power. The Roman received him with much kindness, and
introduced him to Octavius, who calling to mind the aid which the great
Julius had received from Antipater during his Egyptian war[91], was no
less ready to befriend him. Herod protested he wished for nothing more
than that Aristobulus, the brother of his betrothed Mariamne, should
be placed on the throne of Judæa. But the triumvirs would not entertain
the proposition for a moment. Who was more fit to receive the title
of king than Herod himself? Who was more likely to cope effectually
with Antigonus, and to render aid in the projected war with Parthia?
Accordingly with the assent of the senate he was formally nominated
King of Judæa, and preceded by the consuls and other magistrates,
walked in procession between Antonius and Octavius to the Capitol,
where the usual sacrifices were offered, and the decree formally laid
up in the archives[92].
A week only had elapsed since the arrival of Herod in Italy. But
without losing a moment he hurried to Brundusium, and thence took ship
for Ptolemais, where he presented himself after an absence of barely
three months. Meanwhile Antigonus had been unsuccessfully besieging
the fortress of Masada, with the design of obtaining possession of
Mariamne and Aristobulus. The first object of the newly-arrived king
was to relieve this stronghold, and the recollection of his energy as
a governor in Galilee quickly attracted many to his standard. He also
invoked the aid of Ventidius the Roman general, who had been sent to
check the advance of the Parthians and had encamped before Jerusalem,
and partly through his aid but still more by his own energy succeeded
in raising the siege of Masada, liberated his relatives, and recovered
the treasures he had deposited there.
His next step was to march upon Jerusalem, and having united with the
Roman forces, encamped on the west side of the city B.C. 38. Finding,
however, that he could not reduce it with the forces then at his
command, he repaired to Samaria, and there was formally united in
marriage with the beautiful Mariamne. Early in the following spring,
B.C. 37, he again set out for Jerusalem, supported on this occasion by
Sosius, the lieutenant of Antonius, with 11 legions and 6000 cavalry.
Now for the first time the Romans found how desperate an enemy they had
to encounter in the Jews, who defended Antigonus with all the constancy
of their race. Upwards of 40 days elapsed before the first wall was
taken, 15 before the second was reduced. Fighting with reckless courage,
the besieged were driven successively from the outer court of the
Temple and the lower city into the interior of the Sanctuary, nor was
it till after five long months of combat that the signal could be given
for an assault. No sooner had this been given than a dreadful massacre
ensued. Exasperated by the obstinacy of the foe, the Romans struck down
all whom they met, without distinction of age or sex. Multitudes were
butchered in the narrow streets, many crowded together in their homes,
many flying for refuge to the Sanctuary. Herod used every effort to
mollify the wrath of the legions, and even threatened to cut down any
who attempted to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Finding all was
lost, Antigonus descended from the Baris, where he had taken refuge,
and flung himself at the feet of Sosius. The Roman treated him with
contempt and scorn, called him in derision _Antigona_, and put him
in chains. Then laden with munificent presents from the new ruler
of Jerusalem, he retired to Antioch with his captive, to await the
pleasure of Antonius himself. The latter, at the request of his
favourite now installed in power, had the unfortunate prince tried
and condemned, and after he had first been scourged by the Roman
lictors, struck off his head[93]. Thus ignominiously perished the
last priest-king of the Asmonean dynasty, 126 years[94] after Judas
Maccabæus obtained the government of Judæa.
Herod had now attained the highest object of his ambition. In the prime
of his vigour and great abilities he had become ruler of Palestine,
being lifted into his high position by the Roman legions, and by
uniting himself with one of the Asmonean line he had conciliated
somewhat the popular favour. But though successful, he clearly foresaw
the difficulty and danger of his position, for the partisans of
Antigonus still retained much influence, and the people were strong in
their attachment to the Asmonean dynasty. But the Idumæan had profited
in the school of the Roman proscriptions, and selecting 45 of the
most prominent partisans of Antigonus, he put them all to death, and
confiscated their estates to liquidate the heavy debt he had contracted
with Antigonus. He next wreaked his vengeance on the Sanhedrin, every
member of which was executed save two only, Sameas and Pollio, who
alone during the late siege had urged their countrymen to capitulate
and receive him as king.
The question of the appointment to the high-priesthood next required
to be disposed of. Hyrcanus was in captivity at Seleucia, where the
Parthian Phraates treated him with every consideration, and allowed him
to live at full liberty among many of his own nation, who had settled
in that region[95]. Herod sent an embassy requesting that his former
patron might be permitted to return, and pretended a wish to recompense
him for old kindnesses. The Jews in Seleucia easily divined his
insidious designs. But the weak old man heeded not their council, and
returned to Jerusalem. The mutilation of his ears by Antigonus rendered
it impossible for him to hold the office of high-priest, and Herod,
while treating him with much apparent respect, conferred the coveted
post on Ananel, an obscure priest of the line of Aaron, whom he had
summoned from Babylon.
But this selection was regarded with feelings of detestation by
Aristobulus, his youthful brother-in-law, his wife Mariamne, and her
mother-in-law, Alexandra. Well acquainted with Cleopatra, queen of
Egypt, at whose court Antonius was now living in luxury and indolence,
Alexandra began to address her complaints to her, and succeeded in
awakening an interest in her favour. The secret correspondence coming
to the ears of Herod, he forthwith deposed Ananel, and with great pomp
installed Aristobulus in his stead. The people were delighted at his
elevation, and when the handsome youth the descendant of their ancient
princes appeared before them at the feast of Tabernacles B.C. 35,
clad in the gorgeous robes of his office, they could not restrain the
expression of their admiration, and their shouts of acclamation rent
the air.
This sealed the doom of the unfortunate young man. Seeing in him
a possible rival, and suspecting the designs of Alexandra, Herod
resolved to compass his destruction, and an opportunity soon presented
itself. At the close of the solemnities he repaired with the youthful
high-priest to Jericho, where Alexandra had invited them to an
entertainment. The day was close――sultry, even for that tropical
region――and the two, with many of their retinue, betook themselves to
the fish-ponds, for the purpose of bathing. At first the attendants
alone plunged into the water, and Herod and the high-priest merely
looked on. But as it grew dark, the king proposed that his companion
should join the rest in the water, where several of the attendants,
suborned for the purpose, plunged him under the water, and held him
down till life was extinct[96]. Next day it was announced at Jerusalem
that Aristobulus had been accidentally drowned, and the spectacle
of the dead body excited the wildest sorrow. Herod himself pretended
the utmost grief. But neither the tears he shed, nor the magnificent
funeral with which he honoured the young man’s remains, could divert
the popular suspicion and indignation. Least of all could he deceive
the bereaved mother. The grief of Alexandra was intense, and more than
once she was on the point of laying violent hands upon herself. At
length she resolved to appeal for the second time to the friendship of
Cleopatra, and wrote her a full account of the treacherous deed. The
Egyptian queen, herself a woman and a mother, moved by her touching
story, would not let Antonius have any rest till he had promised that
the matter should be investigated.
On his arrival, therefore, at the Syrian Laodicea[97] B.C. 34, the
triumvir sent to Herod, and demanded an explanation of the death of
Aristobulus. Though Herod was well aware of the ill-will of Cleopatra
towards himself, and of the risk he ran, he dared not disobey this
summons, and resolved to go in person and plead his cause. Before
setting out he entrusted to his uncle Joseph not only the government
of Jerusalem, but the care also of the beautiful Mariamne, strictly
enjoining him, in the event of his own death, to slay her rather than
let her fall into the hands of Antonius. Having thus provided for the
worst he departed, and, on his arrival at Laodicea, presented himself
before the Roman and his Egyptian enchantress. Cleopatra, eager to
add Judæa to her dominions, exhausted every expedient to ensure his
ruin. But by his confidence, and still more by his lavish bribes,
Herod succeeded in defeating her designs, and in clearing himself in
the opinion of her paramour, so that Antonius not merely dismissed
the charges against his favourite, but placed him by his side on his
judicial throne, invited him to his luxurious banquets, and heaped upon
him every mark of distinction.
Meanwhile very different events had occurred at Jerusalem. In an evil
hour Joseph had revealed his secret instructions respecting Mariamne,
and while she and Alexandra were indulging in transports of rage, a
sudden rumour reached the city that Herod had failed in his mission,
and been put to death. Instantly both mother and daughter took measures
for seizing the supreme power, and Alexandra indulged the hope that the
glorious beauty of her daughter might win the affections even of the
paramour of Cleopatra. But in a moment all these schemes were dashed
to the ground. Letters arrived announcing Herod’s complete success, and
soon he himself appeared. His sister Salome, jealous of the charms of
Mariamne, filled his mind with suspicions against her, which at first
he refused to credit. But unhappily one day, as he was protesting his
undying love, she chanced to inquire how, if he really loved her, he
could have given the order for her execution. Furious at the discovery
of his secret compact, he rushed from her arms, and was on the point
of putting her to death with his own hand. Her loveliness, however,
induced him to spare her, and he contented himself with ordering the
instant execution of his uncle Joseph, and flinging Alexandra into
prison with every mark of insult.
CHAPTER IV.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 34–24.
MEANWHILE the friendship between Octavius and Antonius had at length
been broken, and the whole East rang with preparations for the coming
contest between the triumvirs for the supremacy of the world. Herod
raised a body of troops to assist Antonius, but the latter declined
his aid, and being thus excused taking any prominent part in a doubtful
struggle, he turned his arms against Malchus, king of Arabia. The
artful designs of Cleopatra had involved him in this war. Already
mistress of Cœlesyria, and of the palm-groves around Jericho by the
concessions of her Roman lover, she cast longing eyes upon Judæa also.
The Arabian king, emboldened by the rupture between the Roman triumvirs,
had withheld the payment to her of his annual tribute, an insult which
Antonius directed Herod to avenge. Seeing her opportunity, she urged
Herod to embark in the war, hoping if he was successful to become
mistress of Arabia, if unsuccessful, of Judæa.
But the Jews were exceedingly unwilling to undertake a war against a
nation with whom they had no quarrel, and Herod was defeated in the
first campaign with great loss. His troops were still more unwilling to
engage a second time, but fortune came to his aid. A sudden earthquake
convulsed the cities of southern Palestine, and destroyed in one
day upwards of 30,000 of the inhabitants. Taking advantage of the
consternation thus caused, the Arabs slew the Jewish ambassadors who
had come to treat of peace. News of this treachery roused once more the
martial spirit of the nation, and enabled Herod to win a signal triumph
over his foes, and to reduce the country to subjection.
On his return from this expedition he received intelligence that his
patron Antonius had been defeated in the decisive battle of Actium,
B.C. 31, and had left the supremacy of the world to his rival Octavius.
His first impulse was to urge the triumvir to seize Egypt, and put
to death Cleopatra, the faithless cause of his misfortunes. But the
infatuated Roman, rejecting this advice, followed his enchantress to
Alexandria. There twelve months afterwards, deserted by his troops, and
unable to come to any terms with Octavius, he fell upon his sword, and
Cleopatra, rather than grace a Roman triumph, applied the fatal asp to
her breast.
Herod’s fate once more seemed to tremble in the balance. But, equal
to the emergency, he provided with characteristic energy and boldness
an escape from his embarrassments. He first resolved to put Hyrcanus
out of the way, as the last remnant of the Asmonean dynasty, and on a
charge of a treasonable correspondence with the king of Arabia, dragged
him before the Sanhedrin, and caused him to be executed. He next
resolved to make a personal appeal to Octavius, and before he left
sent his mother, sister, and children to Masada, and placed Mariamne in
the fortress of Alexandrium, under the custody of faithful adherents,
Soemus the Ituræan, and Joseph his steward, again enjoining that, in
the event of his death, Mariamne should be instantly dispatched.
Then setting out for Rhodes he appeared before Octavius without the
diadem, but with all the spirit and dignity of a king, and addressed
him in a speech of the utmost freedom[98]. He did not in the least
disguise his friendship for the late triumvir. He had given him, he
said, the best advice in urging him to put Cleopatra to death, and
prosecute the war with vigour. But Antonius had rejected his counsels,
and pursued a course ruinous to himself and beneficial only to his
rival. If Octavius, seeing the steadiness of the speaker’s friendship
towards his late foe, would honour him with his confidence, he might
count on being served with the same steadiness and the same fidelity.
His frankness completely won over the arbiter of the world, who
restored to him the diadem, treated him with the greatest distinction,
and assured him of his friendship and confidence[99].
Thus successful beyond his utmost expectations, Herod returned to
Jerusalem. But the secret orders entrusted to the guardian of Mariamne
had been again disclosed, and she met his greeting with coldness
and aversion, and reproached him bitterly with the murder of her
grandfather Hyrcanus. Herod’s anger was deeply roused, but for the
present other and more public duties demanded his attention. Bent on
the invasion and conquest of Egypt, Octavius passed through Syria and
arrived at Ptolemais. Thither Herod went to meet him, presented him
with 800 talents, and supplied provisions in great abundance for his
troops. This still further conciliated the Roman’s favour, and on his
return from Egypt, where the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra removed
all obstructions to the reduction of the country to a Roman province,
he not only conferred upon him the territory around Jericho, which had
been ceded to the late Egyptian queen, but reannexed to his dominions
the cities of Gadara, Hippo, and Samaria, together with the maritime
towns Gaza, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower[100], B.C. 30.
But these successes did little towards compensating the Jewish king
for the loss of the affections of Mariamne, who persisted in rejecting
his caresses, and reproaching him with his cruelty towards her family.
At this juncture the envious Salome suborned the royal cupbearer to
accuse the queen of having bribed him to poison his master. This new
accusation filled Herod with such rage that he ordered Mariamne’s
favourite eunuch to be put to the rack. The wretched man denied all
knowledge of the plot, but confessed that the secret orders given to
Soemus had excited the queen’s hatred and disgust. Furious at what he
deemed a second proof of her infidelity, Herod directed that Soemus
should be instantly executed, and arraigned Mariamne before a tribunal
of judges on a charge of adultery. The judges, too terrified to do any
thing but obey his bidding, pronounced her guilty, and sentenced her to
death. But though he had procured her condemnation, the tyrant shrunk
from proceeding to her execution. His mother and sister, however,
suffered him to have no rest, and so worked upon his feelings that at
length he signed the fatal order for her execution, and Mariamne was
led forth to die, B.C. 29.
But now a reaction set in. The terrible reality of the deed, combined
with a sense of his own loss, so wrought upon his feelings, that he
became the victim of the most violent remorse. “Everywhere, day and
night, he was haunted by the image of the murdered queen; he called
upon her by name; he perpetually burst into passionate tears; he
ordered his servants to bring Mariamne to him, as though she were
yet alive. In vain he tried every diversion,――banquets, revels, the
excitements of society. A sudden pestilence breaking out, to which
many of the noblest of his court and of his own personal friends fell a
sacrifice, he recognised and trembled beneath the hand of the avenging
Deity. On pretence of hunting he sought out the most melancholy
solitude, till the disorder of his mind brought on a disorder of body,
and he was seized with violent inflammation and pains in the back of
his head, which led to temporary derangement[101].”
After lying in this state for some time in his palace at Samaria, he
was at length partially restored to health, and came forth gloomy,
stern, revengeful, more ready than ever to resort to cruelty and
bloodshed. Alexandra was his first victim. Taking advantage of
his malady she had again renewed her intrigues, and tried to gain
possession of Jerusalem. She was now executed, together with Costobaras,
governor of Idumæa and Gaza and husband of Salome, who was accused of
harbouring some of the Asmonean dynasty, with many others of rank and
influence[102].
Meanwhile, B.C. 27[103], the senate of Rome had conferred upon Octavius
the title of _Augustus_, the _august_, the _divine_, and soon in every
part of the empire temples began to rise in honour of the divinity of
the Emperor. Herod resolved not to be behindhand in adulation towards
his patron, and, all being now dead who had any claims to the crown, he
devoted himself to the introduction of foreign customs into the country.
Though fully aware of the intensely national feelings of his subjects,
he resolved to lose no opportunity of breaking down the wall of
partition between them and the surrounding nations.
He introduced, therefore, public exhibitions and spectacles of all
kinds; erected a theatre within, an amphitheatre without, the walls
of Jerusalem; instituted quinquennial games, which were celebrated on
a scale of the most lavish magnificence; invited to his capital the
professors of every kind of gymnastic exercises, and did not even
shrink from exhibiting in the city of David shows of gladiators and
combats with wild beasts.
The stricter Jews regarded with horror those innovations, but their
indignation knew no bounds when, for the purpose of celebrating the
victories of Octavius, he set up in his theatre complete suits of
armour captured during the imperial wars. Nothing could persuade them
to believe that these trophies did not conceal heathen images, and it
was only when they had been taken to pieces, and the bare peg of wood
exposed underneath, that their suspicions were removed. This raised a
laugh, but the deepfelt exasperation of the majority was not removed.
At length ten men formed a conspiracy to assassinate the king as he
entered the theatre. The plot was betrayed, and they were put to death
with the most cruel tortures. The people, sympathising with their
sufferings, seized the informer who had betrayed the secret to Herod,
tore him to pieces, and flung his flesh to the dogs. This roused the
king in his turn to retaliate, and seizing the ringleaders he put them
to death, together with their families, B.C. 25.
These risings, however, convinced him that his life was insecure, and
he had recourse to various measures of precaution. He erected a palace
on the impregnable hill of Sion; restored and enlarged the Baris, and
named it Antonia, after his former patron. At the same time he rebuilt
and founded various cities to serve as military ports and retreats on
occasions of danger, such as Gaba in Galilee, and Heshbon in Peræa.
Samaria also, which had been destroyed by John Hyrcanus, once more rose
from its ruins, was surrounded with a wall, strongly fortified, and
peopled with 6000 veterans devoted to the king’s interests. A temple
also was erected within it, dedicated to the occupant of the imperial
throne, in whose honour the city also was now called Sebaste, _the
August_[104].
But Herod[105] further resolved that his kingdom should have a naval
harbour and a maritime city, whereby he might communicate more securely
with the western world. A convenient point along the inhospitable
coast-line of Palestine offered itself at a spot called Strato’s Tower,
situated about 30 miles south of Mount Carmel, and 70 miles north-west
of Jerusalem, on the line of the great road from Tyre to Egypt. To
protect the shipping from the violent south-west winds, which blew
along the coast, it was first necessary that a breakwater should be
constructed. Accordingly enormous stones were sunk in deep water to
form a mole 2000 feet in length. This supported a pier, 200 feet wide,
defended by a wall and towers, and formed a sort of double harbour
equal in size to the Piræus at Athens, and surrounded with broad
landing wharves. The entrance was from the north, so that a vast fleet
could ride at anchor with perfect safety. Above the harbour rose the
city, built on the Greek model with a forum and amphitheatre, and
called, in honour of the king’s friend on the imperial throne, Cæsarea.
Upwards of 12 years were spent in the erection of this important
maritime city[106].
CHAPTER V.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 24–14.
THUS Judæa seemed to be sinking more and more into the form of a
Roman province, while Herod rivalled the other vassal kings of Rome
in subservience to the master of the world. It was a saying that Cæsar
assigned to him the next place in his favour to Agrippa, while Agrippa
esteemed Herod higher than all his friends, except Augustus[107]. The
three vied with one another in mutual courtesies, and whenever either
Cæsar or Agrippa visited the Eastern provinces, the Jewish king was
sure to be first to pay his homage, and to assist with his personal
support and advice.
In return for these attentions the Roman emperor was profuse in his
concessions. When Herod sent his two elder sons by Mariamne, Alexander
and Aristobulus, to Rome for their education, he received them into
his palace and treated them with the utmost care and distinction[108].
Moreover, besides the large addition he had already made to Herod’s
territories, he now conceded to him the district east of the Lake
of Gennesaret, known as Trachonitis, with Batanæa and Auranitis, and
afterwards appointed him procurator of the province of Syria, and
with such authority, that his colleagues in command could take no
step without his concurrence[109]. At the same time a tetrarchy was
conferred on his brother Pheroras, and in memory of these concessions,
Herod erected a splendid temple of white marble at Paneas, near the
sources of the Jordan, and dedicated it to his benefactor[110].
But while the Jewish king was on terms of such intimate friendship
with his imperial patron, his relations with his own subjects were far
from satisfactory. In spite of the profuse liberality with which he
had poured forth the contents of his treasury, and even parted with the
silver plate of his table to satisfy their wants during a severe famine,
B.C. 25, in spite also of his munificence in diminishing a third of the
annual taxation, the murmurs of the populace against his rule could not
be restrained.
Strong as was the party which favoured his designs and approved his
policy, the majority of the nation regarded with undissembled suspicion
and mistrust his numerous innovations, and the introduction of foreign
rites and customs. In vain he forbade any assemblages of the citizens
for feasting or deliberation; in vain he kept himself informed through
his spies of all who disapproved of his government, threw them into
prison, and sometimes punished them with death; in vain he tried to
compel all his subjects to take an oath of fidelity towards himself
and his dynasty; he could not control the opposition of the powerful
Pharisaic faction[111], or check the general feeling of disaffection.
At length, B.C. 20, he determined on a measure which he trusted might
have the effect at once of giving employment to large numbers, and
winning the favour of the nation. He resolved to rebuild the Temple.
Since the construction of the second Temple by Zorobabel that structure
had suffered much from dilapidation, and bore unmistakeable traces
of the assaults of various armies. The evident need, therefore, of
renewal, induced the king to hope that no obstacle would be put in
the way of his design. But on laying his project before the assembled
people, he found that it was regarded with little favour and greater
suspicion[112]. Under pretence of rebuilding, many believed he really
intended to destroy their national sanctuary.
Great caution was therefore needed, and everything was done that could
be devised to allay the popular mistrust. Vast preparations were made
before a single stone of the old building was removed, and two years
were spent in bringing together all the materials; 1000 waggons were
constructed for the purpose of bearing stones for the building, and
upwards of 10,000 of the most skilful workmen, superintended by 1000
Levites, who had been taught the arts of carpentry and stone-cutting,
were employed on the works[113].
In the 20th year of Herod’s reign, or B.C. 18, the erection of the
new structure began. The foundations of the Temple of Zorobabel were
removed, and on those laid by Solomon the new pile arose, built of
hard white stones of enormous size. The Porch, Holy Place, and Holy of
Holies, were completed in a year and a half[114]; the rest of the pile,
with the courts and cloisters, in eight years more, so as to be fit
for the actual services of religion, but the whole structure was not
finally completed[115] till A.D. 65[116].
On the highest level of the rocky platform stood the _Temple_ itself,
divided as in the days of Solomon, and covered with plates of gold,
which shone like a meteor under the rays of the sun, so that the eye
could hardly bear to rest upon them. Twelve steps below was a second
level, occupied by the _Court of the Priests_, with the Great Laver,
and the Altar of Burnt-offering. Three flights of steps below this
was the _Court of the Israelites_, with the houses of the priests, the
various offices, and hall of the Sanhedrin. Fourteen steps more led
down to the _Court of the Gentiles_, which was hardly regarded as a
part of the Temple, and was open to men of all nations and became a
kind of exchange and market-place.
While the Sanctuary had been left to the care of the priests, Herod
exhausted all his taste on this Court of the Gentiles. “Cloisters
ran round the wall on the inner side, sustained on rows of columns
exquisitely wrought, the capitals being ornamented with the acanthus
and waterleaf, as in the famous Tower of the Winds. West, north, and
east these columns were in three rows; on the south they were in four.
The floor made a shaded walk, like the colonnade in Venice, and the
roof an open walk like the gallery of Genoa. The pavement was inlaid
with marbles of many colours. Leading into this Court from the city and
the country were many noble gates; one of these on the Eastern side,
facing the Mount of Olives, was called _Solomon’s Porch_, and a second
near by it was called the _Beautiful Gate_[117].”
Immediately after the completion of the Sanctuary, which was
commemorated with lavish sacrifices and splendid feasts[118], Herod
set out for Rome, to bring back his sons Alexander and Aristobulus.
On his arrival in the imperial city[119], he was received by Augustus
with every mark of regard, and returned with his two sons apparently
in the spring of the year B.C. 15. During the autumn his friend Agrippa
visited Judæa[120], and Herod shewed him his new cities, Sebaste and
Cæsarea, and the fortresses of Alexandrium, Herodium, and Hyrcania.
Then conducting him to Jerusalem, he entertained him at a sumptuous
banquet, while the people welcomed the great minister of Augustus with
acclamations, and Agrippa offered a sacrifice of 100 oxen in the Temple,
and feasted the subjects of the Jewish king at a splendid entertainment.
CHAPTER VI.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 15–4.
BUT the return of the young princes, Alexander and Aristobulus, from
Rome was the signal for a scene of bloodshed, still more awful than
that which had darkened the beginning of Herod’s reign.
The monarch married them, Alexander to Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia; Aristobulus to Berenice, the daughter of his sister
Salome[121]. The grace and beauty of the young men, added to their
descent through their mother from the great Asmonean house, made them
objects of the utmost interest to the people, and they were regarded as
the future rulers of Palestine.
The popular favour, however, which they thus attracted, aroused the
keenest hatred of Salome and Pheroras. Conscious of the part they had
played in the execution of Mariamne, they looked with dismay at the
future elevation of the young princes. Taking advantage, therefore,
of some incautious expressions they chanced to let fall respecting
the execution of their mother, they began by circulating rumours that
the young men were bent on avenging their mother’s death, and bore no
goodwill towards the king. For some time Herod refused even to listen
to these rumours. But before long they acquired fresh strength and
consistency, and to check their pride, he sent for Antipater, the son
of his first wife Doris, and set him up as a foil to the aspirations
and popularity of Alexander and Aristobulus[122].
Salome had thus a ready tool for prosecuting her cunning designs, and
as Herod had permission from Augustus to appoint whom he pleased as his
successor, the two together bent all their efforts towards alienating
him from the sons of Mariamne.
In the beginning of B.C. 13, the king went to join Agrippa at Sinope,
and attended him through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Ionia,
to Ephesus. On this occasion he introduced Antipater to his powerful
friend, and sent him in his train on a visit to Rome, with many costly
presents and an introduction to Augustus. Even at Rome the crafty
Idumæan did not remit his machinations against his rivals, but in every
letter to his father dropped something to the discredit of the sons of
Mariamne, veiling his real designs under pretence of great anxiety for
Herod’s security.
By these artful means the suspicions of the king were at length raised
to such a pitch, that he resolved on formally accusing his sons before
the tribunal of Augustus. Accordingly, B.C. 11, he conducted them to
Rome, and in the presence of the emperor charged them with designs upon
his life. Augustus perceived that the accusation rested only on hearsay
and suspicion, and after hearing the case succeeded in reconciling
the young men to their father, and the three, accompanied by Antipater,
returned to Jerusalem apparently on terms of amity and goodwill.
On regaining his capital, Herod convened an assembly of the people,
introduced to them his three sons, and formally announced his design
that they should succeed him in the order of their birth, first
Antipater, then Alexander, and lastly Aristobulus[123]. But this
arrangement was satisfactory to no one. The sons of Mariamne were
indignant that the right of primogeniture should have been confined
to Antipater, while Antipater was indignant that they should obtain
honours even second to his own[124].
While the jealousies in the royal household were thus for a short
time hushed, the building of the new and magnificent city of Cæsarea
was completed, B.C. 10. This event was celebrated with an imposing
ceremonial, with shows, games, exhibitions of gladiators, and sumptuous
entertainments, to which the wife of Cæsar herself contributed
largely[125]. Other cities now arose in honour of different members of
Herod’s family. Antipatris[126], between Cæsarea and Lydda, preserved
the name of his father _Antipater_; Cypron, near Jericho, of his mother
_Cyprus_; Phasaelis, in the plain near the same city, of his brother
_Phasael_.
But soon the quarrels in the royal household broke out afresh. With
a strange lack of caution, the sons of Mariamne again indulged their
dissatisfaction by the use of intemperate language, which the artful
Antipater managed to report to Herod, exaggerated or distorted, as best
suited his purpose. Knowing not whom to trust, the king had no rest
night or day. At length he ordered some of the confidential slaves of
the young princes to be put to the torture, and they, to obtain relief
from their agony, made false declarations respecting Alexander, who was
immediately flung into prison and loaded with chains.
There the wretched young man had recourse to a strange expedient. He
sent four papers to his father, in which he accused himself of all
kinds of treasonable practices, but added that Pheroras, Salome, and
several of the king’s most intimate friends, were his accomplices.
The whole court was now a scene of suspicion and distrust. Herod knew
not which way to look or whom to believe. In a state of phrenzy he
day after day caused persons of all grades to be apprehended; some
of these he executed; others he tortured to compel them to confess,
and with such severity that several of them died under the hands of
their tormentors. In the midst of these troubles, Archelaus, king of
Cappadocia, and father-in-law of Alexander, arrived at Jerusalem, and
succeeded in obtaining his release, and restoration to Herod’s favour.
But the lull was only temporary. A few months had barely elapsed before
Salome and Pheroras, regaining all their old ascendancy, poisoned the
king’s mind with suspicions. Unable to trust any one around him, Herod
once more had recourse to Augustus, and poured forth the bitterest
complaints against the sons of Mariamne. In reply, the emperor advised
him to summon a council of sovereigns at Berytus[127], with Volumnius
and Saturninus the prefects of Syria, and formally arraign the young
men before them.
Acting on this advice, Herod thereupon summoned a council of princes.
Upwards of 150 met together, and before them he pleaded his own cause,
examined witnesses, read documents, and accused his sons with the
utmost vehemence. After hearing the charge, Saturninus expressed
himself in favour of mercy; Volumnius and the majority for condemnation.
For a short time Herod appeared to hesitate, but the malice of
Salome eventually had its reward, and the young men were strangled
at Sebaste[128], B.C. 6.
But they had scarcely perished before Herod found himself exposed to
a far more terrible danger. Pheroras had married a slave, who attached
herself to the powerful Pharisaic party. For the second time the
king ordered the members of this influential sect to take the oath of
allegiance to Augustus and himself. Upwards of 600 positively refused,
and were sentenced to pay heavy fines. These the wife of Pheroras
instantly liquidated out of her own property, and the Pharisees,
grateful for such kindness, began to whisper that God intended the
kingdom for her and her husband[129].
Salome announced these signs of ♦disaffection to Herod, who instantly
executed the ringleaders of the Pharisees, and ordered Pheroras to put
away his wife. This his brother absolutely declined to do, and retired
to his own tetrarchy in Peræa, while the wily Antipater contrived to
get himself summoned to Rome.
Shortly afterwards Pheroras sickening, Herod came to visit him, and
on his death gave him a magnificent funeral. He was scarcely buried
before rumours of foul play were bruited about. To ascertain their
truth, Herod ordered a strict examination of the female slaves of his
brother’s wife, and under the agonies of torture a horrible secret came
to light.
Antipater, for whom Herod had strangled the sons of Mariamne, whom he
had designed as his successor, had been associated with Pheroras in
a plot against his life, and his brother’s widow was in possession of
a subtle poison, with which it had been intended to take him off on
the first opportunity. Thereupon she was examined, acknowledged her
guilt, and immediately after flung herself from the roof of the house.
The fall, however, was not fatal, and being brought before Herod,
she recounted the whole history of the plot, adding that his kindness
to her husband on his death-bed had caused him to relent, and he had
bidden her fling the poison into the fire. This she had done, and had
reserved only a small portion, which was now produced[130].
Just at this juncture, a freedman of Antipater’s arrived from
Rome, with letters for the king, accusing Archelaus and Philip of
disaffection towards their father. The man was instantly placed upon
the rack, and confessed that he had brought another phial of poison,
which he was to entrust to Pheroras, in the event of the first not
proving successful. The proofs of this dark treachery being thus
complete, Herod wrote to Antipater requesting his instant return, and
at the same time gave orders that the roads should be strictly guarded,
and that not a word should be allowed to drop respecting what had
transpired at Jerusalem.
Triumphing in the success of his base intrigues, and confident of his
succession to the throne, Antipater had already set out, and arrived at
Celenderis in Pamphylia. News of the death of Pheroras had reached him
at Tarentum, and excited some misgivings, but, contrary to the advice
of many of his friends, he continued his journey and entered the port
of Cæsarea.
Here his fears were still more excited. The crowded harbour appeared
like a solitude. Not a soul approached to salute or congratulate him
on his return. The few who did meet him turned aside, or looked on, as
if they now dared to shew the hatred they had long borne towards him.
Every one seemed in possession of some dark secret, of which he alone
was ignorant[131].
Dissembling, however, his fears, he pressed on, for it was too late
to fly, and reaching Jerusalem, hurried to his father’s palace. At
the gates his retinue was denied entrance, and with Herod he found
Quintilius Varus the prefect. Advancing to salute the king, he was
angrily repelled, informed of the charge against him, and told that
his trial would take place on the morrow before the prefect.
Accordingly, on the next day the accusers appeared. The evidence of his
guilt was conclusive. The cup of poison was brought in, and a criminal
under sentence of death being ordered to drink it, expired on the
spot. Antipater was condemned and placed in bonds, but Herod delayed
the execution of the sentence, till the will of Augustus could be
ascertained.
By this time the king was 70 years of age, and being seized with
a severe illness, removed for the sake of change of air to Jericho,
and resolved to make the final alterations in his will. Passing over
Archelaus and Philip, whom Antipater had accused of disaffection, he
nominated Antipas as his successor in the kingdom, and bestowed rich
donations of money and lands upon Salome, and other members of his own
family.
But during his absence fresh symptoms of disaffection appeared amongst
his subjects. Of all his numerous innovations, none had irritated the
Jews more than the placing of a large golden eagle, the emblem of Roman
power, over the principal gate of the Temple. Two of the most learned
rabbis, Judas and Matthias, resolved to have it removed. Accordingly
they instigated some daring and fanatical youths to take down the
offensive symbol. Emboldened by a sudden rumour of the death of Herod,
the young men lowered themselves by ropes from the roof, and cut
away the eagle with hatchets. They could never have hoped to execute
so daring a deed with impunity, and being apprehended and brought
before Herod, boldly avowed their guilt, and gloried in the success
of the feat. Dissembling his anger, the king assembled the chiefs
of the nation at Jericho, and reproaching them bitterly for their
ingratitude after all the favours he had bestowed upon them, ordered
the instigators of the deed to be burned alive[132].
In the meantime his disorder had made rapid progress. A slow fire
seemed to consume his vital parts. His appetite became ravenous, but
he dared not gratify it on account of dreadful pains and internal
ulcers, which preyed on the lower parts of his body. Moreover his
breathing became difficult, and violent spasms convulsed his frame,
and imparted supernatural strength to his limbs[133]. But in spite of
these accumulated sufferings he still clung to life, and cherishing
hopes of recovery caused himself to be conveyed across the Jordan to
Callirrhoë[134], hoping to obtain relief from its warm bituminous baths.
Arrived there, the physicians advised that he should be fomented with
warm oil. For this purpose, he was lowered into a vessel filled with
that fluid, when his eyes relaxed, and he suddenly fell back as if dead.
Roused, however, by the cries of his physicians, he revived, and was
conveyed back to Jericho, where, as if defying death, he devised a new
atrocity. Knowing the joy his death would cause, he gave instructions
that the men of distinction from every town in Judæa should be
assembled in the hippodrome, and secretly confided to Salome his
pleasure that they should be butchered immediately upon his decease,
that thus his funeral might at least be signalized by a real mourning.
He had scarcely given these orders, when his messengers returned from
Rome, and announced the ratification of the sentence against Antipater.
Instantly the tyrant’s desire for life revived, but being as quickly
followed by a sudden racking pain, he called for an apple and a
knife, and in an unguarded moment tried to stab himself. He might
have succeeded had not an attendant seized his hand. The clamour
that followed reached the ears of Antipater, who was in bonds in
a neighbouring apartment. Thinking his father was dead, he made a
desperate effort to escape by bribing his guards. Informed of this
Herod instantly ordered a spearman to dispatch him on the spot.
Antipater having thus paid the penalty of his life of treachery, the
king once more amended his will, nominated his eldest son Archelaus as
his successor to the throne, and appointed Antipas tetrarch of Galilee
and Peræa, Herod Philip tetrarch of Auranitis, Trachonitis, and Batanæa,
and Salome mistress of Jamnia and some other towns. Five days more of
excruciating agony remained to the tyrant, and then he expired[135],
after a reign of 34 years.
PART V.
RETROSPECT AND REFLECTIONS.
CHAPTER I.
_DISPERSION OF THE JEWS――RISE OF SYNAGOGUES._
ARRIVED at the threshold of the Gospel History, it may not be amiss
to survey some of the more prominent features of the period we have
traversed, and to notice some of the changes which it had produced on
the Jewish nation.
The influences under which the Jews had been brought since the
Captivity were, as we have seen, of a very varied character. For two
centuries after that event, they were subject to the dominion of Persia;
for nearly a century and a half they were under Greek rulers; for a
century they enjoyed independence under their native Asmonean princes;
and for more than half a century, while nominally ruled by the family
of Herod, were really in subjection to the power of Rome[136].
In the present Chapter we shall notice, (a) _The Wide Dispersion of the
Jews_, (b) _The Change in their Vernacular Language_, and (c) _The rise
of Synagogues_.
(a) _The Wide Dispersion of the Jews._
About the time of the building of Rome the ten tribes were carried away
by the Assyrian monarchs, and 130 years after, this event was followed
by the removal of their brethren of Judah and Benjamin to Babylon. The
influential results of this earliest migration, it has been observed,
“may be inferred from the fact, that about the time of the battles of
Marathon (B.C. 490) and Salamis (B.C. 480), a Jew was the minister,
another Jew the cupbearer, and a Jewess the consort, of a Persian
monarch[137].” Once settled under the shadow of the Babylonian and
Persian kings, the Jews were very loth to quit the country of their
adoption, and comparatively few availed themselves of the permission of
Cyrus to return to their native land. The important colony in Babylonia
which afterwards exerted a very remarkable influence, threw off shoots
which extended to the borders of the Caspian Sea and the confines of
China.
Important, however, as were the results of this earliest dispersion,
they were exceeded by those which attended the policy of Alexander and
his successors. That great conqueror, as we have seen, removed a great
number of Jews to his new city of Alexandria[138], and there conferred
upon them many and important privileges, setting an example, which
Ptolemy Soter and Philadelphus were alike not slow to follow[139]. To
such an extent did the Egyptian Jews increase, that Philo estimates
them in his time at little less than 1,000,000, and declares that two
of the five districts of Alexandria derived their names from them. From
Egypt they quickly spread along the coast of Africa to Cyrene (Acts
ii. 10), and the towns of the Pentapolis, and inland to the realms of
Candace, queen of Ethiopia (Acts viii. 27).
The Seleucidæ, in their turn, were equally anxious to locate colonies
of Jews in the cities which they founded. Seleucus Nicator invited them
to his new capital at Antioch[140]; Antiochus the Great removed 2000
Jewish families from Babylon to Lydia and Phrygia[141]. Led on by that
love of trade which now began to distinguish them, they soon became
numerous in the commercial cities of Western Asia, Ephesus and Pergamus,
Miletus and Sardis. The Archipelago furnished a natural bridge whereby
to cross over into the countries of Europe and to settle at Philippi
(Acts xvi. 12), Berœa (Acts xvii. 10), and Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1);
Athens (Acts xvii. 17); and Corinth (Acts xviii. 4); and the decree of
Lucius[142], the consul during the reign of Simon Maccabæus, gives us
a vivid idea of the extent to which they spread themselves in every
direction, and no less of the power of the Sanhedrin[143] at Jerusalem,
to which all Jews, wherever located, were amenable.
At Rome itself they first appeared in the train of captives led up by
Pompeius to the Capitol, but their captivity was of no long duration,
and under the protection of Julius Cæsar, who reproduced in the West
the privileges they had enjoyed under the Ptolemies and Seleucidæ in
the East, they quickly multiplied, and not only appropriated a whole
quarter in the capital[144], but spread into other towns of Italy.
Thus the Nation, whose native land had for centuries been in the
centre of the world’s power, civilization, and commerce, now, under the
superintending Hand of Providence, was scattered everywhere, East and
West, North and South, bearing about with them their peculiar customs
and institutions, and diffusing a knowledge of the Law and the Prophets.
(b) Corresponding to this wide diffusion of the Elect Nation was the
_change which gradually grew up in their vernacular language_.
i. The earliest dispersion in Babylonia produced a change in the older
Hebrew of Judæa. The language spoken in the days of David and Solomon
was gradually exchanged for the Chaldee or “Syrian tongue.” (Comp. 2 K.
xviii. 26; Isai. xxxvi. 11; Dan. ii. 4.) And those who returned from
the Captivity and settled in Palestine and Syria, used Chaldee Targums
or paraphrases for the interpretation of the Old Hebrew Scriptures,
and spake kindred Aramæan dialects, and hence were known as the Aramæan
Jews.
ii. After the conquests of Alexander, Greek became the language almost
of the whole world[145]. It was a Greek speech that Pompeius was
reading, preparatory to delivery, when he received his deathblow off
the port of Alexandria. It was in Greek that Brutus conversed with
his friends on the evening of the battle of Philippi. The mass of the
poorer population at Rome were Greek either in descent or speech. The
Jews, therefore, dispersed by the Ptolemies and the Seleucidæ over the
shores of the Mediterranean, were forced to adopt the Grecian language,
and to use the Septuagint translation made at Alexandria, hence their
name of _Hellenists_[146], or “Jews of the Grecian speech,” which we
shall find recurring so often in the Acts of the Apostles.
(c) _The Rise of Synagogues._
During the captivity, when of course the Temple ritual was suspended,
we gather that the devouter Jews were wont to assemble round the
prophet Ezekiel and listen to his words and counsel[147] (Ezek.
viii. 1; xiv. 1; xxiii. 31). Such meetings Ezra reproduced in Palestine
amongst those who returned from Babylon (Ezra viii. 15; Neh. viii. 2;
ix. i, &c.), and after the Maccabæan period they spread through every
town and village, and in course of time gave rise to buildings called
_Synagogues_, in which they might be held.
i. These Houses of Meeting varied in size according to the town or
village in which they were built[148]. They were usually erected on the
highest ground available, and so constructed, that a worshipper, when
entering, or kneeling in prayer, might have his face towards Jerusalem.
Like the ancient Tabernacle, they were divided into two parts by a
hanging veil, behind which, at the upper end or that facing Jerusalem,
was the ark containing the Book of the Law. Before this veil were
the “chief seats,” for which the Pharisees strove so eagerly (Matt.
xxiii. 6); a silver lamp always kept burning; and an eight-branched
candlestick, only lighted on the greater festivals. About the centre
of the building was a raised platform, on which was a desk, where the
reader _stood_ to read the lesson or _sat down_ to teach (Acts xiii. 16;
Lk. iv. 20). All round were seats, where the men sat on one side, and
the women on the other, separated by a low partition[149].
ii. The chief officers of each synagogue were (a) a kind of Chapter
or college of elders, presided over by the _ruler of the Synagogue_
(Lk. viii. 41, 49; Acts xviii. 8, 17), who superintended the services,
and had the power of excommunication[150]; (b) the _Sheliach_, or
officiating minister, who read the prayers and the Law; (c) the
_Chazzan_, ὑπηρέτης (Lk. iv. 20), a sort of deacon, whose office it
was to open the doors, prepare the room for service, maintain order,
scourge the condemned; (d) ten men called _Batlanim_ (men of leisure),
who attended the week-day as well as sabbath services, and were at once
representatives of the congregation, and collectors of alms[151].
iii. The worship of the Synagogues was on the model of the Temple
Services, and at the same hours, the third, sixth, and ninth[152]
(Acts iii. 1; x. 3, 9). On entering, the people bowed towards the ark,
and took their places in the body of the building; the elders ranged
themselves on the raised platform; the rich went up to the “chief
seats” near the ark. A prayer was said, and a psalm was sung. Then
the _Chazzan_ walked towards the veil, drew it aside with reverence,
took out the Book of the Law from the ark; and as he carried it to the
platform, on which the _Sheliach_ stood, every one pressed forward to
kiss or touch it with his hand.
Taking the roll, the _Sheliach_ rose, and commenced reading a portion
according to a fixed cycle, the interpreter rendering the sacred
verses from the Hebrew into the vulgar tongue[153]. The writings of
the Prophets formed a second lesson, and were also read according to
a fixed order. Then followed the delivery by one of the Elders sitting,
of the _word of exhortation_ (Lk. iv.; Acts xiii. 15), at the close
of which the roll of the Law was carried back towards the ark, while
as before, men and women stretched out their hands and tried to touch
or kiss it. The Law replaced in the ark, the Prayers began and were
carried on till the close of the service.
Such were the Synagogues, one of which was at this time to be found
in every town, and almost in every village throughout Palestine,
as also in every city in Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, where was a
Jewish settlement. In Jerusalem itself there are said to have been
upwards of 480[154], some of which were built specially for the use
of the foreign Jews of Cilicia, Alexandria, and other countries,
resident in or visiting the capital. Comp. Acts vi. 9. Where the Jews
did not exist in sufficient numbers to found or fill a synagogue,
a Proseucha[155] or ‘Place of Prayer’ was built, sometimes open,
sometimes covered in, usually outside towns and near running water,
for the ablutions before prayer (Acts xvi. 13).
It is easy to see how the synagogues thus scattered through wellnigh
every town or city in the countries bordering on the Mediterranean,
and in which not “Moses” only but “the Prophets” _were read every
sabbath-day_ (Acts xv. 21), tended to keep alive Israel’s hopes of the
Advent of the Messiah, and to diffuse the expectation of the kingdom of
Heaven.
CHAPTER II.
_THE JEWISH SECTS._
HAVING considered in the previous Chapter the wide dispersion of the
Jewish nation, the change in their language, and the general adoption
of synagogue worship, we shall now proceed to notice the rise of
various sects among the Jews themselves.
(i) Of these sects the most important were (a) THE SADDUCEES, (b) THE
PHARISEES, (c) THE ESSENES, (d) THE HERODIANS.
(a) _The Sadducees._
It has been already observed that the long-continued subjection of
the Jews to Grecian monarchs exerted a very marked influence on their
habits and modes of life. Familiar not only with the language but
the literature and philosophy of Greece, many acquired a strong taste
for Grecian studies, preferred the Grecian religion to their own,
adopted Grecian manners, and practised Grecian arts[156]. We have seen
from time to time how it became the fashion even for many amongst the
highest families to adopt Grecian names, and to recommend themselves
in every conceivable way to Grecian rulers in the courts of Alexandria
and Antioch. The Law, with its restraints and strict requirements, was
regarded by them as a heavy yoke, and they affected the gymnasia, the
theatres, and all the worldly pleasures of Grecian life.
To such aspirants after freedom the principles of the Epicurean
philosophy would naturally recommend themselves, the more so as they
found special acceptance in the Syrian courts. Amongst the scholars
of Simon the Just[157] was Antigonus of Socho, the first of the
Jewish doctors who bears a Greek name. Antigonus was the master of
one Sadoc[158] (B.C. 291–260), the essence of whose teaching was that
virtue is its own reward, that men ought not to serve the Lord for the
sake of gain, but to do good because it is right.
True as this doctrine was in itself, it was perverted by the
disciples of Sadoc, who first attract our attention under the name
of _Sadducees_[159], in the time of Jonathan the Asmonean[160]. While
on the one hand especially after the Maccabæan period, they were far
removed from any actual adoption of Grecian customs, or apostasy from
the national faith, yet on the other, they betrayed evident marks of
the influence on their opinions of Grecian philosophy.
Hence they denied the doctrine of the Resurrection[161] (Mtt. xxii. 23;
Lk. xx. 27), any rewards or punishments after death, and the existence
of angels or spirits (Acts xxiii. 8). Holding that the actions of men
depended entirely on their own free will, they denied that there was
such a thing as destiny, and while they admitted the creation, they
removed the Deity as far as possible from any actual administration of
the world. It has been thought that they recognised as Scripture only
the five books of Moses, but the truth appears to be that while holding
the Law in higher estimation than the prophetical and other books of
Scripture, they acknowledged the authority of the Old Testament like
the rest of the Jews, but refused to hold the authority of tradition.
Aiming as they did at a philosophic elevation of sentiment they
found little favour with the common people, and caring little about
making proselytes numbered their followers chiefly among the rich and
powerful[162], and especially the young men of Judæa, and those who
were in a position to live a life of ease and worldly enjoyment[163].
(b) _The Pharisees._
The tendency to adopt Grecian customs and modes of thought above
alluded to was not, of course, shared by the entire nation. When
Mattathias unfurled the banner of revolt against the heathenizing
policy of Antiochus Epiphanes, it will be remembered that he was joined
before long by a class calling themselves _Assideans_[164] (1 Macc.
ii. 42), who seem to have been already in existence as a distinct party,
and bound by a vow to the strict observance of the Law. The name they
assumed sufficiently indicates their views. Living in times when their
countrymen were becoming more and more infected with heathen customs,
they protested against such declension from the spirit of the law, and
in opposition to _the impious_ (1 Macc. iii. 8; vi. 21; vii. 5), _the
lawless_ (1 Macc. iii. 6; ix. 23), _the transgressors_ (1 Macc. i. 11),
as they called the Hellenizing faction, adopted for themselves the
title of the Assideans, _the pious_, and in these days of _mixing_
(2 Macc. xiv. 3, 38) maintained the strictest observance of the
Law[165].
Amongst a nation, which prided itself on its distinction from all other
people on the earth, such a party would naturally have great influence,
and when the Maccabees triumphed over their Syrian tyrants, the tenets
of the Assideans rapidly gained ground, and received their complete
development in those of the _Pharisees_, from _Perashin_, to separate,
_the Separatists_, who are also first distinctly mentioned during the
time of the high-priest Jonathan, B.C. 145[166].
Like their earlier prototypes, the Pharisees were distinguished by
great zeal for the Mosaic Law and the whole Canon of Scripture. But
in their rigorous interpretation of its precepts and doctrines, they
were mainly guided by Oral Tradition, _the traditions of the Elders_
(Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 3). This Oral Tradition, which was regarded as
supplementary to the written Law, was said to have been received by
Moses on Sinai, to have been delivered by him to Joshua, by Joshua to
the elders, by the elders to the prophets, by the prophets to the men
of the Great Synagogue.
Of this Law the Pharisees were regarded as the highest interpreters,
and presided over various schools, the principal of which in the time
of the New Testament, were those of Hillel and Shammai, the former a
moderate, the latter the strictest sect.
They held, (i) the existence of angels and spirits, good and
bad; (ii) the immortality of the soul; (iii) a state of rewards
and punishments after death; (iv) a resurrection of the just and
unjust[167] (Comp. Acts xxiii. 8). As exponents of the Law, (i) they
attached an undue importance to the outward act as compared with the
inward spirit and motive; (ii) they were rigorous in exacting every
external ceremonial, especially in reference to washings, fastings,
tithes and alms; and (iii) were noted for pride and austerity.
Their political influence we have already seen was very great[168].
Holding strongly that the nation ought to be independent of foreign
rule, standing high in favour with the people, and especially with
the women[169], pervading the entire country and forming the majority
in the Sanhedrin, they wielded a very considerable power in the
state, against which we have seen Hyrcanus, and Jannæus, vainly
struggling[170], and which Herod, with all his energy, was unable to
control.
The writings of the New Testament illustrate, amongst many others, the
following features of their character as a sect: _their high repute_,
Jn. vii. 48; Acts xxii. 3; _their regard for externals_, while they
disregarded the weightier matters of the Law, Mtt. xxiii. 24; xii. 2, 7;
Mk. vii. 1; Lk. vi. 7; Jn. ix. 16, &c.; _their regard to tradition_,
Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 3; _their scrupulous exactness of washings, tithes,
alms_, &c., Mtt. ix. 14; xxiii. 15, 23; Lk. xi. 39 sq.; xviii. 12;
_their excessive zeal in making proselytes_[171], Mtt. xxiii. 15;
_their lax morality_, Mtt. v. 20; xv. 4, 8; xxiii. 3, 14, 23, 25;
Jn. viii. 7.
(c) _The Essenes._
Though nowhere mentioned in the New Testament, the _Essenes_ were
a numerous body, amounting, according to Philo, to upwards of 4000.
Dating, like the other sects already mentioned, from about the middle
of the second century B.C., they formed a purely ascetic order, and
dwelt far from the distractions of their age in the villages along
the western shore of the Dead Sea, where they led a life of labour,
abstinence, and meditation[172].
They were divided into four orders, but permitted marriage only in one
of them, maintained a community of goods, and inculcated a hatred of
all riches and all luxury. Sacrifice they did not allow, and though
they sent gifts to the Temple, never resorted to it, but held religious
assemblies on the Sabbath, where they read the Scriptures, and listened
to the expositions of their elders.
Even in their intercourse with one another they observed the greatest
secrecy, dreaded contact with all who were not circumcised, and would
rather die than eat food which had not been prepared by themselves or
those of their own order.
(d) _The Herodians._
This sect, which is twice mentioned in the Gospels (Mtt. xxii. 16;
Mk. iii. 6; xii. 13), was rather a political than a religious body.
Taking alike their names and their views from the family of Herod, the
Herodians held that the hopes of the Jewish nation rested on the Herods
as a bulwark against Roman ambition, and almost looked to them for a
fulfilment of the prophecies of the Messiah[173]. Hence many amongst
them would not regard with dissatisfaction that fusion of the national
faith and heathen civilisation, which it was the great object of Herod
the Great and his successors to bring about.
It is not improbable that the Herodians in some respects approached
very nearly to the Sadducees in their opinions (Comp. Mk. viii. 15 with
Mtt. xvi. 6), for both would hold the duty of submission to the Romans,
and join in supporting the throne of Herod. The hostility of the
Pharisees to the teaching of our blessed Lord may be estimated by the
fact that they joined their enemies the Herodians in attempting to
ensnare Him (Mtt. xxii. 16).
(ii) Before concluding this Chapter, this seems the appropriate place
for noticing _the Samaritans_, who are frequently mentioned in the New
Testament.
In the year B.C. 721 Sargon captured Samaria, and removed into
captivity the remains of the ten tribes, already decimated by
Tiglath-Pileser[174], and located them partly in Gozan or Mygdonia,
and partly in cities recently captured from the Medes. This was not
a partial but a complete evacuation of the country, which was wiped
clean of its inhabitants as _a man wipeth a dish_ (2 K. xxi. 13), in
accordance with a not unusual custom of Oriental conquerors actually
to exhaust a land of its inhabitants[175].
In this desolate condition the country remained till about the year
B.C. 677, when Esarhaddon during the invasion of Judah perceived the
impolicy of leaving it thus exposed, and resolved to garrison it with
foreigners. Accordingly he gathered men _from Babylon_, and _from
Cuthah_, and _from Ava_, and _from Hamath_, and _from Sepharvaim_ (2 K.
xvii. 24; comp. Ezra iv. 2, 9, 10), and entrusting them to an officer
of high rank, _the great and noble Asnapper_, had them conveyed to the
country formerly occupied by the Ten Tribes, and there settled them.
These _strangers_ (comp. Lk. xvii. 18) from the further East[176] were
of course idolaters, and worshipped various deities, and knowing not
the God of the land provoked Him by their heathenish rites to send
lions among them, _which slew some of them_ (2 K. xvii. 25). In their
distress they applied to the king of Assyria, who sent one of the
captive priests to instruct them _how they should fear the Lord_. Under
his teaching they added the acknowledgment of Jehovah as the God of
the land, to their ancient idolatries, and in course of time detached
themselves more and more from heathen customs, and adopted a sort of
worship of Jehovah.
Refused permission, on the return from the Captivity, to participate in
the rebuilding of the Temple, they became the open enemies of the Jews,
and erected a rival temple on Mount Gerizim[177], where they continued
to worship till it was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, B.C. 130. After this
they built another temple at Shechem, and there, under its modern name
of _Nablûs_, they have a settlement, consisting of about 200 persons,
at the present hour.
Gradually detaching themselves from their ancient idolatries, the
Samaritans adopted the Mosaic religion, but received as Scripture
only the Pentateuch, rejecting every other book in the Jewish Canon.
They celebrated the Passover (and celebrate it even now), on Mount
Gerizim, and even after their temple had fallen, directed their worship
towards that mountain. Holding the doctrine of the coming of the
Messiah (Jn. iv. 25), whom they called _Hashah_, “the Converter[178],”
their conceptions of His functions and character were derived chiefly
from the original promise of a Saviour (Gen. iii. 15), the Shiloh
or Peace-maker predicted by Jacob (Gen. xlix. 10), and the Prophet
promised to the Israelites like unto Moses (Num. xxiv. 17; Deut. xviii.
15), and they mainly expected that He would _teach all things_ (Jn.
iv. 25), and restore the glory of the holy Law on Mount Gerizim[179].
The feud between the Jews and Samaritans, engendered by the refusal
of the former to permit their participation in the rebuilding of the
Temple, ripened into a mutual hostility of the most bitter description.
The Jews were perpetually reminding the Samaritans that they were
“Cuthites,” mere “strangers from Assyria.” They loved to call them
“proselytes of the lions” (2 K. xvii. 25), and to accuse them of
worshipping the idol-gods buried long age under the oak of Shechem
(Gen. xxxv. 4). To such an extent did they carry their dislike,
that they cursed them publicly in their synagogues; declared their
testimony was naught, and could not be received; affirmed that any
who entertained a Samaritan in his house was laying up judgments for
his children; that to eat a morsel of his fare was to eat swine’s
flesh[180]; refused to receive him as a proselyte, and declared that
he could have no part in the resurrection of the dead. Moreover they
would have no dealings with them that they could possibly avoid, and
in travelling from the South to the North preferred to take the long
circuit through Peræa rather than pass through their hated country.
On the other hand, the Samaritans were not behind-hand in
recriminations. They would refuse hospitality to the pilgrim companies
going up to the feasts at Jerusalem (Comp. Lk. ix. 53), and sometimes
even waylay and murder them[181]. On one occasion certain of them
are said to have entered the Temple at Jerusalem, and defiled it
by scattering on the pavement human bones[182]. One special mode of
annoyance was frequently practised. The Jews were in the habit of
communicating to their numerous brethren in Babylon, the exact day and
hour of the rising of the Paschal moon, by means of a system of beacon
fires, which telegraphed the welcome news from the Mount of Olives,
through Auranitis, to those who _sat by the waters of the Babylon_. The
Samaritans would, therefore, annoy the watchers on the mountain-tops
by kindling a rival flame on the wrong day, and thus perplex them, and
introduce confusion.
NOTE.
_The Expectation of the Messiah._
From the earliest period of their national history the Jews had been
pre-eminently “the people of the future,” and at the period we have
now reached they were filled with the expectation that an extraordinary
Being would appear, and prove Himself the Messiah or Deliverer. But
though in the Temple of Prophecy[183] there had from the beginning
ever been heard two Voices mysteriously blended, one jubilant and glad,
telling of victory and of triumph, the other subdued and mournful,
whispering of shame and suffering, yet to one of these Voices only had
attention been really paid.
The characteristics attributed by the nation to the Messiah were
(i) _regal_, and (ii) _prophetic_.
i. Many looked for a great Conqueror, whom God would send, investing
Him with the attributes of majesty and humanity, describing Him
as the “Elect One,” the “Anointed,” the “Son of Man,” who should
“execute a terrible vengeance on the enemies of His people,” “cleanse
Jerusalem,” and exalt the Jews above all other nations[184]. These
attributes, ascribed to the Messiah in early Jewish literature, receive
illustration from the Gospel Narrative. It was the opinion of the
national teachers that His coming would be heralded by Elias, and
the belief was shared by the common people (Mtt. xvii. 10 and the
parallels; Comp. also xvi. 14).
There was considerable uncertainty, indeed, as to the precise _manner_
of His appearance (Jn. vii. 27), but it was fully expected that He
would be born _at Bethlehem, the city of David_ (Mtt. ii. 5; Comp.
Jn. vii. 41, 42); that He would be _David’s Son_, and should _sit on
David’s throne_ (Mtt. xxii. 42; xii. 23; ix. 27; xx. 30; xv. 22); that
He would _abide for ever_ and _set up a kingdom_ in which He would
dispense honours _on His right hand and on His left_ (Mtt. xx. 21;
Mk. x. 37).
ii. With these regal attributes others combined prophetic functions,
and looked for _the Prophet_ that should come into the world (Comp. Jn.
vi. 14; i. 21, 46; vii. 40; 1 Macc. xiv. 41), expecting that He would
show “signs” not unlike the giving of the manna in the wilderness,
and instruct the people _in all things_ (Jn. iv. 25), and instead of
altering or abolishing any of the Mosaic ordinances, would enhance
them to a greater glory, making the sacrifices, purifications, Sabbaths,
festivals, and all other usages, far more resplendent and glorious
than they had ever been before. That the Messiah would ever _suffer_
or _die_ was an idea, from which, to the last, even the Apostles shrank
with horror and amazement (Mtt. xvi. 22, 23; Lk. xxiv. 21; Jn. xx. 9).
BOOK II.
THE GOSPEL HISTORY.
PART I.
THE BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST.
CHAPTER I.
_THE BIRTH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST._
A.U.C. 749, B.C. 5.
ABOUT the year B.C. 5, when the bloodstained reign of Herod was
approaching its close, there lived in Judæa, either at the little
village of Juttah, or the time-honoured city of Hebron[185], an aged
priest named ZACHARIAS. His wife ELISABETH was also of the priestly
family (Lk. i. 5), and both enjoyed a high reputation for piety and
uprightness of life, being alike _righteous before God, walking in all
the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless_ (Lk. i. 6). One
great sorrow, however, cast a deep shadow over their daily life. They
were now old and well-stricken in age, but no child had ever gladdened
their humble home.
In the time of Solomon the priests were divided into twenty-four
“courses,” each of which served at the Temple in weekly rotation
(1 Chr. xxiv. 1–19). Of these, four only returned from the captivity,
but they were again divided into twenty-four, and received the same
names as the original courses. The course, to which Zacharias belonged,
was the eighth, known as that of Abiah or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), and
in process of time, in accordance with the prescribed arrangement, it
devolved on him to go up to the Holy City. Of all the services at the
Temple (which to avoid contention were uniformly decided by lot), none
was deemed more honourable than that of entering into the Holy Place
and offering incense on the Golden Altar[186]. This was done twice
every day, before the morning and evening sacrifice, _i.e._ at 9 in the
morning and 3 in the afternoon. The sound of a small bell announced the
priests’ entrance for this purpose, and on hearing it the Priests and
Levites took up their position before the Altar of Burnt-offering, the
space between the Porch and the Altar was cleared, and the people in
the different courts stood and prayed in solemn silence (Rev. viii. 1)
so long as he remained within the Holy Place. As soon, however, as he
reappeared, they laid the sacrifice on the altar, and the Levites,
amidst the full burst of the Temple music, commenced the sacred
Psalmody[187].
Such was the august office which now fell to the lot of Zacharias.
Bearing the incense in a large vessel of gold, he entered into the Holy
Place, and was kindling it on the Golden Altar, when he was accosted
by an Angel standing at the right side of the Altar. This sudden
apparition startled and affrighted him. But the Angel calmed his
fears, and announced that the prayers he had offered to God in secret
were heard. Though Elisabeth was stricken in years, she should yet
become the mother of a son, who was to be named JOHN[188]. From the
first hour of his existence this child should be filled with the Holy
Ghost, and drinking neither wine nor strong drink, in accordance with
the Nazarite’s vow, _should be great in the sight of the Lord_. As
the second Elijah, to whom the finger of prophecy had pointed (Isai.
xl. 3; Mal. iii. 1), he should be the immediate forerunner of the
long-expected Messiah, and _make ready a people prepared for him_
(Lk. i. 12–17).
Astounded by so sudden an announcement, the aged priest sought some
assurance of the promised blessing. On this the Angel, who announced
himself as no other than he that had appeared many years before to
the prophet Daniel under the name of GABRIEL (Dan. viii. 16; ix. 21),
replied, that such an assurance would be vouchsafed, but, because of
his unbelief, it should be in the shape of a judgment. _He should be
dumb, and not able to speak, till the day that these things should be
performed_ (Lk. i. 20).
While Zacharias was receiving this mysterious intimation within
the Sanctuary, the people[189], who crowded the Temple-courts, were
anxiously expecting his return, and marvelled at his unusual delay. At
length he reappeared. But his strange aspect shewed that something had
occurred. When questioned he could not return any answer, and intimated
by signs that he had seen a vision in the Sacred Place. Then at the
close of his week of ministration he returned to his own house, where,
in accordance with the announcement of the Angel, Elisabeth _conceived,
and hid herself for five months_ in quiet and peaceful retirement
(Lk. i. 24).
Six months after his appearance in the Temple, the same Angel was sent
from God to NAZARETH[190], a secluded village unknown and unnamed in
the Old Testament, hidden away amongst the hills of Galilee, and within
the limits of the ancient tribe of Zebulun. At this village there lived
a lowly Virgin named MARY, or Miriam. She belonged to the royal tribe
of Judah, and the lineage of David (Lk. i. 32; Rom. i. 3), and was
connected by marriage with Elisabeth (Lk. i. 27), who belonged to the
tribe of Levi. Moreover, she was at this time betrothed to Joseph, who
occupied a humble position as a carpenter at Nazareth, but like herself
was _of the lineage of David_ (Lk. i. 27; ii. 4).
To this lowly Virgin the Angel Gabriel now appeared, and announced that
by virtue of the operation of the Holy Ghost, she should become the
mother of a SON, whom she was to call JESUS[191] (_God the Saviour_).
He should be great, and should be called the Son of the Highest, should
_sit on the throne of His father David, and reign over the house of
Jacob for ever_ (Lk. i. 30–33). Though at first startled at the sudden
address of an angelic visitant (Lk. i. 29), the Virgin received his
announcement with implicit faith, and prayed that it _might be with
her according to his word_ (Lk. i. 38), and being informed of what had
occurred to her relative Elisabeth, arose with haste to seek out her
home amidst the Judæan hills. The journey of four or five days[192]
accomplished, she reached the humble abode, and had no sooner crossed
the threshold, and saluted the aged wife of Zacharias, than the
other addressed her as _the mother of her Lord_, and fully confirmed
the words of the angel. Thus assured of the certainty of the mighty
event about to happen, the lowly virgin, like Hannah at the birth
of Samuel, burst forth into words of holy praise and exultation,
and gave utterance to the inspired hymn, which under the name of the
_Magnificat_, remains one of the most precious treasures of the Church,
and the most familiar of her hymns (Lk. i. 46–56).
After a sojourn of about three months with Elisabeth, Mary returned
to Nazareth, and Joseph perceived that she was with child. Being a
just man, he resolved on privately giving her a bill of divorcement,
instead of making her a _public example_ (Mtt. i. 19). But as in deep
perplexity he pondered on these things, he too was visited by an Angel
in a dream, and bidden not to be afraid to take to him Mary as his wife.
That which was conceived in her was _not of blood, nor of the will of
the flesh, nor of the will of man_, but of the Holy Ghost, and the SON,
to whom she would give birth, he was to name JESUS, for _He should save
His people from their sins_ (Mtt. i. 21).
Meanwhile the event announced in the Temple to the aged Zacharias had
taken place, and Elisabeth brought forth a son. Such an event in the
East is always an occasion of unbounded joy. In the present instance it
would be still more so, and the relatives and neighbours of Elisabeth
came together with no ordinary feelings to rejoice with her. On the
eighth day, the child was brought to the priest for circumcision, and
the relatives proposed that it should be named after his father, but
Elisabeth demurred, and declared that it should be called JOHN (_the
grace of God_). Marvelling at her wishing for a name, which had no
precedent in the family, they appealed by signs to the speechless
Zacharias. The aged priest called for a writing tablet, and wrote
_His name is John_, and then, while all were lost in astonishment, his
mouth, which had been closed for nine months, was opened, and he too
burst forth into an inspired Psalm of exultant thanksgiving, in which
he acknowledged the faithfulness of God in the birth of his son, and
foretold his future greatness as the forerunner of the Messiah (Lk. i.
61–79).
Born as _one out of due time_ the child grew, _waxed strong in spirit_
(Lk. i. 80), and, in accordance with the words of the Angel, adhered
steadfastly to the Nazarite vow[193]. Like Samson, like Samuel, no
razor was suffered to come near his head. Drinking _neither wine nor
strong drink_, he systematically denied himself all the pleasures
and indulgences of ordinary life. The son of a priest, he doubtless
received a strict religious education, and at some period, though when
we are not told, retired to the dreary deserts west of the Dead Sea.
Here, like Moses in Midian, he prepared himself by solitary communion
with God for his high emprise, assumed the garb of one of the old
prophets, the robe of camel’s hair fastened round the body by a
leathern girdle (2 K. i. 8), and subsisted on such fare as the desert
afforded, eating _locusts[194] and wild honey_ (Mtt. iii. 4).
CHAPTER II.
_THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST._
A.U.C. 750, B.C. 4.
THE voice of Prophecy (Mic. v. 2) had declared that the Messiah should
be born at Bethlehem of Judæa, a spot endeared to every Jew as the
birth-place of the son of Jesse. Though Mary was now living at Nazareth,
a circumstance apparently fortuitous, under the superintending hand of
Divine Providence, brought about a fulfilment of the prediction.
At this particular period there was peace throughout the dominions
of the Roman empire. The Temple of Janus was shut[195]. The fierce
contests, which for so many years had been carried on with such
relentless persistence, which had drenched with blood the fairest
fields in the dominions of Augustus, had ceased, and the din of battles
was hushed. As that monarch revolved in his mind the most suitable
means for the administration of his numerous dependencies, it occurred
to him that it would be well to carry out a general registration[196]
of all his subjects, with a view to some fixed scale of taxation. He
issued, therefore, a decree that _all the world_, which owned his sway,
should _be taxed_[197] (Lk. ii. 1). Judæa was not indeed at this time
a Roman “province,” but its reduction to that condition sooner or later
was already determined[198]. The imperial edict, therefore, declaring
the will of his master was placed in the hands of the Idumæan Herod as
in those of other rulers, and he would naturally ordain that while the
Roman orders were obeyed, the customs and traditions of the country
should not be entirely overridden[199].
Toilsome, therefore, as was the journey, and not altogether free from
danger, the Virgin left the place of her usual abode, and set out for
the village of Bethlehem accompanied by Joseph. This he would have done
as her natural protector, but the Jewish law required his presence in
the town of his forefathers, _because he_, like Mary, _was of the house
and lineage of David_ (Lk. ii. 4)[200]. Accordingly, in the society,
probably, of others bound on the same errand as themselves, they
proceeded on their southward journey, either through Samaria or across
the Jordan through Peræa[201], and after probably visiting and passing
through Jerusalem, surmounted the long ascent leading to the village
of Bethlehem, and sought shelter in the inn or _khan_, which the
inhabitants had provided for the reception of strangers.
But they had reached it too late. Every guest-chamber was already
full, and crowded with strangers, who, like themselves, had come up
to be taxed. They were constrained, therefore, to seek shelter amongst
the cattle and beasts of burden of the wayfarers, and so it was, that
while they were there, the days were accomplished that the lowly Virgin
should be delivered, and _she brought forth her firstborn Son_, and
_wrapped him in swaddling clothes_, and laid Him in one of the mangers
by her side (Lk. ii. 6, 7).
Such was the first Advent of the Saviour “in great humility.” Thus
did He who was with the Father before all worlds, _by whom all things
were made, and without whom was not any thing made that was made_
(Jn. i. 1–3), deign to take upon Him our nature. Unimportant, however,
as appeared the event that had just taken place in that crowded inn,
unknown to the Idumæan Herod, unknown to his imperial master in the
City of the Cæsars, signs were not wanting that it had moved all heaven
to its centre, and was there hailed with rapturous acclaim. On the
bleak downs of Bethlehem shepherds were that night keeping watch over
their flocks, when suddenly there came upon them a light brighter than
the brightest of the countless stars that spangled the midnight sky,
and _the glory of the Lord shone round about them_ (Lk. ii. 9). Sore
afraid, they would have fled in dismay. But a Voice came to them which
calmed their fears. An Angel addressed them, and announced the Glad
Tidings that in the city of David had that day been born to them
_a Saviour, even Christ the Lord_, whom they would find _wrapped in
swaddling clothes and lying in a manger_ (Lk. ii. 11, 12). He ceased,
and then a multitude of the heavenly host brake the silence of the
night, and sang _Glory to God in the highest, and on earth Peace,
Goodwill towards men_. Such an announcement roused all the wonder of
the simple, humble men who heard it. Hastily leaving their flocks they
repaired to Bethlehem, where they _found Mary and Joseph, and the Babe
lying in the manger_, and recounted all that they had heard from the
heavenly visitants concerning the Child. Great was the astonishment
of those who listened to their tale, but the holy Virgin treasured
their words in her heart, and the shepherds returned to their lowly
occupation, glorifying and praising God for all they had seen and heard
(Lk. ii. 16–20).
Born _under the Law_ (Gal. iv. 4) the Saviour was to submit to all
its ordinances. Accordingly on the eighth day after His birth He
was circumcised, like any other Jewish child, and received the name
of JESUS. Moreover on the fortieth day after His birth, the Virgin
repaired to the Temple, and presented her humble offering of a _pair
of turtle doves or two young pigeons_ (Lev. xii. 2, 6, 8), according
to the law of her purification. Without pomp or earthly circumstance,
the infant Saviour, the Messenger of the Covenant, came to His temple
(Mal. iii. 1), and might have left it equally unnoticed. But two humble
worshippers, who had long been _waiting for the consolation of Israel_
(Lk. ii. 25), recognized “in helpless infancy and clad in mortal flesh”
the long-expected Messiah.
There was living at Jerusalem a _just and devout man_ named SYMEON.
Though far advanced in years, he had received divine intimation that
he _should not see death_ till his eyes had rested on the Lord’s
Christ. He was now present at the national sanctuary, when His parents
brought in the Child _to do for Him after the custom of the Law_ (Lk.
ii. 27), and no sooner did he behold the Child, than he saw that the
long-promised hour was come. He _took Him up in his arms_, and blessed
God that at length his eyes had been permitted to _see His Salvation,
the Light to lighten the Gentiles, and the Glory of His people Israel_
(Lk. ii. 32). Then while Joseph and Mary were marvelling at his words,
the aged seer, already on the verge of the eternal world, blessed them
also, and addressing the Virgin Mother declared that her Child was
_appointed for the fall and rising again of many in Israel_, and that
_a sword should_ in days to come _pierce through her own heart_. At
the same time there came forward an aged woman, a prophetess, ANNA,
the daughter of Phanuel. Seven years had she lived with her husband
after quitting her maiden state, and since his death had remained in
widowhood upwards of 84 years. Though the territories of the tribe of
Asher, to which she belonged (Lk. ii. 36), were at a great distance
from the Holy City, yet there she had taken up her abode, and was
constant in every act of worship and in her attendance at every sacred
service. She too drew near while the Holy Child was being brought into
His Father’s house, and, like the aged Symeon, _gave thanks to God_,
and _spake of Him to all those that were looking for redemption in
Jerusalem_ (Lk. ii. 38).
But as she was thus proclaiming to the faithful in the Holy City the
Advent of their King, pilgrims and worshippers were drawing near from
far different and far distant lands. A short time after Joseph and
Mary had returned to Bethlehem, there appeared certain travel-stained
pilgrims, whose arrival stirred Jerusalem to its very centre. In their
native home in Arabia or Persia, their attention had been directed to
a luminous body in the sky, which had guided them to Palestine, and
they now enquired where was He that was _born King of the Jews_[202],
and declared that they had seen His star in the East, and had come
to worship Him. The arrival of these Magi[203], as they were called
in their own land, was quickly announced to Herod, and the enquiry
respecting an hereditary _King of the Jews_ roused the alarm and
suspicion of one so jealous for the integrity of his own dynasty[204].
Hastily convening a formal assembly of the Chief Priests and Scribes,
he enquired where, according to the prophetical books, the long-
expected Messiah was to be born. Without the least hesitation they
pointed to the words of the prophet Micah (v. 2), which declared
_Bethlehem in Judæa_ to be the favoured place. On this the monarch
sought a private interview with the Magi (Mtt. ii. 7), and made
diligent enquiries respecting the time of the appearance of the Star,
and then bade them repair to Bethlehem and seek diligently for the
young Child, declaring his intention, if they found Him, to come
himself and lay his honours at the feet of the heir of David’s throne.
Thus advised the Magi set out, when lo! the Star, which they had seen
in their far-off eastern home appeared before them, and guided their
feet to the lowly abode where lay the object of their search. With
great joy (Mtt. ii. 10) they entered the house, and seeing the young
child and Mary His mother fell down and worshipped Him, and opening
their treasures brought forth costly gifts of _gold, frankincense, and
myrrh_[205]. Then warned in a dream not to return to the perfidious
tyrant, they made their way to their own land by another route. Thus
HE, who had been “manifested” to the shepherds, to the faithful Symeon
and Anna, was manifested also to these His first Gentile worshippers
from the distant East.
But that same night Joseph was also warned in a dream, of peril
awaiting the young Child. Herod was watching his opportunity to put Him
to death, and it was necessary that he should fly. So Joseph arose, and
taking the Infant and His mother, went down into Egypt, where He and
they were to remain till they received further intimations respecting
their course.
Their departure had not been too soon. Perceiving that the strange
visitors to his capital had not returned, and that his design against
the young Child’s life had been frustrated, with a reckless ferocity,
which, we have seen, he too often displayed, Herod sent and slew every
male child in Bethlehem _from two years old and under_, to make sure
that he had included the Object of his terrible vengeance. His cruel
edict was carried out, and filled many a home in Bethlehem with sorrow
and mourning[206]. The voice of lamentation and weeping arose in Ramah,
of which an inspired Prophet (Jer. xxxi. 15) had spoken 400 years
before, and which the Jewish historian Josephus does not record, even
if he knew of it, as though it was a matter of little moment compared
with other atrocities[207] of the same monarch, who could butcher on
one occasion well-nigh every member of the Sanhedrin[208], and on the
very eve of his death meditate the wholesale slaughter of the chiefs of
the Jews in the Hippodrome[209] at Jericho.
CHAPTER III.
_THE SAVIOUR’S EARLY LIFE AT NAZARETH._
B.C. 4‒A.D. 27.
THIS ferocious action was one of the last crimes in the bloodthirsty
career of this guilty monarch. Very shortly afterwards he died under
circumstances already related[210] at Jericho A.U.C 750. This event was
made known to Joseph by an Angel in a dream (Mtt. ii. 19), and he was
bidden to arise and return with the young Child and His mother into the
land of Israel. Accordingly he set out, but hearing that the tyrant’s
son Archelaus[211], who enjoyed a reputation worthy of his father,
was reigning in his stead, he was afraid to continue his journey, and
was only encouraged to proceed by another supernatural intimation. The
place whither he was to go had not before been distinctly specified,
and he might have supposed that Bethlehem, the city of David, was the
proper place to rear the Son of David, so near to Jerusalem, the most
religious, the most sacred part of Palestine[212]. But now he was
directed to repair to the safer obscurity of his former residence
in Galilee, and accordingly went down from the highlands of Judæa to
Nazareth, and there the Holy Child _grew and waxed strong in spirit,
filled with wisdom, and the grace of God was upon Him_ (Lk. ii. 40).
From this time till the commencement of His public ministry a
thick veil conceals from us all details of the Saviour’s life. The
Evangelists pass this period by with a solemn reserve. One event, and
one only, emerges from the obscurity that enshrouds it.
It was the custom of Joseph, and even of Mary[213], to go up year after
year to attend the celebration of the great festival of the Passover at
Jerusalem (Lk. ii. 41). When He had attained the age of twelve years,
A.U.C. 762, the Holy Child accompanied them, having attained to that
period of life when Jewish children were required to attend the feasts
and began to be instructed in the Law. At the close of the Festival,
and probably on the eighth day, His parents, in company with other
pilgrims (Lk. ii. 44), set out on their return to Galilee. On reaching,
however, their resting-place on the first evening[214], they found
their Son was missing, and, full of trouble and anxiety, returned a
day’s journey, and _sought Him amongst their kinsfolk and acquaintance_,
and the travelling companies hastening homewards from the Holy City.
But they found Him not. Still another day was spent in searching for
Him in the city itself, but with the same result. At length on the
third day[215] they found Him in the precincts of the Temple, probably
in one of the chambers where the Rabbis were wont to give instruction
during the festivals[216], sitting in the midst of learned Masters of
Israel, not only listening to their words, but _asking them questions_.
While all present were marvelling at the understanding He displayed,
His parents drew near, and were amazed to find their Son in the midst
of so august an assemblage, and the holy Mother expostulated with Him
on the anxiety His absence had caused. To this He replied in artless
but mysterious words, _How is it that ye sought Me? Wist ye not that
I must be about My Father’s business?_ proving that even already He
was aware of His heavenly origin. Then, while they understood not the
saying, which nevertheless His Mother kept and treasured in her heart,
He went down with them to the lowly home in despised Galilee. There
in meek subjection He abode beneath their humble roof, and probably
shared[217] in His reputed father’s earthly labours, _growing in wisdom
and stature, and in favour with God and man_ (Lk. ii. 52; Mk. vi. 3).
While thus in silence and seclusion the Holy One was advancing towards
man’s estate, great changes were taking place in the fortunes of the
Jewish nation, which now demand our attention.
After the death of Herod some considerable delay took place before the
confirmation of his will by Augustus arrived from Rome, and Jerusalem
was the scene of tumult and violence. At length that emperor was
pleased to announce his approval, and Archelaus was appointed to
the government of Judæa[218], Idumæa, and Samaria, with the title
of ethnarch; Herod Antipas obtained Galilee[219] and Peræa[220];
Herod Philip, Auranitis[221], Gaulanitis[222], Trachonitis[223],
Batanæa[224] and Ituræa[225]; while Salome was declared mistress of
Jamnia, Azotus, and Phasaëlis, with a palace at Askelon and a revenue
of 60 talents[226]. The emperor promised to Archelaus the title of
king, if he proved worthy of it. But his government was marked by such
gross cruelty and injustice both towards the Jews and Samaritans that
complaints were lodged against him before the emperor. After a reign,
therefore, of nine years he was summoned to Rome, and his cause having
been formally heard, sentenced to be banished to Vienne in Gaul[227],
and to forfeit his estates[228], A.D. 6.
And now in truth the _sceptre departed from Judah_ (Gen. xlix. 10), and
the kingdom of David and Solomon, of the famous Asmonean house and of
Herod, sank into the form of a Roman province[229], and was annexed to
the prefecture of Syria. This office was now conferred on P. Sulpicius
Quirinus, but the immediate government of Judæa and Samaria was given
to a procurator, Coponius[230], a man of equestrian rank, who had a
body[231] of troops at his command, and was entrusted in certain cases
with the power of life and death[232].
Quirinus, as we have seen above[233], had in all probability been
already governor of Syria, and in this capacity had conducted the
preliminary enrolment of names preparatory to a general census. This
census he was now entrusted to carry out[234], and with it a levying
of imposts and rates in money. This was regarded by the Jews as the
last and most degrading mark of their subjection to a foreign power.
The whole country was in a ferment, and though the energy of the
high-priest Joazar[235] repressed any actual outbreak at Jerusalem, the
popular feeling could not be restrained in the provinces. At the head
of the disaffected appeared one Judas of Gamala[236] in Gaulanitis.
A man of energy, eloquence, and undaunted courage, he quickly gathered
around him a body of adventurers, and aided by a confederate Sadoc,
of the Pharisaic faction, unfurled the banner of resistance to foreign
dominion, and especially to foreign tribute. For a time the country
was at the mercy of the fierce and lawless throng, which flocked to his
standard, but the effort was utterly fruitless. Nothing could withstand
the terrible Roman legions; Judas himself was slain (Acts v. 37), and
his followers were dispersed, but his work lived after him, and the
Zealots and Sicarii or _Assassins_, who drank deeply of his fierce
and independent spirit, long kept alive the popular discontent under
a foreign sway.
Having completed the confiscation of the property of Archelaus,
Quirinus deposed Joazar from the high-priesthood, and substituted in
his place Annas, the son of Seth[237], the ablest friend of Rome. He
then returned to Syria, and Coponius having planted a small garrison
on Zion and a guard at the Temple-gate, took up his abode at Cæsarea
on the sea.
So long as Augustus filled the imperial throne the procurators in
Judæa held their commands for a very limited number of years, and were
rapidly changed. Thus Coponius, whose supremacy began in A.D. 6, was
succeeded after four years, in A.D. 10, by Marcus Ambivius[238]. In
three years Marcus Ambivius handed over the reins of power to Annius
Rufus, who in the following year made way for Valerius Gratus. But in
A.D. 14 Augustus died, and Tiberius resolved that such rapid changes
should be discontinued[239]. Gratus, therefore, held his command till
A.D. 26. He deposed the high-priest Annas, and set up Ishmael, son of
Phabi, but a furious uproar ensuing he deposed Ishmael, and elevated
Eleazar, a son of Annas, to the pontificate, permitting the latter,
under the name of Sagan, or _deputy_, to discharge the spiritual
functions of his office and conduct the ceremonial rites. But this
appointment was of no long duration. Deeming Annas to possess too much
influence the procurator deposed Eleazar, and set up Simon, son of
Kamith, who held the office for less than a year, and then made way for
Joseph Caiaphas, the Sagan’s son-in law[240]. These rapid changes shew
how entirely the high-priesthood was at this time at the mercy of the
Roman governors.
Valerius Gratus was succeeded in A.D. 26[241] by Pontius Pilate[242].
He brought with him his wife, and a Roman household, established
himself at Cæsarea, but repaired oftener than any of his predecessors
to Jerusalem. Resolved to keep on good terms with the noble families,
and to unite with himself as many as possible who were likely to
help him to preserve the public peace, he suffered the Jewish priests
to manage their own affairs. So Annas remained Sagan, and Caiaphas
high-priest.
But one of his first acts roused the furious animosity of his new
subjects. He resolved to transport the head-quarters of the army
from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. With the soldiers, followed, as a matter
of course, the standards, bearing the image of Cæsar; but as they
were introduced in the night-time they did not at first attract
attention[243]. No sooner, however, was the fact observed, than there
were no bounds to the rage of the people. They resorted in crowds to
his residence at Cæsarea, and besought him to remove the obnoxious
emblems. For five days they beset his palace, and at length he gave
the signal to his troops to put them to death, unless they desisted
from troubling him. Thereupon the petitioners flung themselves upon
the ground, and declared their willingness to meet death in any
shape, rather than see their city polluted with heathen symbols. Their
undaunted bearing had its effect. The procurator deemed it best to
concede the point, and the standards were brought back to Cæsarea.
In spite, however, of this warning, he on another occasion had a clear
proof of the refractory spirit of the people. Anxious to signalise
his reign in Judæa by erecting a noble aqueduct, which was to bring
a supply of water to the city from a distance of twenty-five miles,
and wanting funds, he appropriated the Corban[244], or the money
laid up in the Temple and dedicated to God. This act roused the Jews
to madness. They gathered in thousands and tens of thousands before
his palace-gates, obstructed the works, and demanded that the sacred
treasures should be restored[245]. Resolved not to be thwarted, Pilate
ordered a company of the legionaries, carrying daggers under their
garments, to surround and disperse them. The soldiers carried out his
orders with greater cruelty than he had intended, charged the rioters,
chased them into the Temple-courts, slew great numbers, and wounded
many more, so that their blood was mingled with the blood of the
victims on the altar.
Such was the man who now presided over the province of Judæa. Under his
rule, and that of his predecessors, the Roman yoke cut more and more
deeply into the heart of the nation. Finding no hope from their own
chiefs, who all sided with the Romans, the people prayed with increased
earnestness that the Messiah, the Deliverer, would come. The Galilæans
in the North, the Separatists in the South waxed hotter and hotter in
their hatred of their heathen rulers[246]. Many claiming the title of
Messiah appeared, and gathered numbers of excited followers. But their
careers were soon cut short, and they were swept away before the Roman
legions.
But before Pilate had been many months in power, all Jerusalem and
Judæa was roused by the appearance of a strange Preacher on the banks
of the Jordan[247], announcing the advent of a very different Messiah
from that expected by the nation, and the speedy establishment of a
kingdom not of earth but of heaven.
Illustration: A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND
to illustrate
THE NEW TESTAMENT
and
A COMPARATIVE VIEW
_of the successive divisions of the Holy Land mentioned
in the New Testament after the death of Herod the Great_.
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Stanford’s Geograph.ˡ Estab.ᵗ_
PART II.
FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE MINISTRY OF THE BAPTIST
TO THE FIRST PASSOVER.
CHAPTER I.
_THE PREACHING OF JOHN――THE BAPTISM OF CHRIST._
A.U.C. 780, ♦A.D. 27.
THE strange Preacher was none other than John, the son of Zacharias.
Recalling in his garb and appearance one of the Prophets of the Old
Testament, he now came forth from his retirement, and straightway
commenced his task of preparing the way for the Messiah. The wilderness
of Judæa (Mtt. iii. 1), that is the dry and unpeopled region extending
from the gates of Hebron and Jerusalem to the shores of the Dead Sea,
was the first scene of his ministration. Thence he moved northwards
towards the Jordan, and at Bethabara, or rather Bethany[248],
administered the rite of baptism in its rushing waters to all who were
willing to receive it.
The news of his appearance quickly spread throughout the length and
breadth of the land. From Jerusalem, the towns of Judæa, and the Jordan
valley, multitudes flocked forth to hear him (Mtt. iii. 5; Mk. i. 5).
The river’s banks became like the streets of a crowded city. Pharisees
and Sadducees (Mtt. iii. 7), tax-gatherers (Lk. iii. 12), and soldiers
(Lk. iii. 14), rich and poor, gathered around him and listened to his
burning words. No temporal Messiah did he proclaim, no king higher
than the Cæsars, no rising against the Roman yoke. Personal repentance,
personal reformation, this was his message. To all alike his language
was bold, severe, uncompromising. The chiefs of the great religious
parties approached him, and were bidden to abjure all trust in mere
descent from Abraham (Mtt. iii. 9), to bring forth fruits worthy of the
repentance they professed, and to flee _from the wrath to come_. The
multitudes groaning under the Roman dominion drew near, and enquired
what they should do in view of the great crisis he proclaimed to be
at hand, and were bidden to cultivate mutual charity (Lk. iii. 11).
The tax-gatherers offered themselves for baptism, and were told that
there was room for them, if they would practise justice (Lk. iii. 12).
Rough, and too often brutal, soldiers enquired what they should do, and
they too were not rejected, but exhorted to abstain from violence and
pillage, and to be content with their wages (Lk. iii. 14).
With a boldness hitherto unparalleled, save in the teaching of the
sternest of the prophets of the Old Covenant, the son of Zacharias
declared _the whole nation_ to be spiritually unclean. The baptism,
which the Jewish teachers required of all who would be admitted as
proselytes from heathenism[249], he demanded of the elect nation itself,
of high and low, rich and poor, learned and unlearned, if they would
be prepared for the coming of the Messiah. _The axe_, he cried, _lay
at the root of the trees_, and EVERY _tree which brought not forth good
fruit would be hewn down and cast into the fire_ (Mtt. iii. 10).
Great were the searchings of heart caused by the appearance of this
strange Preacher, and the utterances of this _Voice crying in the
wilderness_ (Lk. iii. 15). Some thought he was the Messiah, the hope
of Israel; others Elias; others the Prophet of whom Moses had spoken.
John replied he was none of these. He was only preparing the way for
Another. He, indeed, baptized with water unto repentance, but One was
at hand far _mightier than himself, the latchet of whose shoes he was
not worthy to bear[250], He should baptize with the Holy Ghost and with
fire. His winnowing fan was in His hand, and He would throughly purge
His floor, gathering the wheat into His garner, but burning up the
chaff with unquenchable fire_ (Lk. iii. 16–18).
The impression thus made upon the people was profound. How long the
Baptist continued his work of preparation we are not told[251]. But at
length, even as he declared, the MESSIAH appeared, and commenced His
public ministry. Leaving the home of His childhood in retired Nazareth
(Mtt. iii. 13; Mk. i. 9), probably about the close of the year A.D. 27,
JESUS advanced southward towards the Jordan Valley. Either at the
northern ford of Succoth or the more southern one east of Jericho,
He found His great Forerunner, and desired to be baptized by him.
The Baptist, who had hitherto rebuked without distinction the sins of
all classes and all grades, was deeply moved by the request. With an
instinctive conviction of the immaculate purity of Him, whose advent
he had announced, he sought to prevent[252] Him, saying, _I have need
to be baptized of Thee, and comest Thou to me?_ (Mtt. iii. 14). But his
objection was overruled. _Suffer it to be so now_, replied the Holy One;
_for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness_ (Mtt. iii. 15).
Then at length the Baptist consented, and when all the people had
been baptized (Lk. iii. 21), descended with Him into the river, and
administered the initiatory rite, after which the Redeemer ascended
from the water, and was engaged in solemn prayer (Lk. iii. 21), when
the heavens were opened, and in an embodied form, like unto a Dove, the
Holy Spirit descended, and _abode upon Him_. But this was not all, for
at the same time there came a Voice from heaven, saying, _Thou art My
beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased_ (Mtt. iii. 16, 17; Lk. iii. 22;
Mk. i. 11).
Thus in the presence of His Forerunner, the Divine nature of the
Messiah was attested, and His work of Redemption inaugurated. He had
come to _destroy the works of the devil_ (1 Jn. iii. 8), His very first
work, therefore, was to enter on a conflict with the great Enemy of
mankind. _Full of the Holy Ghost_, He was _led up_ by the motions of
that Spirit (Mtt. iv. 1), either into the wilderness of Judæa, or the
lonely desert mountains east of the Jordan[253], to _be tempted by
the devil_ (Mtt. iv. 1; Mk. i. 12). For forty days and forty nights
He remained amidst the thickets and caverns of that dreary region,
abounding in fierce and savage beasts (Mk. i. 13), and during all this
period He had nothing to eat.
At length, when hunger had weakened the energies of the body, the
Tempter approached, and suggested that if He was in truth the Son of
God, He should command the stones that lay around to become bread. But
the Holy One detected at once the subtle insinuation to mistrust His
heavenly Father’s power, and in the words of Scripture (Deut. viii. 3)
replied, _It is written, Man shall not live by bread alone, but by
every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God_ (Mtt. iv. 4; Lk.
iv. 4).
Foiled in his attempt to induce the Redeemer by a selfish display
of power to satisfy the wants of the body, the Tempter now sought
by another avenue to achieve a victory over Him. Taking Him up to an
exceeding high mountain, he displayed before His eyes in a moment of
time all _the kingdoms of the world and the glories of them_, promising
to place all in His power, if He would only fall down and worship him.
But this temptation also the Holy One repelled. Falling back a second
time on the revealed Word, and the same portion of it (Deut. vi. 13),
He replied, _It is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and
Him only shalt thou serve_.
But yet again the Evil One renewed his attack. Taking the Redeemer into
the Holy City, he placed Him on the lofty pinnacle, the topmost ridge
of the South side of the Temple, and bade Him, if He were the Son of
God, vindicate His eternal nature, cast Himself down, and thus display
by one dazzling exhibition of power His relation to the Supreme, and
confirm His Messianic claims. But he was no more successful than before.
The Redeemer saw through his wiles, and the sophistry wherewith he
sought to support his demand by quoting the language of the Psalmist
(Ps. xci. 11), _He shall give His angels charge concerning Thee, and
in their hands they shall bear Thee up, lest at any time Thou dash
Thy foot against a stone_. For the third time He had recourse to the
written Word, and for the third time referring to the same portion of
it (Deut. vi. 16), made answer, _Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God_.
With this last assault the Temptation was ended. Where the first Adam
had fallen, the second Adam had triumphed, nor swerved for a moment
from the path of strictest obedience to the will of His Father in
Heaven. The Devil now left Him _for a season_ (Lk. iv. 13), or rather
till a more convenient occasion for renewing his attempt, _and angels
came and ministered unto Him_, who had already proved Himself “more
than conqueror” over the crafts and assaults of the Wicked One.
CHAPTER II.
_CALL OF THE FIRST DISCIPLES――THE MARRIAGE AT CANA._
A.D. 27.
SUSTAINED by the ministries of these blessed spirits the Saviour
returned towards the Jordan Valley, and drew near the ford of Bethabara
or Bethany (Jn. i. 28). Here again He met the Baptist, who was still
prosecuting his work, and baptizing the multitudes who flocked around
him. Such was the effect produced by his preaching, that the rulers
at Jerusalem determined to interpose, and the day before a formal
deputation had waited upon him to enquire whether he was the Messiah,
or Elias, or the prophet predicted by Moses (Jn. i. 21). Again he
declared that he had no pretensions to such a dignity, that he was but
the _Voice of one crying in the wilderness_, and preparing the way of
the Messiah, of One infinitely mightier than himself, _the very latchet
of whose shoe he was unworthy to unloose_.
But now, lifting up his eyes, he beheld Him to whom he had borne such
faithful testimony (Jn. i. 29), and addressing Him as _the Lamb of
God, who taketh away the sin of the world_, repeated his solemn and
assured conviction of His Divine nature (Jn. i. 30–34). Again, the day
following, as he was standing in the company of two of His disciples,
he beheld the Redeemer, and in their hearing pointed Him out under
the same impressive title. On this occasion his words were not without
their effect. The two disciples, one of whom was Andrew, a native
of Bethsaida (Jn. i. 41), and the other, in all probability, the
Evangelist St John, were so powerfully affected by them, that, drawn
as it were by a powerful magnet, they left the Baptist and _followed
Jesus_ (Jn. i. 37).
The Redeemer perceived them following Him, and enquired what they
sought? _Rabbi, where dwellest Thou?_ was their reply. He mercifully
bade them _come and see_, and they went and abode with Him for the
rest of that day (Jn. i. 39), and resolved to follow Him. Others soon
followed their example. Andrew went in quest of his own brother Simon,
and declaring that the true Messiah had been found brought him to
Jesus, who named him Cephas or Peter, _the Rock-man_. The day following,
the Saviour set out in the direction of Galilee, and finding Philip,
a native, like Andrew and Peter, of Bethsaida, bade him join their
company. Philip obeyed, and falling in with Nathanael[254], the son of
Tolmai, a native of Cana in Galilee (Jn. xxi. 2), announced that HE,
of whom Moses and the Prophets had written, had been discovered in
the person of Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of Joseph. Though a native
of Galilee, Nathanael could not at first believe that any good could
come out of a town which enjoyed so low a reputation as Nazareth. But
his friend bade him come and judge for himself. He obeyed, and was
drawing near the Holy One, when he heard His declaration that he was
_an Israelite indeed in whom was no guile_ (Jn. i. 48). So little was
Nathanael prepared for such words of praise, that he could not refrain
from enquiring how he had become known to Jesus. _Before that Philip
called thee, when thou wast under the fig-tree_[255], answered the Holy
One. The reply convinced the other that One from whom no secrets were
hid could be no ordinary Being. _Rabbi_, said he, _Thou art the Son of
God, Thou art the King of Israel_, and was enrolled in the number of
his new Master’s followers.
On the third day after His departure towards Galilee, the Saviour with
His five disciples reached the little village of Cana[256], situated
no great distance from Nazareth. Here a marriage-feast was about to
be celebrated, at which the Virgin was present, and the Holy One with
His new found followers was invited as well. Their presence appears to
have increased beyond expectation the number of the guests, and to have
rendered the provision made for their entertainment insufficient. When,
therefore, they wanted wine, the mother of the Saviour directed His
attention to the fact. Whatever was the precise meaning she herself
attached to her words, they drew down upon her a slight rebuke. _Woman_,
was His reply, _what have I to do with thee? Mine hour is not yet
come._ But as though these words concealed a real granting of her
request, she bade the servants execute any command He might give, and
the issue justified her expectations (Jn. ii. 2–5).
In the apartment, where the feast was proceeding, were placed, for the
sake of the frequent lustrations of the Jews, six large waterpots of
water, containing as much as two or three firkins a-piece. These the
Saviour commanded the servants to fill with water. And on their filling
them up to the brim, bade them draw out and bear to the master of the
feast, _i.e._ either one of the guests set over the banquet by general
consent of the guests, or a chief attendant who ordered the course of
the feast, and superintended the ministrations of the inferior servants.
He tasted the water now converted into wine, and knowing not whence it
was, remarked that men usually set forth good wine at the beginning of
the feast, and afterwards that which was worse, but _He had kept the
good wine_ until then (Jn. ii. 10).
Unobtrusively, however, as it had been wrought, the reality of this
first miracle could not escape the notice of the guests. The _glory_
of the Saviour hitherto hidden was now _manifested_, and the faith of
the disciples in their new-found Master was confirmed. The marriage
festivities of the Jews usually lasted six or seven days, and at
the close of this period with His mother, His brethren, and His five
disciples (Jn. ii. 12), the Saviour went down to Capernaum[257] on the
shore of the lake of Gennesaret. The Passover was now nigh at hand,
and Capernaum would afford a convenient point for joining the pilgrim
companies going up to Jerusalem[258], and there He abode a few days (Jn.
ii. 12), engaging, probably, in private intercourse with His disciples,
rather than any public ministrations in the city.
CHAPTER III.
_THE FIRST PASSOVER, AND CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE._
A.D. 28.
AFTER a stay of not many days at Capernaum (Jn. ii. 12) the Redeemer
and His five disciples turned their steps southward towards Jerusalem,
to celebrate the first Passover of His public ministry (Jn. ii. 13).
Strange and full of deep significance was the scene which the Holy City
presented at this season. The streets were filled with multitudes of
Jews and proselytes, who had come up from all quarters of the world
to celebrate the Feast. The hills around were whitened with countless
flocks of lambs[259] and kids. The gates, especially the Sheep-gate,
were choked with moving masses of helpless victims ready to be examined
by the priests, and on being pronounced free from blemish, to be
selected by each Paschal company for their Paschal meal.
In the midst of a moving scene like this He, who had been already
pointed out as the _Lamb of God_, entered the city. Repairing to the
Temple, He was confronted, probably in the Court of the Gentiles,
with a scene of desecration, which called forth the first[260] display
of holy zeal for the dwelling-place of Him, whom He had already
declared to be His Father (Lk. ii. 49). For the convenience of Jews
and proselytes residing at a distance from the Holy City, a kind of
market had been established in the outer court, and here sacrificial
victims, incense, oil, wine, and other things necessary for the service
and the sacrifices, were to be obtained. The common money, moreover,
circulated in foreign countries not being receivable within the Temple,
the money-changers had set up their tables in the same locality, to
exchange all common and foreign coins for the sacred shekel, alone
current in the Temple precincts. But together with the money-changing
other business had gradually crept in, and in place of the order and
decorum that ought to have reigned there, the noisy huckstering of
merchants and traders disturbed the devotions of the worshippers,
and converted the Sanctuary of the most High into the likeness of a
wrangling mart.
Such was the scene that presented itself to the Saviour in the courts
of His Father’s House. As soon as His eye had rested upon it, He made
_a scourge of small cords_ (Jn. ii. 15), and with this simple weapon,
singly and alone, drove forth the sheep and oxen. Then overthrowing
the tables of the money-changers, He poured out their unholy gains,
and with a voice of conscious authority bade even those who sold doves,
to take those things thence, nor make _His Father’s house a house of
merchandise_. Awed by His words and His calm majesty, the desecrators
left the scene of their unholy traffic, while others wondering at an
act, which legally could only be performed by one of the Sanhedrin or
a prophet, approached Him and requested a sign, the performance of some
miracle or prodigy, in attestation of His right to do these things[261]
(Jn. ii. 18).
Thus challenged the Holy One did not withhold a “sign.” With that
majestic calmness, which ever distinguished Him, but without a single
word of comment or explanation, He said, _Destroy this Temple, and
in three days I will raise it up_. Perplexed and confounded the Jews
replied, _Forty and six years was this Temple in building, and wilt
Thou raise it up in three days?_ But to their enquiry no answer was
vouchsafed. They had asked for a “sign,” and a “sign” had been given,
but in the shape of a “parable,” a “dark saying,” which they never
forgot[262], and which, though not understood by the disciples at
the time, was afterwards revealed to them in all its deep meaning (Jn.
ii. 21, 22).
But another incident was to render this Passover forever memorable.
During His stay at Jerusalem (Jn. ii. 23) the Saviour wrought signs
and wonders, which stirred the hearts of those who witnessed them,
and caused many to _believe on His Name_. But their faith sprang from
imperfect motives, and He, who knew what was in man, would not entrust
Himself to them, or unveil the mysteries of His kingdom. Still even
thus early there was one to whom He could more nearly reveal Himself.
One of the members of the Sanhedrin[263] at this time was a Pharisee,
named Nicodemus, who had probably heard of the marvellous incident,
which had so lately occurred in the Temple-courts, and had witnessed
one or more of the mighty works, which the Stranger from Nazareth had
wrought. Convinced that He could be no ordinary person, that unassisted
by Divine Power He could not perform such signs and wonders, he had
resolved, in spite of his position, in spite of the risk he ran, in
spite of the natural prejudice against so obscure a teacher, to go
himself and ascertain who and what He was.
Under cover of night, therefore, he sought out the Saviour, who not
only graciously received him, but unfolded to him the mystery of a
birth, _not of the will of man, nor of the will of the flesh_, but of
water and of the Holy Spirit (Jn. iii. 5–8). And when the wondering
ruler enquired _how could these things be_, He went on to hint at a
still deeper mystery, and to intimate the true purport of the coming
of the Son of Man, the Messiah, whom he and the nation expected. _As
Moses_, that Moses whose writings he studied and expounded, _lifted
up the serpent in the wilderness[264], even so must the Son of Man be
lifted up, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have
everlasting life_ (Jn. iii. 12–16). How far the Jewish ruler entered
into the meaning of this mysterious intimation, so entirely opposed
to all that was expected by his nation of their Messiah, and how far
it served to stimulate him to still deeper enquiries into the Law and
the Prophets, we are not told. Certain, however, it is that he was not
entirely alienated from the new Teacher, and we shall find at a later
period that he, who thus came to Jesus by night, lived to plead for Him
in open day before the council of the nation (Jn. vii. 50, 51), and to
do honour to His crucified body, when all the Apostles had forsaken Him
and fled (Jn. xix. 39).
PART III.
FROM THE FIRST PASSOVER TO THE ELECTION OF THE APOSTLES.
CHAPTER I.
_IMPRISONMENT OF THE BAPTIST――THE WOMAN OF SAMARIA._
A.D. 28.
THE private interview with Nicodemus just related appears to have
closed the occurrences at this first eventful Passover. When the
pilgrim-companies broke up each for their own homes, the Saviour
repaired with His more immediate followers to the north-eastern parts
of Judæa near the Jordan. Here He too administered the rite of baptism
by the hands of His disciples (Jn. iii. 22; iv. 2), and quickly drew
around Him so great a number of followers, that the adherents of the
Baptist began to find a sensible decrease in the multitude that flocked
around their master.
Repairing, therefore, to him at Ænon[265] near Salim[266], where he
was baptizing, they drew his attention to the fact that HE, to whom
he had borne witness, was also baptizing, and all men were flocking
to Him. But John knew nothing of the mortification of his followers.
With a true greatness of soul far exalted above their wounded feelings,
he asserted in the most emphatic manner that his position was only
secondary with that of the Prophet of Nazareth. He _must decrease_,
but the Other would _increase_, for He was the Bridegroom and had the
Bride. He himself was but the _friend of the Bridegroom_, and rejoiced
to _hear His voice_, and was satisfied with that measure of joy (Jn.
iii. 29–32).
This was the last public testimony of the Baptist to the exalted nature
of the Saviour’s person and work. His own career was rapidly drawing
to a close. The place where he was baptizing was close to the dominions
of Herod-Antipas, the ruler of Galilee and Peræa. This monarch had
been married by his father to the daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia
Petræa, but becoming acquainted at Rome with Herodias, the wife of
his half-brother Herod-Philip, he made overtures of marriage to her,
which were accepted, on condition that he divorced the daughter of
Aretas[267]. But the facts becoming known to the latter, she fled
to her father’s court, who forthwith assembled an army to avenge her
wrongs, and punish her guilty husband. The contest waxed hot on the
frontier of Herod’s dominions, and it was, not improbably, on his way
to confront his father-in-law, when he first encountered the Baptist.
If he had hoped to escape the censure of one, whose influence with
all classes was unbounded, he was utterly deceived. The Baptist was
no _reed shaken by the wind_ (Lk. vii. 24). Boldly, straight-forwardly,
he not only rebuked the king for his notorious offences (Lk. iii. 19),
but denounced the royal incest, and declared the marriage unlawful
(Mtt. xiv. 4; Mk. vi. 18). Such an outspoken reproof from one, whom all
reverenced as a prophet, the monarch could not forgive, and therefore
flung the bold preacher into prison, probably in the gloomy castle of
Machærus, which his father had built on the eastern shore of the Dead
Sea to overawe the wild Arab tribes[268].
The imprisonment of His great forerunner was announced to the Saviour
at a time when He was also aware that the results of His ministry had
roused the jealousy of the Pharisees (Jn. iv. 1). Accordingly, He left
Judæa, and prepared to return by the shortest route through Samaria to
the hills of Galilee (Jn. iv. 3, 4). It was now late in December, four
months from the harvest[269] (Jn. iv. 35), when He thus set out with
His disciples, and reaching the well near Shechem[270], which Jacob had
built in the parcel of ground he gave to his son Joseph, He sat upon
it, weary with travel, for it was the sixth hour, the sultry hour of
noon[271].
As He sat there alone, for His disciples had gone to the neighbouring
town to purchase provisions, a woman of Samaria approached with her
pitcher on her head, and the Saviour requested of her water to quench
His thirst. Astounded that such a request should be made to her by
a Jew, she enquired how He could thus address a Samaritan, with whom
it was not lawful to have any dealings[272]? On this, drawing, as was
ever His wont, similitudes from present circumstances, He excited her
wonder by telling her of _living waters_ at His command _springing up
unto everlasting life_ (Jn. iv. 10, 14), and increased it by revealing
His acquaintance with the secret of her life, for she was living in
adultery (Jn. iv. 18). Roused by this proof of superhuman knowledge
to the fact that she was in the presence of no ordinary Being, she
instantly sought to change the subject, and pointing to the slopes of
Gerizim[273] near at hand, remarked that her fathers worshipped on that
mountain, while the Jews affirmed that in Jerusalem was the place where
men ought to worship. Thereupon the Saviour assured her that _an hour
was at hand, when neither on Gerizim nor yet at Jerusalem would men
worship the Father; the Samaritans worshipped they knew not what; the
Jews worshipped that which they knew, for of them was salvation; but a
time was coming when the true worshippers would worship the Father in
spirit and in truth_. The astonished woman replied that this might be,
when Messiah came, for He could _teach them all things_ (Jn. iv. 25),
and then heard from the Speaker’s own lips the first clear and distinct
announcement that He was the long-expected Messiah (Jn. iv. 26)[274].
At this juncture the disciples returned with the provisions they had
bought, and marvelled that their Master talked with one of the hateful
race, but ventured on no open expostulation. Meanwhile the woman
herself had returned to the town, and bade the inhabitants come and see
One, who had _told her all that ever she did_, and could be no other
than the Messiah (Jn. iv. 28, 29). Accordingly the townsfolk came forth
to see the Saviour, and requested Him to abide with them, which He did,
staying amongst them two days, during which period, the number, which
had learned to believe on Him on account of the woman’s testimony to
His Omniscience, was increased by many others, who, listening to His
own gracious words, were convinced that He was indeed _the Saviour of
the world_[274] (Jn. iv. 42).
Thus to a woman of Samaria He, whose _meat it was to do the will of Him
that sent Him and to finish His work_ (Jn. iv. 34), revealed Himself
as the true Messiah, and she became the first herald of the Gospel, the
firstfruits of a harvest now sown and to be afterwards reaped by Philip
the Deacon (Jn. iv. 38; Acts viii. 5; &c.).
CHAPTER II.
_SECOND VISIT TO CANA AND JERUSALEM._
A.D. 29.
AFTER this stay in Samaria the Saviour returned to Galilee. Thither had
gone before Him the fame of the miracles He had wrought at Jerusalem,
reported by those Galilæans who had returned from the Passover (Jn. iv.
45), and this was now confirmed by a second miracle wrought at Cana.
While staying in this little village, He was visited by a nobleman, or
officer of state[275], not improbably in the service of Herod-Antipas,
who besought him to go down to Capernaum, and heal his son who was
lying at the point of death. Though he was clearly unable to conceive
of any cure, save through the Lord’s bodily presence, and was urgent
that He should come down to Capernaum, the Holy One sent him away
with the assurance that his son was alive. Contented with this word,
the father returned, and on the morrow was met by his servants, who
announced his son’s recovery, and in answer to his enquiries when the
youth had begun to amend, informed him that the day before, at the
seventh hour[276], the fever not only began to abate, but _left_ or
suddenly forsook him. This the other remembered was the very hour
when the Lord had assured him of his son’s recovery, and he became
a believer with all his family (Jn. iv. 53).
After a brief stay in Galilee, the season approached for the
celebration of the Feast of Purim[277], and the Redeemer went up
to Jerusalem (Jn. v. 1). At this time there was near the Sheep-gate,
through which the victims intended for sacrifice were usually brought
into the city, a pool called in the Hebrew language Bethesda[278], or
the _House of Mercy_, which at certain seasons possessed remarkable
healing properties, heralded it would seem by a violent commotion or
bubbling of the waters. Around the pool, sheltered by five porticoes
(Jn. v. 2), there was wont to assemble a multitude of diseased persons,
_lame, blind, withered, waiting for the troubling of the waters_ (Jn.
v. 3).
Amongst these was one who for upwards of 38 years had been a helpless
paralytic, and had long watched in vain for an opportunity to descend
into the healing stream. As often as with slow and painful motion he
crawled towards the waters, another was certain to step in before him,
and anticipate him in acquiring the welcome cure. Seeing this miserable
sufferer, and knowing how long he had been thus afflicted, the Saviour
drew near, and enquired whether he wished to be made whole. Deeming,
probably, that he was only listening to words of casual sympathy, and
little expecting a cure, the man contented himself with relating the
sad story of his constant disappointments (Jn. v. 7). Great, then, must
have been his astonishment, when the Saviour not only bade him rise
and take up the bed or pallet on which he had lain so long, but with
the word gave him also the power to obey, so that he was instantly made
whole, and taking up his bed bore it away with healthy tread.
It was a Sabbath-day on which this marvellous cure was wrought, and the
carrying of any burden was regarded by the Pharisaic interpreters of
the Law as a heinous violation of the sanctity of the day. The sight,
therefore, of a man whose case must have been well known, thus openly
and publicly violating a received rule, could not but excite much
attention. Accordingly “the Jews,” a term by which St John generally
denotes the adherents of the Sanhedrin, summoned him before them, and
questioned him closely concerning his conduct. With artless simplicity,
the man replied that he was only acting up to the command of his Healer,
but when further questioned who He was, could not say, for Jesus had
vanished from the crowd when the cure was wrought (Jn. v. 13).
Shortly afterwards, however, he met his Healer in the Temple, and
then returning informed the authorities that Jesus was the author of
his cure. On this the Saviour Himself was called to account for His
conduct (Jn. v. 16, 17), and proceeded to avow before His astonished
and indignant auditors His union in dignity and honour with the eternal
Father. This avowal, added to the fact that He had shewn dishonour to
the Sabbath, roused the first symptoms of hostility on the part of the
authorities at Jerusalem, and they even sought to kill Him (Jn. v. 18).
But, undeterred by their opposition, the Holy One went on to claim
plainly and unreservedly, the character and functions of the Messiah,
to reiterate the fact of His Divine Original, and to declare that He
was invested with power as the future Judge of mankind (Jn. v. 22–30).
In support of these claims, He appealed to the testimony which the
Baptist had publicly borne to His exalted nature (Jn. v. 33–35), to
the miracles which He had wrought (Jn. v. 36), to the authority of the
sacred writings which testified of Him (Jn. v. 39), and to the great
Lawgiver Moses, who, He declared, had written of Him (Jn. v. 46).
This incident forms an important epoch in the Gospel history[279].
The degree of toleration, and even of acceptance, with which the
preaching of the Saviour had been received in Judæa, was exchanged
for hostility, which, though as yet it led to no attempt to seize His
Person, manifested itself with increasing distinctness. Accordingly,
He left Judæa, which had shewn itself unwilling to receive Him, and
retired to Galilee, and there taught in the synagogues (Lk. iv. 15).
CHAPTER III.
_MIRACLES AT NAZARETH AND CAPERNAUM._
A.D. 29.
AMONGST the places He now visited, the Redeemer repaired to Nazareth,
where _He had been brought up_ (Lk. iv. 16), and where many, if not
all His kindred were residing. The Sabbath came round, and, as was
His wont, He entered the Synagogue, and for the first time stood up to
read in His native village. The worship, which began with prayer, was
followed by the reading of the Law and the Prophets, and the portion
of the latter either appointed for the day, or selected by His own
Divine wisdom and foreknowledge, was taken from the 61st chapter of
the prophet Isaiah. This portion was by universal consent applied to
the Messiah, and spoke of Him as anointed _to preach the Gospel to the
poor_, as sent _to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to
the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them
that were bound_ (Lk. iv. 18, 19). Accordingly the Saviour read the
words in the ears of those assembled, and then folding up the scroll,
returned it to the _♦chazzan_ or minister, and sat down[280].
This last act was a sign that He intended to take upon Himself the
office of interpreter, and _the eyes of all were fastened upon Him_
(Lk. iv. 20). _This day_, He began to say, _is this Scripture fulfilled
in your ears_, and proceeded to pour forth the long-hidden treasures of
wisdom and grace. The first effect upon His audience was one of signal
approval. They all marvelled at the _gracious words which proceeded out
of His lips_ (Lk. iv. 22). But other and very different feelings soon
arose in their minds. They began to recall the fact of His lowly origin
(Lk. iv. 22), and when the Holy One went on to intimate that no prophet
was accepted in his own country, that, as was illustrated, even in Old
Testament times, by the cases of the widow of Zarephath and Naaman the
Syrian, the mercies of God were not restricted to the Jews only (Lk.
iv. 24–28), they were wrought up to such a pitch of fury, that they not
only arose and thrust the Speaker out of their synagogue, but leading
Him to _the brow of the hill on which their city was built_[281], would
have cast Him down headlong, had He not, probably by an exercise of
Divine power, escaped from their hands, and disappeared (Lk. iv. 30).
Thus rejected at Nazareth as He had been at Jerusalem, the Saviour
turned His steps towards the busy neighbourhood of the lake of
Gennesaret, and took up His abode at Capernaum[282] (Mtt. iv. 13;
Lk. iv. 31), whence He could easily communicate, as well by land as
by lake, with many important towns, and in the event of any threatened
persecution retire into a more secure region[283].
Illustration: THE SHORES OF THE SEA OF GALILEE
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Maclear’s New Test.ᵗ History_
_Stanford’s Geog.ˡ Estab.ᵗ_
The recent cure of the son of the officer in Herod’s court was not
forgotten at Capernaum, and _many pressing_ upon the Saviour _to hear
the word of God_ (Lk. v. 1), it became clear that an opportunity was
now afforded for an active and systematic ministry among a people
_sitting in darkness and in the shadow of death_ (Mtt. iv. 16). The
first act, therefore, of the Redeemer was permanently to attach to His
Person, and invest with the authority of teachers, four of the number
afterwards known as the “twelve Apostles.” As He walked by the lake, He
saw Simon and Andrew employed in fishing, and the sons of Zebedee[284],
James and John, in a vessel mending their nets (Mk. i. 16, 19; Mtt.
iv. 18, 21; Lk. v. 2–6). They had already known Him for above a year,
and now He would formally call them to leave their earthly occupations,
and become _fishers of men_[285].
As the people, therefore, pressed upon Him, He requested Simon to
push off his boat a little way from the shore, that He might teach the
multitude, and at the close of His discourse, bade him thrust out into
the deeper waters, and let down his net for a draught. The ill success
that had attended his efforts the previous night, made Simon at first
hesitate, but he had no sooner made the trial, than the net enclosed
such a multitude of fishes, that it began to break (Lk. v. 6). On
this he and Andrew beckoned to James and John, and their companions in
the other boat, who had doubtless watched all that had occurred, and
they immediately came to their help, and filled both the boats so that
they began to sink (Lk. v. 7). So deep was the impression made by this
unlooked-for success upon the mind of Peter, that yielding as always to
the impulse of the moment, he cried, _Depart from me, for I am a sinful
man, O Lord_[286]. But the emblem of their future destinies, and the
pledge of future success, having thus been given them, the Saviour
bade him and the others leave their ships and become _fishers of men_.
And thus Peter and Andrew, James and John, quitting their earthly
occupations, henceforth became His regular attendants and disciples.
The report of this miracle, and of the determination of the four to
follow the Prophet of Nazareth, would soon be noised abroad among the
populous villages along the lake. It is no wonder, then, that on the
following Sabbath the words of the Saviour were eagerly listened to
in the synagogue of Capernaum (Mk. i. 22; Lk. iv. 32), confirmed as
they also were by a remarkable occurrence that now took place. A man
was present in the synagogue possessed with an evil spirit, which, in
the hearing of all, cried out, _What have I to do with Thee, Jesus of
Nazareth? art Thou come to destroy us? I know Thee who Thou art, the
Holy One of God._ Thereupon the Redeemer rebuking him, and bidding him
hold his peace, commanded the Evil Spirit to leave the sufferer he was
tormenting, and the demon having thrown the man into strong convulsions
(Mk. i. 26), and “uttering an inarticulate cry of rage and pain[287]”
left him, amidst the awe and wonder of those assembled.
This miracle――the first of the kind――over unclean spirits was speedily
noised abroad throughout the whole region of Galilee, and excited a
strong enthusiasm in favour of the _Prophet of Nazareth_. Leaving the
synagogue, the Saviour repaired to the abode of Peter, whose wife’s
mother lay struck with a violent fever[288], and taking her by the
hand lifted her up. Immediately the malady yielding before that Divine
rebuke (Lk. iv. 39), left her, and in place of the exhausted energy and
prostration usually following it, she found herself able not only to
rise, but even to minister to the Healer and His disciples (Mk. i. 31).
When, however, the sun began to set, the effect of the miracle in the
synagogue became still more apparent. The whole city seemed to have
collected about the abode of the humble fisherman, bringing with them
all who were sick, or afflicted with demons, and placed them before his
Master. Nor did they come in vain, for laying His hands upon each of
them, He, who _Himself took our infirmities and bare our sicknesses_
(Is. liii. 4; Mtt. viii. 17), restored to them the blessing of health.
CHAPTER IV.
_CALL OF MATTHEW――HOSTILITY OF THE PHARISEES._
A.D. 28.
EARLY on the following morning Peter and his companions found that
their Master had left the city, and retired to a solitary place for the
purpose of engaging in secret prayer. Having discovered the place of
His retreat, they announced that the excitement of the previous evening
was not subsided, that all _were seeking Him_ (Mk. i. 37); and soon
their words were confirmed by the coming of a crowd, who besought Him
not to leave them. But this could not be. The Divine Purpose required
that He should proclaim the Glad Tidings of His kingdom in other places
also; and He commenced a tour throughout Galilee, teaching in the
synagogues, casting forth demons, and healing all manner of sickness
and disease (Mtt. iv. 23; Mk. i. 39).
Among other recipients of His gracious bounty, was one afflicted with
the awful malady of leprosy, which none ever hoped could be cured.
Bearing about him all the emblems of his sad condition, his clothes
rent, his head bare (Comp. Num. vi. 9; Ezek. xxiv. 17), his lip covered
(Ezek. xxiv. 17), he drew near the Saviour, and flinging himself on the
ground before His feet, besought Him, if it was His will, to cleanse
him. Though the Law forbade all contact with one, afflicted with a
disease, to which the Jews gave the significant name of _the Stroke_,
the Holy One put forth His hand, and touched Him, saying, _I will,
be thou clean_. Instantly his flesh returned to him as the flesh of
a little child, and he was clean, and, at the command of his Healer,
repaired to the priests at Jerusalem to present the offering required
of one so cleansed[289], and thus in his own person bear witness
against them[290], and their unbelief.
Obedient to this injunction of his Healer, the cleansed leper found it
more difficult to remember His other command, and abstain from saying
anything to any one of the way in which he had been healed (Mk. i. 44;
Lk. v. 14). In the fulness of his exulting thankfulness he could not
contain himself, but, wherever he went, began _to blaze abroad the
matter_, so that crowds gathered round the Saviour, and, unable to
enter Capernaum (Mk. i. 45), He was fain to remain in secluded places,
where He continued in prayer (Lk. v. 16) and ministered unto such as
sought Him (Mk. i. 45).
After the subsidence, however, of the first excitement, He returned
to Capernaum (Mk. ii. 1), and either in His own abode (Mk. ii. 1),
or possibly that of Peter, preached the word to the multitudes, who
flocked thither. During His absence there had arrived not only from
Galilee, but even from Judæa and Jerusalem (Lk. v. 17), Pharisees and
lawyers, who insidiously watched all that He did. As, then, He was
proclaiming the doctrines of the kingdom in their presence, an incident
occurred, which roused in no small degree the ill-will of these doctors
of the law. Four men approached the chamber where the Saviour was,
bearing upon a litter a helpless paralytic, and finding an entrance in
the usual way impracticable, they bore the man up the outside staircase,
and let him down through the roof into His presence.
Perceiving their faith, the Saviour was ready to bestow upon the
object of so much solicitude the boon they craved. But, instead of
assuring him of the cure of his malady, He addressed the paralytic
with the words _Son, thy sins be forgiven thee_. This expression,
more startling than anything He had yet said, inasmuch as it implied a
distinct equality with God in respect to one of His most incommunicable
attributes, roused much disputing among the watchful emissaries from
Jerusalem. Was not this a blasphemous utterance, for who could forgive
sins, save God only? But, unmoved by their dark suspicions, and knowing
the secret thoughts of their hearts, the Holy One bade the man rise,
take up his bed, and walk, which he straightway did, and so revealed
the completeness of his restored powers to the astonishment of all the
spectators, who confessed that they had _seen strange things that day_,
and _glorified God, who had given such power unto men_ (Lk. v. 26;
Mtt. ix. 8).
Overpowered by their wonder at this signal miracle, the Pharisees and
Scribes did not give further vent to their indignation at this claim
to exercise the awful power of forgiving sins. But their national
prejudices were soon to receive a still greater shock. As He walked by
the side of the lake of Gennesaret, the Saviour beheld _sitting at the
receipt of custom_, probably at the port of Capernaum, a tax-gatherer
named Levi or Matthew[291], the son of Alphæus. Though he belonged
to a class above all others hated and despised by Jews of all orders,
the Lord did not hesitate to invite him to become one of His immediate
followers. The tax-gatherer, who may have had some prior acquaintance
with the Prophet of Nazareth, straightway gave up his usual calling,
and in honour of his new Master made _a great feast_ (Lk. v. 29; Mk.
ii. 15), to which he invited many of his old associates.
When the Scribes and Pharisees beheld Him thus openly associating
with a degraded caste, they could not restrain themselves, and openly
protested against such an infraction of custom and right behaviour.
But they were speedily silenced by His wise reply. If those, amongst
whom He sat, were sinners, then to them was it specially meet that He
should vouchsafe His presence, for, as the Physician of souls, He had
specially come to call _not the righteous but sinners to repentance_
(Mtt. ix. 13; Mk. ii. 17; Lk. v. 31, 32). Nor were they more successful
in contrasting His apparent laxity and freedom with the strictness and
austerity of the Baptist. The very garments worn by those around, the
very wine they were drinking, suggested similes that conveyed the true
answer to their objections[292]. _To sew a piece of new cloth on an
old_ and ragged garment, to _pour new wine into old bottles_ of skin,
was not more foolish than to attempt to unite with the Dispensation He
was inaugurating the dead formalities of one which was rapidly passing
away for ever (Mtt. ix. 14–17; Mk. ii. 18–22; Lk. v. 33–39).
The day following was a Sabbath, _the second-first Sabbath_[293],
as St Luke calls it (Lk. vi. 1), and the Saviour walked through
the corn-fields with His disciples, who began to pluck the ears
of ripening grain, and to eat them, rubbing them in their hands.
Such an act, though not forbidden by the Mosaic code, was declared
unlawful by the traditional expounders[294]. The Pharisees, therefore,
already scandalized by His assumption of power to forgive sins, and
His associating with publicans, now urged a third complaint against
His allowing His disciples to do what was unlawful on the Sabbath. But
in full and explicit vindication of what they had done, the Saviour
not only referred His accusers to the well-known incident in the life
of David, when flying from Saul, he ate the shewbread, forbidden to all
except the priests (1 Sam. xxi. 6), and to the words of the Prophet,
who had declared that God would _have mercy, and not sacrifice_ (Hos.
vi. 6), but openly declared that HE, as the Son of Man, was _Lord also
of the Sabbath_, which had been _ordained for man, and not man for the
sabbath_ (Mtt. xii. 8).
A week afterwards He entered the Synagogue, and descried a man having
his right hand withered, occupying, it would seem, a prominent position,
and surrounded by Scribes and Pharisees, who were maliciously on the
watch to see what He would do, and to obtain matter for accusation
(Mtt. xii. 10; Mk. iii. 2; Lk. vi. 7). They now propounded the distinct
question whether it was lawful to heal on the Sabbath-day. In reply
the Saviour reminded them that the Law allowed a man, whose sheep had
fallen into a pit, to lift it out on the Sabbath, and enquired whether
they deemed it more consistent with the holiness of the day to do good
or to do evil, to save life or to slay. Silenced and abashed they had
not a word to urge in their own defence, and were obliged to stand by,
while He, _looking round about on them with anger, being grieved for
the hardness of their hearts_ (Mk. iii. 5), bade the man stretch forth
his hand, which was instantly restored whole as the other.
Such an exhibition of Divine power, such a calm and unanswerable
protest against their narrow bigotry, was more than they could bear.
Filled with _madness_ (Lk. vi. 11), the Scribes and Pharisees went
forth and called a council (Mtt. xii. 14), and not ashamed to unite
with their political opponents, the followers of Herod Antipas (Mk.
iii. 6), began to form plans for compassing His death (Mk. iii. 6; Lk.
vi. 11).
PART IV.
FROM THE ELECTION OF THE APOSTLES
TO THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.
CHAPTER I.
_CALL OF THE APOSTLES――SERMON ON THE MOUNT._
A.D. 28.
WE have now reached a very important turning-point in the Gospel
History. While the fame of the Saviour had spread abroad in every
direction throughout the land, the animosity of the ruling powers had
clearly displayed itself alike in Judæa and in Galilee, and there was
already an active correspondence between the Scribes and Pharisees in
both districts respecting His claims and pretensions. As yet, while the
current of popular feeling ran in His favour, their hostility confined
itself to secretly plotting against Him, and devising means for
hindering Him in His work, with the hope that some imprudence or sudden
change in the feeling of the multitude might put him in their power.
It was at this juncture, then, that He took a more decided step
towards the establishment of His Divine work. Hitherto He had seemed
to stand almost alone. Though a few had been gathered around Him as
His disciples they did not present the appearance of a regular and
organized community, of which He was the Head, nor had they received
a distinct and solemn commission to disseminate His doctrines.
Such a commission was now to be given.
Attracted by His miracles of healing, crowds gathered about Him not
only from Judæa, Jerusalem and Galilee, but even from Peræa, Idumæa,
and the country around Tyre and Sidon (Mk. iii. 7, 8; Lk. vi. 17),
bringing such as were afflicted with any diseases, and beseeching his
aid. While, therefore, He did not withhold that Divine assistance which
they so eagerly craved (Lk. vi. 9), but graciously healed them, He now
retired from the constant interruption, to which their coming exposed
Him, and sought a retreat in the lonely mountain-range west of the sea
of Tiberias. There he spent a night in solemn meditation and prayer
(Lk. vi. 12), and on the following morning called to Him His disciples,
and made selection amongst them of Twelve, who should be in continual
personal attendance upon Him (Mk. iii. 14), and whom He might send
forth to preach in His name, and to exercise power over evil spirits
(Mk. iii. 15).
The Twelve thus selected and denominated Apostles were:――
1. Symeon or Simon, the son of Jonas (Jn. i. 42; xxi. 16), called
also Cephas[295] or Peter (a _stone_ or _rock_).
2. Andrew, his brother (Mtt. iv. 18), a native of Bethsaida,
and a former disciple of the Baptist[296].
3. James, the son of Zebedee (Mtt. iv. 21) and Salome (Mk.
xv. 40), also of Bethsaida, and
4. John, his brother, afterwards known as “the friend of Jesus,”
the “♦disciple whom Jesus loved” (Jn. xiii. 23), and in
the ancient Church as ὁ ἐπιστήθιος, he who “leaned on His
breast[297].”
5. Philip, a native of Bethsaida, and one of the earliest
disciples (Jn. i. 43)[298].
6. Bartholomew = Bar-Tolmai, “the son of Tolmai,” most probably
identical with Nathanael[299].
7. Matthew or Levi, a collector of customs at Capernaum[300].
8. Thomas or Didymus (_a twin_), (Jn. xi. 16; xx. 24).
9. James, the son of Alphæus, or “James the Less.”
10. Judas, a brother or, possibly, a son of James (Acts i. 13),
and surnamed Thaddæus and Lebbæus (Mtt. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18).
11. Simon the _♦Canaanite_ (Mk. iii. 18) or _Cananæan_ (Mtt.
x. 24), in Greek _Zelotes_ (Lk. vi. 15; Acts i. 13), one,
probably, who before his call had belonged to the sect of
the zealots[301].
12. Judas, sometimes called the _son of Simon_ (Jn. vi. 71;
xiii. 2, 26), more generally _Iscariot_, _i.e._ probably a
native of Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), a little village in the
tribe of Judah.
After this formal selection and ordination of the Twelve Apostles,
the Saviour descended from the mountain-peak[302], where He had spent
the night, to a more level spot (Lk. vi. 17), and sitting down in
the formal attitude of a Teacher in the presence of His disciples and
the multitude, which had gathered around Him, proceeded to deliver
that wondrous summary of Christian doctrine and practice known as the
“Sermon on the Mount”[303] (Mtt. v.‒vii.; Lk. vi. 20–49).
At its conclusion, He repaired again to Capernaum (Lk. vii. 1), where
He was met by certain elders of the synagogue bearing a message from
a centurion belonging to the Roman garrison quartered in the place,
one of whose slaves lay stricken with paralysis. Though an officer of
imperial Rome, he had not regarded with contempt the religion of the
people amongst whom He was placed, but had aided them in building their
synagogue, and evinced much kindness towards them. At their request,
therefore, the Saviour proceeded towards his house, but on the way was
met by certain of the centurion’s friends, who bade Him not trouble
Himself to enter his abode, but speak the word, and he was assured
his slave would recover. Such faith, the faith of a true soldier[304],
who could believe that the Holy One was as well able to command the
unseen agencies producing sickness, as he was himself to rule his own
soldiers, moved the wonder even of the Lord, and was quickly rewarded
by the healing of apparently the first Gentile sufferer[305].
On the following day (Lk. vii. 11), leaving Capernaum, accompanied
by His disciples and a large multitude, the Saviour proceeded in the
direction of Nain, then a place of considerable extent in the Esdraelon
plain, now little more than a cluster of ruins[306]. As he drew near, a
sad and mournful spectacle met his eyes. A young man, _the only son of
his mother_, and _she a widow_ (Lk. vii. 12), was being carried on a
bier towards his last resting-place, probably in one of the sepulchral
caves which perforated the rock on the western side of the town.
Beholding the forlorn and desolate mother, the Holy One was filled
with the deepest compassion, and bidding her not weep, advanced towards
the bier and touched it. Thereupon the bearers stood still, while
addressing the corpse He said, _Young man, I say unto thee, Arise_, at
which word of power the dead man instantly sat up and began to speak,
and was restored to his wondering and rejoicing mother (Lk. vii. 15).
This first signal victory over death filled all those, who witnessed
it, with awe and astonishment, and they thankfully glorified God who
had raised up a prophet among them and truly _visited His people_ (Lk.
vii. 16). No such miracle had been wrought since the days of Elisha,
and the fame of it _went forth throughout all Judæa, and throughout
all the region round about_. (Lk. vii. 17). Amongst those to whom it
was related, together with the mighty works of the Saviour, was the
Baptist, still detained in prison in the gloomy castle of Machærus[307]
(Mtt. xi. 2; Lk. vii. 18). Thereupon he sent two of his disciples[308]
to Jesus with the question, _Art Thou He that should come, or do we
look for another?_ Whatever was his precise motive in making this
formal enquiry, whether it was for the sake of fully convincing
his own disciples, or from a desire for the comfort of a definite
assurance from the Saviour’s own lips, or from impatience at the slow
establishment of the kingdom of the Messiah, it was fully answered. At
the hour when the messengers arrived, the Saviour was actively engaged
in His daily labours of love, healing diseases, casting out demons, and
restoring sight to the blind (Lk. vii. 21); He therefore bade the two
disciples return and tell their master what things they had seen and
heard, _how the lame walked, the lepers were cleansed, the dead were
raised, the poor had the Gospel preached to them_ (Mtt. xi. 5). But
besides these proofs of His Messiahship, which, as the Baptist could
hardly fail to remember, had been distinctly indicated by the Prophets
(comp. Isai. xxxv. 5, 6; lxi. 1), the Holy One added a special word
for John’s weary prison-hours and the doubts of his disciples, saying,
_Blessed is he, whosoever shall not be offended in Me_ (Mtt. xi. 6;
Lk. vii. 23), “at My calm and unassuming course of mercy and love to
mankind, at My total disregard of worldly honours, at My refusal to
place Myself at the head of the people as a temporal Messiah[309].”
No sooner, however, had the messengers departed than the Saviour took
the opportunity of vindicating before the bystanders[310], who, perhaps,
from the enquiry he had put, might receive an unfavourable impression
respecting the Baptist, the true greatness of his character. _No reed
shaken by the wind_ was he, whom, a little more than a year ago, all
Judæa and Jerusalem had flocked forth _into the wilderness to see_; no
effeminate prince clad in luxurious apparel; no prophet merely, such
as those of the Old Testament dispensation. Himself the subject of
prophecy (Mtt. xi. 10), he was greater than all the prophets that had
preceded him, being no other than the long-expected Forerunner of the
Messiah (Mtt. xi. 10; Lk. vii. 27), the true Elias of whom Malachi had
spoken, as destined _to prepare His way before Him_.
CHAPTER II.
_TEACHING IN GALILEE._
A.D. 28–9.
APPARENTLY while He was in the neighbourhood of Nain[311], the Saviour
received an invitation from a Pharisee, named Simon, to enter his house,
and sit at meat with him (Lk. vii. 36). Among the guests there pressed
in a woman of unchaste life[312], which had brought her into bad repute
amongst her neighbours. Standing behind Him weeping, she kissed His
feet, and anointed them, as He reclined at meat, with a costly unguent
from an alabaster box[313], and wiped away with her hair the copious
tears that fell from her eyes. Shrinking from any moral or physical
uncleanness, Simon marvelled that the Holy One suffered such a woman to
approach Him, and could only attribute it to His ignorance of her real
character. But the Saviour addressing His entertainer in the touching
parable of the “Two Debtors[314]” (Lk. vii. 40–43), pointed out that
there was hope and mercy even for the lowest and most degraded, and
turning to the woman bade her go in peace, for her faith had saved her,
and _her sins, though many, were forgiven_ (Lk. vii. 10, 47).
Almost immediately after this striking incident, accompanied not
only by the Twelve, but by pious women, amongst whom were Mary of
Magdala, Joanna the wife of Chuza, Herod’s steward[315], Susanna, and
many others (Lk. viii. 3), He proceeded on a somewhat lengthened tour
through the cities and villages of Galilee, preaching the kingdom of
God. Returning, as it seems most probable, to Capernaum, the multitude
quickly gathered around Him, thronged Him in such numbers, and
importuned Him with such persistent craving for His merciful aid, that
neither He nor His disciples had sufficient leisure _even to eat bread_
(Mk. iii. 20). The enthusiastic zeal of Him, whose _meat it was to
do the will of Him that sent Him and to finish His work_ (Jn. iv. 34)
inspired His mother and brethren with the desire to interpose, and to
protest against such exhausting labours[316] (Mk. iii. 21). But the
intelligence that they were without the circle of the crowd seeking
Him, did not induce Him to suspend His loving toil. Stretching forth
His hands towards His disciples (Mtt. xii. 49), He declared that they
and all who heard and _did the will of His Father in heaven_ were as
dear to Him as _brother, or sister, or mother_ (Mtt. xii. 49, 50; Mk.
iii. 34, 35; Lk. viii. 21).
While, however, the feelings of the multitude were thus openly enlisted
on the side of the Redeemer, those of the Scribes and Pharisees from
Jerusalem were tinged with the intensest virulence and hostility. The
miraculous cure of a deaf and dumb demoniac (Mtt. xii. 22) caused the
greatest astonishment amongst the multitudes, and roused the enquiry
whether this was not the Messiah, the son of David (Mtt. xii. 23).
Resolved to check their enthusiasm, the Pharisaic faction openly
declared that the Saviour owed His authority over the inferior demons
to a secret compact with Beelzebub, the prince of the powers of
darkness (Mk. iii. 22). Such a fearful charge, which ascribed to the
influence of the Author of Evil works of beneficence and divine power,
brought down upon those who urged it a terrible reply. The Saviour’s
acts, they were reminded, were those of purest beneficence, while evil
spirits took a malignant pleasure in the miseries of men. Could it be
believed that Satan would allow his kingdom thus to be divided, that
he would cast out those who were only accomplishing his will? Such
an ascription of works of purest mercy to the energy of the Prince of
Darkness, was an outward expression of an inward hatred of all that
was good and Divine, and bordered closely on a terrible climax of sin,
incapable of forgiveness either in this world or the world to come,
even sin against the Holy Ghost (Mtt. xii. 24–37; Mk. iii. 22–30; Lk.
xi. 17–23).
In the afternoon or evening of the day on which these solemn warnings
were uttered, the Lord went down to the shores of the Lake (Mtt.
xiii. 1; Mk. iv. 1), followed by a great multitude from all the towns
round about. So numerous, indeed, were the crowds which gathered
around Him, that, for the sake of more conveniently addressing them,
He entered into one of the fishing-vessels, and sitting there a
little distance from the water’s edge, addressed them in a series
of parables[317] illustrative of the growth and extension of His
kingdom――_the Sower_ (Mtt. xiii. 3–9; Mk. iv. 3–9; Lk. viii. 4–15);
_the Wheat and the Tares_ (Mtt. xiii. 24–30); _the Seed growing
secretly_ (Mk. iv. 26–29); _the grain of Mustard-seed_ (Mtt. xiii.
31–33; Mk. iv. 30–32; Lk. xiii. 18–21); _the Hid Treasure_ (Mtt.
xiii. 44); _the Merchant and the Pearl_ (Mtt. xiii. 45, 46); _the
Draw-net_ (Mtt. xiii. 47–50).
Later in the evening He requested of His disciples that they would
push across the lake towards the Eastern shore; on which, they took
Him _as He was_ (Mk. iv. 36), _i.e._ without any preparations for the
voyage, and made for the opposite coast. Wearied with the toils of that
long and exhausting day He fell asleep on a cushion in the stern, when
suddenly from one of the deep clefts in the surrounding hills a violent
storm of wind[318] (Mk. iv. 37; Lk. viii. 23) burst upon the surface
of the lake, lashed it into waves (Mk. iv. 37), which almost hid the
little vessel (Mtt. viii. 24), and threatened to sink it to the bottom.
Terror-stricken at the sudden tempest, the Apostles hastily awoke Him,
and implored His aid, lest they should perish, whereupon He arose,
_rebuked the wind_ and the surging waters, and instantly _there was a
great calm_ (Mtt. viii. 26; Mk. iv. 39), amidst which they reached next
morning the other side, deeply wondering at the power of their Master,
which could reduce even the winds and the sea to obedience to His word.
In the country of the Gadarenes[319], where they now arrived, a fearful
spectacle awaited them. Amongst the tombs, which existed, and can even
now be traced in more than one of the ravines on the Eastern side of
the lake, dwelt two demoniacs. The more notable or fiercer of the two
was possessed of such extraordinary muscular strength that all efforts
to bind and restrain him had proved ineffectual, and the chains and
fetters, with which he had at times been secured, had been broken and
crushed, nor had any been able to tame him (Mk. v. 4). Fleeing from
the fellowship of his kind (Lk. viii. 27), he had for a long time taken
up his dwelling in the tombs, and there in the paroxysms of his misery
he often cried out and cut himself with stones (Mk. v. 5), and so
terrified all travellers, that they dared not _pass by that way_ (Mtt.
viii. 28).
Such was the miserable being, who now in company with his companion,
without any garment to cover him (Lk. viii. 27), issued from his lonely
abode, and seeing the Saviour afar off (Mk. v. 6) ran and fell down
before Him crying out _What have I to do with Thee, Jesus, Thou Son of
the most high God? I adjure Thee by God that Thou torment me not_ (Mk.
v. 7; Lk. viii. 28).
Resolved in His infinite mercy to rid him of the terrible spirit that
possessed him, the Great Physician enquired his name. Thereupon he
replied, _My name is Legion, for we are many_, comparing the cruel and
inexorable powers that mastered him to the “thick and serried ranks
of a Roman legion, that fearful instrument of oppression, that sign of
terror and fear to the conquered nations[320].”
Sensible that they were in the presence of the Lord of the spirit-world,
the demons possessing him besought the Holy One that He would not drive
them out of the country (Mk. v. 10), or send them into the Abyss of
Hell[321], the abode of the lost (Lk. viii. 31), but suffer them to
enter into a herd of swine (Mk. v. 12; Mtt. viii. 31), which numbering
nearly 2000 was feeding close at hand (Mk. v. 13). The Saviour gave
the required permission, and the whole herd rushing wildly down the
cliff[322] into the lake were choked and destroyed.
Such a remarkable incident paralysed the keepers of the herd with
fear, and straightway flying to the city, they recounted all that
had occurred, as also the marvellous change, which had come over
the terrible demoniac. Their report brought out wellnigh all the
inhabitants (Mtt. viii. 34), and though in the man, probably a
fellow-citizen[323], who _sat at the feet of Jesus, clothed, and in his
right mind_ (Mk. v. 15), they saw a proof of the superhuman power of
his Deliverer, they yet besought Him to depart from their neighbourhood.
Thereupon the Saviour, taking them at their word, turned towards the
lake, and was in the act of stepping into the boat (Mk. v. 18), when
the healed man prayed that he might be allowed to accompany Him. But
this the Holy One did not see fit to concede, and bade the man return
to his friends, and recount to them what great things the Lord had
done to him. On which the other went his way, proclaiming throughout
the region of Decapolis[324] the story of his wonderful deliverance,
himself a witness and a standing monument of the Saviour’s grace and
power.
CHAPTER III.
_MIRACLES AT CAPERNAUM――DEATH OF THE BAPTIST._
A.D. 29.
IMMEDIATELY after this miracle the Lord crossed over to the western
shore of the lake (Mk. v. 21), where a great multitude was awaiting
Him, and amongst them one of the prefects of the synagogue, probably
of Capernaum, whose name was Jairus. Falling down before His feet, he
earnestly besought Him to come to his house, and lay His hands upon
_his little daughter_, who was at the point of death. Thereupon the
ever compassionate Redeemer arose and followed him, accompanied by His
disciples, and a curious and eager crowd.
Amongst the rest, who thus followed and pressed upon Him, was a woman,
that had laboured for upwards of twelve years under an issue of blood,
which all the efforts of many physicians had proved powerless to
asswage. Believing that, if she could but touch His clothes, she would
be made whole, she now came behind, and touched the hem or blue fringe
on the border of His garment. No sooner had she done so, than she
felt within herself that the long wished-for cure had at length been
accomplished. The fountain of her blood was stanched, and she was
healed. But she was not to bear away the boon thus totally unobserved.
Perceiving that power had gone out of Him, and turning round amidst the
crowd, the Saviour enquired who had touched Him? The Apostles, with
Peter at their head, would have put the enquiry aside, but the Saviour
repeated it, and then the woman, trembling and alarmed, came and fell
down before Him, confessed all that she had done, and was gladdened by
the cheering words, _Daughter, be of good cheer, thy faith hath saved
thee go in peace_ (Mk. v. 34; Lk. viii. 48).
Meanwhile, though the delay must have been a sore trial to Jairus,
“now when every moment was precious, when death was shaking the last
few sands in the hour-glass of his daughter’s life[325],” he betrayed
no signs of impatience at a boon so readily bestowed upon another. But
at this juncture his faith was still more put to the proof. Messengers
arrived informing him that the worst was over, and that his daughter
was already dead, and suggesting that he should no further trouble the
Master. Overhearing the announcement (Mk. v. 36), the Holy One bade
him not be afraid, but only believe, and hastened towards his house.
Entering it, accompanied only by Peter, James, and John, and the father
and mother of the maiden, He advanced into the chamber of death, where
He found a number of hired mourners weeping and wailing with all the
boisterous and turbulent symbols of Oriental grief. Putting them forth,
while they laughed to scorn His announcement that the damsel was not
dead but only asleep, He went forward to the bed, and said, _Talitha
Cumi_, “Maid, arise.” Instantly His word was obeyed. The spirit of the
maiden came to her again, and she arose straightway, and began to walk,
while “at once to strengthen that life which was come back to her,
and to prove that she was indeed no ghost, but had returned to the
realities of a mortal existence, _He commanded to give her meat_[326]”
(Mk. v. 43).
Soon afterwards, accompanied by His disciples, He left Capernaum, and
for the second time appeared on a Sabbath in the synagogue of His own
town of Nazareth (Mk. vi. 2; Mtt. xiii. 54). The conduct of His hearers
on this occasion did not betray the frantic violence they exhibited
during His previous visit. The miraculous works wrought by His hands,
of which they must have heard, could not be gainsaid, and the wondrous
wisdom with which He spake filled them with astonishment (Mtt. xiii. 54;
Mk. vi. 2). But again their minds recurred to the thought of His lowly
origin, to the fact that He was the son of a carpenter, that his family
connections were well known to them, and living in their midst (Mk. vi.
3; Mtt. xiii. 55). Stumbling at this rock of offence (Mtt. xiii. 57)
they still refused to believe in Him, and the Lord Himself _marvelling
at their unbelief_ (Mk. vi. 6), confined His designs of mercy to laying
His hands on _a few sick folk_ (Mk. vi. 5), who felt the influence of
that Divine touch and were healed.
On the morrow He and His disciples set out on another circuit
amongst the towns and villages of Galilee (Mtt. ix. 35–38; Mk. vi. 6),
preaching the glad tidings of the Kingdom, and healing the sick. Great
multitudes from that thickly-peopled district followed Him, and deeply
moved to see them scattered _like sheep without a shepherd_ (Mtt. ix.
36), He said to His disciples that _the harvest truly was plenteous,
while the labourers were few_, and calling the Apostles to Him (Mtt. x.
1; Mk. vi. 7; Lk. ix. 1), formally bestowed on them power over unclean
spirits, and the ability to heal diseases, and sent them forth two and
two with instructions not to enter into any heathen or Samaritan city
(Mtt. x. 5), but to proclaim to the _lost sheep of the house of Israel_
the near approach of the Kingdom of Heaven. Accordingly they went
forth and preached in the various towns and villages the message
of repentance, casting out demons, and healing the sick, and at the
conclusion of this trial of their powers, returned to their Master,
probably at Capernaum (Mk. vi. 30; Lk. ix. 10).
Meanwhile important events occurred in the gloomy prison, where John
the Baptist was confined. The anger he had excited in the breast of
Herodias by his outspoken denunciation of her sin, never slumbered or
slept. She constantly kept her eye upon him, and would have put him
out of the way without scruple, but Herod, though there was little from
which he would shrink, dared not lay hands on one so venerated by the
people, and whose exhortations he himself was not above listening to
and in some respects obeying (Mk. vi. 20).
At length an opportunity for gratifying her revenge presented itself,
which she instantly embraced. Herod’s birthday[327] came round, which,
like a true Herod, conforming in this as in other things to Roman
customs, he kept probably at Machærus, with feasting and revelry,
surrounded by the petty chiefs and grandees of Galilee, the lords of
his court, and the officers of his camp (Mk. vi. 21). During the feast
the youthful Salome, the daughter of Herodias, entered the banqueting
hall, and danced before the riotous company. So delighted were the
guests, and especially Herod, with the brilliancy of her movements,
that in the delirium of his admiration, he promised her anything,
everything _even to the half of his kingdom_, and ratified his word
with the royal oath.
The maiden departed, and consulted with her mother. Herodias saw that
at last her hour was come, that at length the long-desired vengeance
was within her grasp. No jewelled trinket, no royal palace, or splendid
robe should be the reward of her daughter’s feat; _Ask_, said she, _for
John Baptist’s head in a charger_ (Mtt. xiv. 8; Mk. vi. 24), _i.e._ on
one of the dishes on which the fruits and viands of the table had been
served. Forthwith (Mk. vi. 25), as though not a moment was to be lost,
Salome returned, and named her price to the assembled company.
Herod’s brow instantly fell. Even amidst the delirium of that riotous
hour he was _exceeding sorry_ (Mk. vi. 26) for the brave preacher,
whose words he had so often listened to, and for whom he entertained
much reverence. But he had promised, and ratified the promise with an
oath. The captains and great lords, who had heard him swear, sat round
the festive board, and none in that riotous company would say a word
for the friendless prophet. So the word was given, and an officer was
bidden to seek out the Baptist’s dungeon and bring the reward which the
maiden claimed. He went, and executed his command, and Salome bore the
bleeding head to her mother (Mk. vi. 28).
Before long the news of their master’s death became known to the
disciples of the Baptist, and having consigned his headless body to
the grave (Mtt. xiv. 12; Mk. vi. 29), they went and recounted all that
had occurred to the Saviour (Mtt. xiv. 12), whom they appear to have
found in or near Capernaum (Mtt. xiv. 13; Mk. vi. 30; Lk. ix. 10). On
receiving these sad tidings respecting His Forerunner, the Lord left
the place with His Apostles, who had just returned from their tentative
mission, and crossing the lake of Gennesaret (Mtt. xiv. 13), sought the
neighbourhood of Bethsaida-Julias[328] (Lk. ix. 10).
Meanwhile the news of the Baptist’s death excited much consternation
amongst the Jews[329], who all regarded him as a prophet (Mtt. xiv. 5),
and Herod’s conscience allowed him little rest after the cruel murder.
Returning to Galilee[330], he received intelligence, probably from
those who had witnessed the mission of the Twelve, of the wonderful
works of the Prophet of Nazareth (Mtt. xiv. 1; Mk. vi. 14; Lk. ix. 7).
Perplexed at the appearance of a new Teacher he enquired who this
could be, and received different answers. Some said He was the awful
Elias, whose coming had been so often predicted; others that He _was
a prophet, or as one of the prophets_ (Mk. vi. 15). But the uneasy
and superstitious king could not be satisfied with these replies, and
declared Him to be none other than _the Baptist risen from the dead_
(Mk. vi. 16), come back to haunt his footsteps, and reproach him with
his crimes. All that he heard awakened in him a desire to see the new
Teacher, and destined he was to see Him, but not now (Lk. ix. 9).
PART V.
FROM THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST TO THE VISIT OF THE SAVIOUR
TO JERUSALEM AT THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES.
CHAPTER I.
_THE FEEDING OF THE FIVE THOUSAND, AND THE WALKING ON THE LAKE._
A.D. 29.
AT this time the Passover, the second Passover, as seems most probable,
during the Saviour’s public ministry, drew nigh (Jn. vi. 4), but on
this occasion He does not appear to have gone up to Jerusalem, where
the determined hostility of the ruling powers rendered any further
activity dangerous, at least for the present.
It was probably, to commune in retirement with the Twelve, and to
afford them a season of comparative rest after their late labours, that
the Lord now sought the neighbourhood of Bethsaida-Julias (Mk. vi. 31).
But the numbers moving about the country in consequence of the near
approach of the great Festival, who came on foot from all the towns
round about to see and hear Him (Mtt. xiv. 13; Mk. vi. 32; Lk. ix. 11),
rendered the desired solitude impossible. The sight, moreover, of these
multitudes _scattered as sheep without a shepherd_ (Mk. vi. 34), again
roused His deepest compassion, and He not only _taught them many things
concerning the Kingdom_ of God, and healed those amongst them that were
afflicted with various diseases (Mtt. xiv. 14), but was moved on this
occasion to minister still further to their temporal necessities.
Accordingly at a somewhat early period, as it would seem, in the
afternoon[331], He enquired of the Apostle Philip where bread might be
bought to satisfy the hunger of the multitudes (Jn. vi. 5). Though _He
Himself knew what He would do_, He put this question to prove the trust
of the Apostle. But Philip, thinking of no other supplies save such
as natural means could procure, replied that _two hundred pence_ (or
rather _denarii_) would not be sufficient to procure sustenance for
such a number (Jn. vi. 7). Having thus obtained from his own mouth a
confession of the inability of all human power to satisfy the present
need, the Holy One left “the difficulty and perplexity to work in his
mind and the minds of the Apostles[332],” and thus prepare them for
what He was about to do.
As the evening, however, drew on (Mtt. xiv. 15; Lk. ix. 12)
the disciples approached Him, and drawing His attention to the
desert[333] character of the locality, proposed that He should send
away the multitudes, in order that they might seek refreshment in the
neighbouring towns and villages. To this He replied that _they need not
depart_ (Mtt. xiv. 16), and bade _them_ supply their needs, and when,
reiterating the assertion[334] of Philip, they declared how impossible
it was to do such a thing, He sent them to see what supplies they
had. Returning they informed Him that from a lad in their company they
had been enabled to procure _five barley loaves and two small fishes_
(Jn. vi. 9), and were thereupon bidden to marshal the multitudes _in
companies_[335] amid the green grass of the rich plain around. This
done, He took the loaves and the two fishes and _looking up to heaven
He blessed_, and brake, and gave of the food to the Apostles, who in
their turn distributed to the different groups, till _they did all eat
and were filled_. When the wondrous meal was over, the Holy One, who,
as the Lord of nature, ever “makes the most prodigal bounty go hand in
hand with the nicest and truest economy,” bade the disciples _gather
up the fragments that remained, that nothing might be lost_, and though
5000 men _besides women and children_ (Mtt. xiv. 21) had eaten and been
satisfied, yet they took up twelve baskets full of fragments that still
remained over and above (Mtt. xiv. 20; Mk. vi. 43; Jn. vi. 13).
The impression made upon the people by this miracle was profound. It
was the popular expectation that the Messiah would repeat the miracles
of Moses[336], and this “bread of wonder,” of which they had partaken,
vividly recalled to the minds of the multitude their great Lawgiver,
who had given their fathers manna in the wilderness. They were
convinced, therefore, that the Holy One was none other than the Prophet,
of whom Moses had spoken (Deut. xviii. 15), and in this conviction
would have taken _Him by force and made Him a king_ (Jn. vi. 14,15).
To defeat this their intention, the Saviour bade His Apostles take ship
and cross over to Bethsaida[337] (Mk. vi. 45), on the other side of the
lake, while He dismissed the multitudes. Having done so, He ascended
to a point in the neighbouring mountain-range, and there continued
in solitary communion with His Heavenly Father till near the fourth
watch[338] of the night (Mtt. xiv. 23–25; Mk. vi. 46).
Meanwhile the Apostles had rowed about 25 or 30 furlongs[339] (Jn.
vi. 19), when one of those sudden storms of wind to which the lake
is subject, rushed down from the western mountains, and lashing the
usually placid surface into waves (Mtt. xiv. 24) prevented them making
their way towards Capernaum, and exposed them to imminent peril. At
this moment, to add to their fears, they discerned amidst the darkness
(Mk. vi. 50) a Figure walking on the water and approaching their vessel.
Thinking it could be nothing but a Phantom, they cried out in their
terror, when a well-known Voice was heard saying _It is I, be not
afraid_. Thereupon the ardent, impetuous Peter replied, _Lord, if it
be Thou, bid me come unto Thee on the water_. The rejoinder was _Come_;
and so descending from the vessel (Mtt. xiv. 29) amidst the darkness
and howling wind the Apostle made some little way towards his Lord. But
soon the wind roared (Mtt. xiv. 30) and the waters raged, and his heart
failed him, and beginning to sink he cried, _Lord, save me_. Thereupon
Jesus _stretched forth His hand and caught him_, and gently rebuking
him for his want of faith took him with Him into the ship, which amidst
the calm that now stilled the waves, quickly reached the harbour of
Capernaum, while the Apostles, _amazed beyond measure_ (Mk. vi. 51),
worshipped Him, saying, _Truly Thou art the Son of God_ (Mtt. xiv. 33).
CHAPTER II.
_THE DISCOURSE IN THE SYNAGOGUE OF CAPERNAUM._
A.D. 29.
THE fact of the Saviour’s presence on the western side of the lake was
soon spread abroad amongst the people (Mk. vi. 54), and, as so often
before, they brought their sick, who experienced the effects of the
healing word (Mtt. xiv. 36). Meanwhile many of the five thousand, who
on the previous evening had witnessed the marvellous multiplication
of the loaves, not finding the Lord on the eastern side of the lake,
had taken ship[340] and crossed over to Capernaum _seeking Him_ (Jn.
vi. 24). Knowing that He had not embarked with His disciples after
the miracle, they wondered how He had crossed over, and finding Him in
the Synagogue of Capernaum (Jn. vi. 59) eagerly questioned Him on the
subject.
But, as in the case of Nicodemus, the Holy One was not pleased to
vouchsafe a direct answer to their question. He knew the superficial
character of their enthusiasm, and the merely temporal objects that had
brought them to Him; _Verily, verily, I say unto you_, He replied, _ye
seek Me, not because ye saw the miracles, but because ye did eat of the
loaves and were filled. Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but
for the meat which endureth unto everlasting life, which the Son of Man
shall give unto you, for Him hath God the Father sealed._ Apparently
understanding the Bread He spoke of in a literal sense, they replied by
asking _how they might work the works of God_, whereupon the Holy One
declared that the work acceptable to God was _to believe on Him whom He
had sent_ (Jn. vi. 29). To this they rejoined, with their usual craving
for miracle after miracle, by asking for some sign to confirm their
belief in Him, and then proceeded to suggest “a sign from heaven” such
as they desired. The miracle of the preceding evening had convinced
many of them that the Speaker was indeed the Prophet _that should come
into the world_, and whose Advent had been predicted by Moses. That
Lawgiver had given them bread from heaven not once only, but during
a space of forty years; could He give them such a sign from heaven?
In condescension to the associations they had themselves recalled, the
Saviour replied that Moses had not given them the bread from heaven,
but His Father was giving them the true Bread, even HIM _who cometh
down from heaven, and giveth life unto the world_ (Jn. vi. 33). Still
understanding Him to speak of some miraculous life-sustaining food, the
Jews begged that He would _evermore give them that Bread_, whereupon,
passing from indirect to direct assertions, He replied in the
ever-memorable words,
_I am the Bread of Life_;
and in language majestic in its very simplicity proceeded to vindicate
His Divine nature and His descent from heaven.
This last assertion gave great offence to His hearers; they called to
mind the earthly parentage of the Speaker (Jn. vi. 42), and marvelled
how He could claim a Divine origin. But, unmoved, unruffled by their
increasing discontent, whether “they would hear or whether they would
forbear,” He went on to repeat that He was the Bread from heaven, that
the Bread He would give was _His flesh_, which He was about _to give
for the life of the world_ (Jn. vi. 47–51).
These mysterious words provoked still greater opposition on the part
of the Jews; they _strove with one another, saying, How can this man
give us His flesh to eat?_ But their opposition and questionings moved
not His calm majesty. With the same formula of solemnity, which He had
already thrice used[341] (Jn. vi. 53), He resumed in language still
more emphatic His assertion, that unless they _ate the flesh of the Son
of Man, and drank His blood, they could have no life in them――that His
Flesh was meat indeed, and His Blood drink indeed――that whoso ate His
Flesh and drank His Blood had eternal life, and He would raise him up
at the last day_ (Jn. vi. 53–58).
These solemn words, so entirely in keeping with the associations of
the Passover, now on the point of being[342] celebrated at Jerusalem,
exerted a great influence on those who heard them. The Jews, as we have
seen, were deeply offended. But many even of His disciples regarded
what they had heard as a _hard saying_ (Jn. vi. 60), and walked no
more with Him (Jn. vi. 66). Turning to the Twelve, the Saviour enquired
whether they too were about to join the general defection, whereupon
Peter replied, in the name of the rest, that there was no other Teacher
to whom they could go, for He had the words of eternal life, and they
believed and were assured that He was the _Holy One[343] of God_ (Jn.
vi. 69). This declaration of faithful adherence their Omnipotent Master
accepted, but with the sad remark that even now there was a traitor in
their midst (Jn. vi. 70, 71).
After this memorable day in the synagogue of Capernaum, the Holy One
appears to have continued a short time in the Plain of Gennesaret,
during which period the excitement caused by His first landing was not
diminished, His popularity was great in spite of the mysteriousness
of His doctrines, and His mighty power continued to be marvellously
displayed[344].
But soon His labours of love were interrupted. Having kept the Feast
at Jerusalem the Scribes and Pharisees returned (Mk. vii. 1), and soon
found matter for accusation against Him. In the social gatherings of
the Saviour and His Apostles they noticed that He did not observe the
strict and minute traditions of the elders, but ate bread with unwashen
hands (Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 5). In reply the Holy One told them that by
those _commandments of men_ which they so studiously observed they were
making of none effect the commandments of God, whom, in the words of
the prophet Isaiah, _they honoured only with their lips, while their
hearts were far from Him_ (Isai. xxix. 13). The external defilement
they were so careful to avoid was, He declared in the hearing of the
people (Mk. vii. 14), nothing compared with the defilement of the heart,
out of which proceeded all manner of evil thoughts, which ripened into
the worst crimes――these truly defiled a man (Mtt. xv. 13–22).
The severity with which He thus, in the presence of the people,
rebuked the rulers of the nation for a hypocritical observance of
vain traditions, roused to a still greater height the animosity of
the Pharisaic faction (Mtt. xv. 12). Knowing that He could not now
shew Himself openly without being exposed to their machinations[345],
the Lord passed north-west through the mountains of upper Galilee,
and thence into the border-land of Tyre and Sidon (Mtt. xv. 21; Mk.
vii. 24). Here He _entered into a house, and would have no man know
it_ (Mk. vii. 24). But the rest and seclusion He sought were not to be
found. A Syrophœnician[346] woman crossed the frontier (Mk. vii. 25),
and earnestly besought His aid in behalf of her daughter, who was
grievously afflicted with a demon. At first it seemed as though she had
come in vain. But in spite of silence (Mtt. xv. 23), refusal (Mtt. xv.
24), and seeming reproach (Mtt. xv. 26), she persevered in her petition,
and at length, when the trial of her faith was ended, she obtained that
which she had sought so earnestly, and with the encouraging assurance
that though a descendant of ancient idolaters, her faith was great
(Mtt. xv. 28), and that her daughter was made whole, returned to the
place whence she came forth.
After a short stay in this region, the Saviour proceeded northwards,
still nearer, as it would seem, to pagan Sidon[347], and thence passing
round the sources of the Jordan and in a south-easterly circuit through
Decapolis (Mk. vii. 31), to the further shore of the sea of Gennesaret.
In this region His merciful aid was besought in behalf of a deaf
and dumb[348] man (Mk. vii. 32), whom He withdrew from the throng of
bystanders (Mk. vii. 33), and after using special outward signs[349]
gradually restored to the full possession of his faculties, charging
the multitudes to preserve a strict silence respecting the miracle (Mk.
vii. 36). This injunction, however, was not obeyed, for the spectators
spread abroad the news far and wide (Mk. vii. 36), and the effect was
that many who were _lame, blind, dumb, maimed_ (Mtt. xv. 30), were
brought to Him, and experienced the beneficent results of the healing
word.
CHAPTER III.
_THE FOUR THOUSAND FED――THE CONFESSION OF ST PETER._
A.D. 29.
THE effect of these miraculous cures on the inhabitants of the
half-pagan district of Decapolis was very great, and they confessed
that the God who had chosen Israel was indeed above all gods[350]
(Mtt. xv. 31). Before long, therefore, a great multitude, amounting to
upwards of four thousand besides women and children (Mtt. xv. 38), were
collected from the neighbouring region, and continued with the Lord
three days (Mtt. xv. 32), beholding His works and listening to His
words.
They had not, like the multitude earlier in the year, assembled for the
purpose of going up to Jerusalem to keep the Passover, and their scanty
provisions failing them, could only retire to their mountain-homes
through the passes by which they had followed the Lord[351]. The
compassionate Redeemer had no wish that they should return only _to
faint by the way_ (Mk. viii. 3), and enquired of the disciples how
many loaves they had with them. To this they replied, _Seven, and a
few small fishes_ (Mtt. xv. 34), and were thereupon commanded to make
the men sit down[352], when their scanty supply in the hands of Him,
who was the true Bread from heaven, proved sufficient for the hungry
multitude: they did eat and were filled, _and took up of the broken
meat that was left seven baskets[353] full_ (Mtt. xv. 37).
Having dismissed the recipients of His bounty, the Lord immediately
entered with His disciples into a ship[354], and crossed over,
according to St Matthew, _into the coasts of Magdala_[355] (xv. 39),
according to St Mark, _into the parts of Dalmanutha_[356] (viii. 10), a
village close by. Here, however, His stay was of no long duration, for
certain Pharisees, now for the first time combined with the Sadducees,
approached (Mtt. xvi. 1) with a demand that He would shew them _a sign
from heaven_. This request, already twice preferred[357], and now urged
in explicit terms, He, who knew the hearts of those who claimed it,
would not gratify. _Sighing deeply in His spirit_ (Mk. viii. 12), and
grieved at their continued unbelief, He denounced them as hypocrites,
who could _discern the face of the sky_, but not _discern the signs
of the times_ (Mtt. xvi. 3), and refusing to give them any other sign
than that of _the prophet Jonah_ (Mtt. xvi. 4), straightway entered
the vessel, in which He had come (Mk. viii. 13), and made for the other
side.
Warning His disciples during the voyage against the leaven of the
Pharisees and the Sadducees (Mtt. xvi. 5–12; Mk. viii. 14–21),
he reached the eastern shore of the lake and the neighbourhood of
Bethsaida-Julias (Mk. viii. 22). Here a blind man was brought to Him,
with a petition that He would touch him. Taking him, like the deaf and
dumb man spoken of above, outside the village, the Lord anointed his
eyes with the moisture from His own mouth, and laying His hands upon
him enquired whether he saw aught? To this the sufferer looking up
replied that he _saw men, as trees, walking_ (Mk. viii. 24). Thereupon
the Redeemer laid His hands again upon his eyes, and his sight was
completely restored.
From Bethsaida, accompanied by His Apostles, He now set out in
a northerly direction, and travelling along the eastern banks of
the Jordan and beyond the waters of Merom, reached the confines
or _the villages_ (Mk. viii. 27) of Cæsarea Philippi[358]. In this
neighbourhood, on one occasion, the Apostles found their Master engaged
in solitary prayer (Lk. ix. 18), a solemn and significant action,
the precursor of not a few important events[359], as now of a deeply
momentous revelation. For as they resumed their journey, He addressed
to them the formal enquiry, _Whom do men say that I am_?
This was not an ordinary question. He was speaking to those who had now
for some time been His constant companions, hearers of His words, and
spectators of the signs which accompanied them. He seems to have wished
to ascertain from their own lips the results of those labours, which
now, in one sense, were drawing to a close, and thence to pass on to
other and more painful truths, which He had to communicate to them[360].
To this enquiry, then, the Apostles replied in words that reflected
the various opinions then held amongst the people; _Some say John the
Baptist, others Elias, others Jeremias, or one of the prophets_ (Mtt.
xvi. 14; Mk. viii. 28; Lk. ix. 19). _But_, continued the Holy One,
_whom say ye that I am_? To this the Apostle Peter, speaking in the
name of the rest, made the ever-memorable reply, _Thou art the Christ,
the Son of the living God_ (Mtt. xvi. 16).
The object for which the question had been put was now partly achieved.
By the mouth of one of their number the Apostles had expressed the
conclusion, to which they had come after so long enjoying the society
of their Master, that He was no other than the Messiah, the Son of
God. This their testimony He accepted; acknowledged the truth of the
Apostle’s confession; declared that it had not been revealed to him _by
flesh and blood, but by His Father in heaven_; and bestowed upon him
the promise of peculiar dignity in the Church He was about to establish
(Mtt. xvi. 18, 19).
But now, having, as three Evangelists distinctly tell us (Mtt. xvi. 20;
Mk. viii. 30; Lk. ix. 21), charged them strictly not to divulge the
fact of His Messiahship to the world at large, He began to reveal to
them strange and mournful tidings respecting Himself. _The Son of Man_,
He declared, _must go up to Jerusalem, and there suffer many things
from the elders, chief priests, and scribes, and be put to death, and
after three days rise again_. This was the first announcement, clear,
distinct, peremptory of what lay before Him (Mk. viii. 32), revealing
not only that He should suffer, but the agents in His sufferings, the
form they would take, the place where He would undergo them, and their
issue, a mysterious resurrection after three days. To the Apostles the
announcement sounded utterly strange and inconceivable. The selfsame
Peter, who, a moment before, had witnessed so noble and outspoken a
confession to his Lord’s Divinity, was utterly unable even to endure
the thought of His suffering. _That be far from Thee, Lord_, was his
indignant reply. But with a solemn rebuke the Holy One checked his
untimely expostulations, which savoured of the weakness of flesh and
blood, not of holy obedience to a heavenly Father’s will. Nay more, as
if to seal the words He had uttered in the presence of many witnesses,
He called to Him some of the people that were standing near (Mk.
viii. 34), and in their hearing, as well as that of the Apostles,
bade any who would come after Him, _take up his Cross_ and follow Him,
for through the gate of suffering lay the road to Glory, not only for
Himself, but for all His followers (Mtt. xvi. 24; Mk. viii. 34; Lk.
ix. 23).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE TRANSFIGURATION――THE LUNATIC CHILD._
A.D. 29.
AFTER the announcement we have just considered, the teaching of
the Lord as addressed to His disciples assumed a new character. The
mysterious close of His life had been already[361] more than once
hinted at in figures or parables, but now He began gradually, as they
were able to bear it, to speak clearly and openly of His death and
rejection by the Jews. So far from establishing any earthly kingdom
such as they expected, in which they might occupy distinguished places,
He proceeded from this time to intimate in precise and distinct
language how very different was the end that really awaited Him.
To the Apostles, who indulged to the close in dreams of a reign like
that of earthly kings, these intimations of their Master sounded
strange and unaccountable. To cheer, therefore, their wounded spirits,
to enable them in some measure to comprehend the supernatural character
of His kingdom, the Holy One was pleased to assure them that there were
_some standing there_, who should not _taste of death till they had
seen_, in spite of the sad announcement He had just made, _the Son of
Man coming in His kingdom_ (Mtt. xvi. 28; comp. Mk. ix. 1; Lk. ix. 27).
Accordingly six days afterwards, with three of the most privileged
of their number, who had already in the chamber of Jairus witnessed
their Master’s power over death[362], He retired to one of the numerous
mountain-ranges in the neighbourhood, not improbably one of the summits
of Hermon[363]. From St Luke’s intimation that one object of His own
withdrawal was that He might engage in solitary prayer (Lk. ix. 28),
and that the three Apostles were wearied and oppressed by sleep (Lk.
ix. 32), we infer that evening was the time of this retirement of
the Holy One, the close, it may be, of a long day spent in going
about doing good. While, then, they slept and He continued engaged
in prayer, a marvellous change came over His person (Lk. ix. 29). His
raiment suddenly became shining, _exceeding white as snow, the fashion_
also _of His countenance_ was altered, _and shone like the sun_ (Mtt.
xvii. 2; Mk. ix. 3; Lk. ix. 29).
Roused at length by the supernatural brightness around them, the
Chosen Three awoke[364], and shaking off their slumbers, perceived not
only the mysterious change that had come over their Master, but also
that He was no longer alone! He was accompanied by _two men_, in whom
they were enabled to recognize no others than the great pillars and
representatives of the Old Testament dispensation, _Moses and Elias_.
Nor did they only see their transfigured Lord attended by these strange
visitants from the world of spirits, but they were privileged to
overhear the subject of their mutual converse. _They spake of_, or
described[365], _the decease He was about to accomplish at Jerusalem_
(Lk. ix. 31).
Upon the ardent, impulsive Peter it was the scene itself, and not
the topic of mysterious converse he overheard, that made the most
impression. To him it seemed as though the kingdom of heaven was indeed
“revealed in power.” In the excitement of the moment he would have made
three tabernacles, one for his Lord, one for Moses, and one for Elias,
in order that from thence the laws of the kingdom might be promulgated,
and all men might recognise the true Messiah attended by the Pillars
of the old Economy. But it was not to be. While he was yet speaking
there came a cloud overshadowing them, and out of it there came a Voice,
saying, _This is My Beloved Son, hear ye Him_. And then all was over.
While the Apostles lay panic-stricken on their faces, their Master once
more joined them, and bade them _rise and not be afraid_, and, as they
descended from the Mount, He charged them to reveal to no man what they
had seen, _till_ (again the mysterious words recurred) _He should have
risen from the dead_ (Mtt. xvii. 9; Mk. ix. 9).
Rejoining the rest of their fellow-Apostles, the Chosen Three found
them surrounded by a great crowd, amongst which were certain of the
Lord’s old adversaries, the Scribes, not unwilling witnesses of a
defeat which His disciples had sustained. During their Master’s absence
a man had besought their aid in behalf of his son, who was possessed
with an evil spirit of peculiar malignity. But he had besought their
aid in vain. The Nine had been unable to expel the demon, and the
Scribes, making the most of their discomfiture, were eagerly disputing
with them (Mk. ix. 14), and doubtless “arguing from the impotence of
the servants to the impotence of the Master[366],” when He suddenly
appeared, bearing, it would seem, on His face and person traces of
the celestial glory of the past night. _Greatly amazed_ (Mk. ix. 15)
at His appearance, the multitude no sooner saw Him, than they _ran to
Him and saluted Him_ (Mk. ix. 15), and as He was asking of the Scribes
the reason of their dispute with His disciples, the father drew near,
related what had occurred, and the terrible condition of his only son
(Lk. ix. 38). Possessed he had been for a long time with a dumb spirit
(Mk. ix. 17), but at times it seized him with such violence, that he
_foamed and gnashed with his teeth_ (Mk. ix. 18), or was driven with
almost irresistible impulse into the water and into the fire (Mtt.
xvii. 15).
With a sad rebuke of the faithlessness of the generation in which He
lived, the Lord commanded the boy to be brought into His presence. He
was brought, but no sooner did he see the Saviour (Mk. ix. 20), than
he was seized with one of those sudden paroxysms, which the father
had described, and falling on the ground, he _wallowed foaming_ at
the mouth (Mk. ix. 20). On beholding the miserable sufferer, the Lord
enquired of his father how long he had been in this case. To this
the other replied that it dated from his childhood (Mk. ix. 21), and
described the terrible nature of the fits which came upon him, ending
with a touching request, that if He could do anything, He would have
compassion on him, and help him. _All things are possible_, said the
Holy One, _to him that believeth_. _Lord, I believe_, replied the
agonized father, _help Thou mine unbelief_ (Mk. ix. 23, 24), and his
faith, though but a little spark, was rewarded. Addressing the demon
in words of solemn and conscious authority the Holy One commanded him
to leave the child and _enter him no more_ (Mk. ix. 25), and the foul
spirit, unable to resist the word of power, uttering a piercing cry and
rending the sufferer with one last convulsive paroxysm (Mk. ix. 26),
left him lying on the ground, to all appearance dead. But his merciful
Healer took him by the hand, and, invigorated by that touch, he rose up,
and was restored to his rejoicing father (Lk. ix. 42).
CHAPTER V.
_THE COIN IN THE FISH’S MOUTH――TOUR THROUGH SAMARIA._
A.D. 29.
AFTER the incidents just related, the Redeemer appears to have again
turned His steps southward through the northern parts of Galilee and
in the direction of Capernaum (Mtt. xvii. 22; Mk. ix. 30). This journey
He wished should be as private as possible (Mk. ix. 30), undisturbed by
the presence of the large crowds that usually gathered about Him. For
now that He had so plainly and unreservedly spoken to His Apostles of
His approaching death and resurrection, He desired that these His words
should _sink deep into their ears_ (Lk. ix. 44), and that they should
be more fully instructed respecting their reality and certainty. Once
more, therefore, He began to tell them of His coming rejection by the
rulers of the nation, of His death, and resurrection. But His words
took no root in the minds of His hearers. His “thoughts were not their
thoughts,” nor His “ways their ways;” they could not understand that
whereof He spake, or how One, whom they believed to be the Messiah,
could be called upon to suffer, and were afraid to ask Him personally
what He meant (Mk. ix. 32; Lk. ix. 45).
On their arrival at Capernaum, the collection of the half-shekel[367]
due from every male Israelite, who had attained the age of 20 years,
for the service of the sanctuary at Jerusalem, was going on.
Approaching the Apostle Peter, the collectors enquired whether his
Master did not pay this sum (Mtt. xvii. 24), to which he replied in
the affirmative. Shortly afterwards on reaching the house where they
were about to lodge (Mtt. xvii. 25), the Lord, aware of the incident,
enquired of the Apostle whether earthly monarchs levied custom and
tribute[368] of their own children or of strangers. _Of strangers_,
was the instant reply. _Then_, said the Holy One, alluding to His own
relation to His heavenly Father, _are the children free_, and He as
the Son of God was exempt from a payment which went to the support of
His Father’s house. Lest, however, it should be said that He and His
Apostles despised the Temple, and so men should be offended, He bade
him go down to the lake, cast in a hook, and take the first fish that
came up, assuring him that, when he had opened its mouth, he would
find sufficient[369] to pay both for the Apostle and his Master (Mtt.
xvii. 27).
In spite of His repeated intimations respecting His own coming
sufferings, the thoughts of the Apostles were still running on the
high places they believed in store for them in their Master’s kingdom,
and the late selection of three of their number to behold the glory
of His transfiguration, added to the prominence of Simon in the
miraculous payment of the tribute-money, excited their jealousy and
carnal aspirations. While their Master was contemplating the cross,
their imaginations were apportioning crowns, and the question which was
the greatest amongst them excited much discussion (Mk. iv. 33; Lk. ix.
46, 47). Knowing their thoughts He replied to their question respecting
the disputed point (Mtt. xviii. 1) by a touching symbolical action.
Taking a little child in His arms (Mk. ix. 36) He placed him in their
midst, and solemnly (Mk. ix. 35) declared that unless they laid aside
all their thoughts of dignity and place and power, and became like
little children (Mtt. xviii. 3), they could not hope to enter into His
Kingdom at all; for in that Kingdom he was greatest who could humble
himself like the little child before them, and whoso received even one
such little child in His Name, received Him.
These last words reminded the Apostle John of a fault which he now
confessed. On one occasion he and the rest of the Apostles had seen
a man trying to cast out demons by pronouncing over the possessed the
name of Jesus (Comp. Acts xix. 13), and they had forbidden him, on
the ground that he was not one of their Master’s avowed followers (Mk.
ix. 38; Lk. ix. 49). On being informed of this, the Holy One gently
rebuked the spirit which had prompted the Apostle thus to act. _No
man_, He declared, _who could work a miracle in His name, could lightly
speak evil of Him; he that was not against them was for them; and even
a cup of cold water given to a disciple in His name should not lose
its reward_ (Mk. ix. 41). Having thus urged upon them the duty of
child-like humility, He proceeded to enforce that of avoiding offences
(Mtt. xviii. 10), and of cultivating a spirit of love towards their
Lord’s little ones. Then by the Parable of the _Lost Sheep_ He taught
them the joy that pervaded heaven at the repentance of a single sinner
(Mtt. xviii. 10, &c.; Lk. xv. 3–7), and by that of the _Debtor who
owed ten thousand talents_ (Mtt. xviii. 23–35), how they were bound to
forgive every one his brother their trespasses.
While the Apostles were being thus gradually trained for the reception
of other ideas than those of earthly glory, in respect to the
establishment of their Master’s Kingdom, the season for the celebration
of the feast of Tabernacles drew near (Jn. vii. 2). The harvest being
over, and the grapes trodden in the winepress, numerous caravans of
Jewish pilgrims would be gathering together to go up to the Holy City
and keep the Feast. At this juncture, then, the Lord’s brethren[370]
(Jn. vii. 3) who, though they did not believe in His Divinity (Jn.
vii. 5), were yet not above cherishing feelings of pride and exultation
at the mighty works which He wrought[371], bade Him leave Galilee,
and display proofs of His wonder-working power, no longer in obscure
northern towns, but in the streets of Jerusalem itself (Jn. viii. 3–6).
Though He intended to keep the feast, the Redeemer could not go up to
it for such a manifestation of Himself to the world as they desired
(Jn. vii. 4). His Hour, the Hour for a very different exaltation,
was not yet come (Jn. vii. 6), nor for the present could He take part
in festal solemnities. They accordingly went their way to Jerusalem,
and on their departure, amidst no open, avowed procession of a mere
wonder-worker, but privately and unobtrusively as became a lowly
Redeemer (Jn. vii. 10), accompanied by His Apostles, He set His face
to go up to the Holy City (Lk. ix. 51).
Instead of taking the longer and more frequented route through Peræa,
for the sake, probably, of greater seclusion, the Saviour chose
that through Samaria (Lk. ix. 52), and sent messengers before Him to
prepare for His coming. Entering a certain village of the Samaritans,
the Apostles sought to do as He had bidden them. But the churlish
inhabitants, perceiving the reason why He was passing through their
land, usually so studiously avoided, refused to receive Him[372] (Lk.
ix. 53). Indignant at this rebuff, the impetuous “Sons of Thunder,”
James and John, would have had their Master act in the spirit of
Elijah[373], and call down fire from heaven on the inhospitable and
churlish villagers. But the Holy One rebuked their intemperate zeal,
and the forgetfulness they evinced of the true spirit that became them
as His followers, and sought shelter in another village (Lk. ix. 56).
PART VI.
FROM THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES TO THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY
INTO JERUSALEM.
CHAPTER I.
_THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES――HOSTILITY OF THE SANHEDRIN._
A.D. 29.
MEANWHILE the excitement at Jerusalem respecting the Saviour was
very great. The Festivals of Passover and Pentecost had alike passed
away, and He had not assumed publicly the title or functions of the
Messiah. The question whether He would present Himself at the Feast
of Tabernacles was eagerly discussed (Jn. vii. 11), and many were the
opinions advanced concerning Him; some affirming Him to be _a good man_;
others, a _deceiver of the people_; while fear of the ruling powers in
the city prevented any open declaration in His favour (Jn. vii. 12).
When, however, the Feast had reached its midst, He suddenly appeared
in the Temple, and began to teach openly in its crowded courts. Such
a step at a time when the Sanhedrin had pronounced Him guilty of
a capital offence[374], when they were even seeking to kill Him
(Jn. vii. 25), excited the greatest astonishment. That One, who had
been brought up at the feet of none of the recognised and celebrated
teachers (Jn. vii. 15), should venture thus openly to instruct the
people, should claim for His doctrines a mysterious and exalted origin
(Jn. vii. 16, 17), should justify His violation of the Sabbath by
His works of mercy (Jn. vii. 21),――this, added to the hesitation and
inactivity of the ruling powers[375], caused much perplexity. While,
therefore, some could not recognise His claims to be regarded as the
Messiah with His well-known Galilæan origin, and the uncertainty which
was popularly ascribed to the quarter whence the Messiah was to come
(Jn. vii. 27), many could not resist the impression His wondrous works
made upon their minds, and refused to believe that the long-expected
Deliverer would perform any greater miracles than those they now
witnessed (Jn. vii. 31).
These murmurs of the multitude at length reached the ears of the
Sanhedrin, and they resolved to take steps for securing His person (Jn.
vii. 32). For this purpose they sent their officers to seize Him on the
first favourable opportunity. But their hostility, though now clearly
avowed, did not stay the Lord from continuing His teaching; He knew He
was to be but a little while longer with the multitude, who listened
to Him gladly, before He returned to Him that had sent Him, and now for
the first time publicly, though darkly, hinted at His speedy removal
(Jn. vii. 33–36), and on the last, _the great day of the Feast_ (Jn.
vii. 37), taking up His parable from the water brought in a golden
vessel from the Pool of Siloam and poured before the Brazen Altar[376],
preached with peculiar appropriateness on _the living waters_ of the
Spirit, which should flow forth when He was glorified (Jn. vii. 39).
This boldness, added to the solemnity of His words, exerted a still
greater influence on the multitudes. Some declared He must be _the
Prophet_ (Jn. vii. 40); others that He was the Messiah (Jn. vii. 41);
others would have thought so too had He not risen out of Galilee
instead of Bethlehem of Judæa, as Prophecy had indicated (Jn. vii. 42;
Mic. v. 2), while a fourth, but clearly a smaller party, wished to
apprehend Him, but dared not from fear of the people.
Accordingly the Sanhedrin met a second time, and the officers they had
deputed to effect His apprehension appeared before them (Jn. vii. 45),
and in reply to the enquiry why they had not brought Him, declared it
was impossible――_never man spake like Him_――and they felt powerless
to carry out their instructions. Such an avowal was received with
undisguised contempt (Jn. vii. 47, 48), but the Sanhedrin found that
the influence of the mysterious Teacher had penetrated within their own
council. While they were, apparently, proceeding to discuss some plan
for His condemnation, Nicodemus interposed with the enquiry whether
the Law did not demand an open examination of a man’s claims before
they pronounced judgment? This candid and generous suggestion drew down
upon the speaker the uttermost derision. He was asked whether he too
was from Galilee, and bidden to search and see whether any prophet had
risen out of that despised and half-heathen region[377]? (Jn. vii. 52).
On the following day the Pharisees, finding open hostility ineffectual,
made a crafty and insidious effort to undermine the growing popularity
of the Saviour[378]. When He returned from the Mount of Olives (Jn.
viii. 1), and reappeared in the Temple surrounded by the multitude,
they brought to Him a woman who had been taken in the act of adultery,
and placing her in the midst requested His decision respecting her.
The Law of Moses certainly denounced death as the penalty of her
crime (Lev. xx. 10), but, owing to the corrupt morals of the times,
such a sin seldom incurred any other penalty than divorce. If, then,
He decided _for_ the punishment of death, He would, they expected,
lose ground with the people by rigidly adhering to an enactment which
they themselves were wont to mitigate[379]; if, on the other hand,
He pronounced her acquittal, they could denounce Him as One who set
at nought the Law of Moses, and lowered its time-honoured authority
(Jn. viii. 6).
While, however, they were eagerly claiming His decision, the Holy One,
as if indifferent to their request, continued seated (Jn. viii. 2),
and stooping down appeared to be tracing characters with His fingers
in the dust. At length He looked up (Jn. viii. 7), and said, _He that
is without sin amongst you, let him first cast a stone at her_, and
then again bending downwards resumed the writing on the floor. Such
was the solemnity of His words, and such the authority with which they
appealed to the consciences of all present, that they dared not persist
in advancing their charge, and stole out one by one. When, therefore,
He looked up again, He found Himself alone with the woman, and enquired
whether none was present to convict her. To this she replied, _No man,
Lord_, and He, declining to assume the functions of the judge, or to
pronounce her condemnation, bade her _go and sin no more_ (Jn. viii.
11).
CHAPTER II.
_THE OPENING OF THE EYES OF ONE BORN BLIND._
A.D. 29.
AFTER this signal discomfiture of His enemies, the Redeemer would seem
to have been permitted to resume His discourses to the people in one of
the temple corridors, known as the Treasury, where stood the numerous
treasure-chests[380] to receive the contributions of the worshippers
(Jn. viii. 20). Resuming, then, His teaching on the first Sabbath,
probably, after the late festival, He reiterated with increasing
boldness and authority His claims to be the Messiah, and drew attention
to the testimonies whereby they had been confirmed (Jn. viii. 12, 20).
Again, too, He hinted at His approaching removal, and declared with
unruffled composure that, when He should have been lifted up upon
the Cross, then men would truly know who He was, and recognise the
authority with which He spake (Jn. viii. 28, 29).
The effect of these solemn declarations was again apparent, and
_many believed on Him_ (Jn. viii. 30). But His advice to those, who
thus professed their belief in Him, _to abide in His word_, and His
assurance that thus they would _know the truth_, and the truth _would
make them free_ (Jn. viii. 32, 33), excited much discussion amongst the
Jews. How could they, the descendants of Abraham, who had never been
slaves to any one, be made free? Though, as the Roman garrison in the
tower of Antonia all too plainly attested, they were nationally in a
condition of vassalage to a foreign power, they protested against the
idea of their being in a state of bondage, and urged their descent
from the great patriarch Abraham. The children of Abraham, the Holy
One replied, they were not, for they were seeking to kill Him, Whose
_day Abraham had desired to see_, and _had rejoiced to behold_. This
assertion roused the utmost fury of their wrath; they heaped upon Him
the most bitter taunts, declared Him a Samaritan, and possessed with
a demon, and taking up some of the stones lying about ready for some
repair of the temple, were on the point of inflicting upon Him the
punishment of a blasphemer, when He passed through the midst of them,
and withdrew beyond the present reach of their malice (Jn. viii. 33–59).
The Sabbath, however, was not to close without another manifestation of
His divine and merciful power even in the midst of those who sought His
life. As He passed by, accompanied by His disciples, he encountered a
man, who, it was well known, had been blind from his birth (Jn. ix. 1).
His sad affliction suggested to the Apostles the enquiry whether it
was to be ascribed to sins of his own or to those of His parents; to
which the Lord replied that it was due to neither of the causes they
suggested; that his privations were intended to subserve higher objects
of God’s love; and making clay with the moisture from His mouth, He
anointed the sufferer’s eyes, and sent him to the Pool of Siloam, with
the injunction to wash therein. The man went, and returned perfectly
restored to sight (Jn. ix. 7).
Such a recovery of such a man, in such a manner, excited no small
stir amongst his kinsfolk and acquaintance, and some actually doubted
whether he could be the same as the man they had so long remembered
sitting in pitiable plight at the corner of the street and begging alms
of every passer by. He, however, persisted that he was really the same,
and related in simple and artless language the particulars of his cure.
A miracle like this could not fail to arouse much attention, and the
Sanhedrin determined, if possible, to invalidate its effect on the
public mind, and summoning the man before them, began to investigate
the circumstances of the cure. Their questions he answered with the
same simplicity as those of his kinsfolk――whereas he was blind, now
through the power of One, who had put clay upon his eyes, he saw. But
it was a Sabbath-day when the cure had been effected, and some of the
council wished to decide at once that one, who had flagrantly violated
the law, could not be acting under the sanction of God (Jn. ix. 16).
Others, however, were too much impressed by the evidence of the miracle,
to acquiesce in such an off-hand decision, and there was a division in
the council (Jn. ix. 16).
The man himself, therefore, was again examined, but he could add
nothing to the information he had already given, and expressed his
conviction that his Healer must be a Prophet (Jn. ix. 17). Hoping next
in some way to throw discredit on the reality of his malady and its
cure, they sent for his parents, who allowed that he was their son,
and that he had been born blind, but, fearful of the terrible sentence
of excommunication, with which the Council had threatened all the
followers of Jesus, referred the judges to their son for any further
information they might require.
Turning therefore, once more, to the healed man, they bade him give
praise for the blessing he had received to God alone (Jn. ix. 24),
and take no thought about Jesus of Nazareth, whom they authoritatively
pronounced to be _a sinner_. But their dicta had no effect upon his
resolute and honest temper; whether his Healer was a sinner or not he
would not discuss before such an assembly; of the reality of his cure
he was certain, and that was enough for him; it was useless to question
him further, unless, perchance, they desired to become the disciples of
Jesus.
This opened a door for the more violent party in the council. They
began to revile the man, and to declare their conviction that he was
a secret adherent of Jesus, while they were the followers of Moses.
God had spoken to that great Lawgiver, but of the origin of Jesus they
avowed themselves utterly ignorant. With increasing boldness the man
commented on the extraordinary fact that One, of whose origin such a
learned body was in such complete ignorance, could perform so great
a miracle, utterly unheard of before, and inexplicable save on the
supposition of Divine power (Jn. ix. 33). This outspoken language
excited the utmost indignation, and after taunting the poor man with
his blindness in which he had been born, and which marked him out as
accursed of God, the Council proceeded to pass upon him the terrible
sentence of excommunication (Jn. ix. 34).
Informed of the step they had taken, the Lord sought out the late
recipient of His bounty, and enquired whether he believed on the Son of
God? To this question the other replied, _Who is He, Lord, that I may
believe on Him_? (Jn. ix. 35, 36); _I that speak unto thee_, rejoined
the Holy One, _am He_, and accepted his act of instant adoration and
avowal of belief (Jn. ix. 37).
But the present visit to Jerusalem was to be marked by yet another
protest against the assumptions and errors of the ruling party in the
city. The Holy One affirmed that they were guilty of misleading the
people; that, whereas they pretended to see, they saw not; that they
were hireling shepherds, caring not for the lives and souls of the
people; that He, and He alone, was the true, the genuine Shepherd, the
purport of whose coming into the world was _to lay down His life for
the sheep_ (Jn. x. 1–17). With this sublime discourse respecting the
_Good Shepherd_, the occurrences of this visit to Jerusalem appear to
have come to a close. On no occasion does such an effect appear to have
been made on the minds of the people. We are told indeed of few works
of mercy and redeeming power; but the gracious words that fell from His
lips appear to have sufficed to produce a great influence on many and
divers classes. “The mixed multitude, the dwellers at Jerusalem (Jn.
vii. 25), the officials of the Temple (Jn. vii. 46), and to some extent
even the hostile Jewish party (Jn. viii. 30), bore witness to the more
than mortal power of the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth[381].”
CHAPTER III.
_MISSION OF THE SEVENTY――DISCOURSES AND MIRACLES._
A.D. 29.
FROM this point the exact movements of our blessed Lord are enwrapped
in some obscurity, and the region whither he now retired is a matter
of conjecture. It seems probable, however, that He did not leave Judæa,
but continued His ministrations within its frontier, and about this
period sent forth the Seventy Disciples[382] (Lk. x. 1–6), two and two
before His face, to preach the word, and to visit various towns whither
He Himself also intended to come (Lk. x. 1). After receiving specific
instructions respecting their mission, the Seventy set out probably in
the direction of Peræa, and after some short time returned to recount
with much joy (Lk. x. 17) the success of their ministrations, and their
discovery that even the evil spirits were subject to their Master’s
Name.
One of the places visited by the Saviour during the present sojourn
in Judæa, was the village of Bethany[383] (Lk. x. 38), situated about
15 stadia from Jerusalem (Jn. xi. 18). Here the abode of two sisters,
Martha and Mary[384], and their brother Lazarus, was gladly thrown open
to welcome Him, and each member of the little family enjoyed a share of
His peculiar affection (Jn. xi. 5), and from time to time the sunshine
of His presence.
Scanty as are the indications of the places the Holy One now visited,
it seems clear that the effect of His ministry was not inconsiderable:
multitudes gathered about Him to hear the Word of Life[385] (Lk.
xi. 16), and behold His works of power[386]. But the enmity of the
Pharisees and the ruling body of the nation increased rather than
lessened in intensity (Lk. xi. 53, 54). They still persisted in
ascribing His power over unclean spirits to a secret collusion with the
Evil One (Lk. xi. 14, 15; Mtt. ix. 32–34); reiterated their demand for
_a sign from heaven_ (Lk. xi. 29–36); carped at His refusal to conform
to their superstitious observances in respect to _divers washings_
(Lk. xi. 37–42); and stung to the quick by His denunciations of their
hypocritical and bloodthirsty spirit[387], bent all their efforts to
entangle Him in His talk, and find some matter for accusation against
Him (Lk. xi. 54).
Undeterred, however, by their ceaseless hostility, He persevered in His
ministrations, warned His disciples in the presence of the multitudes,
who crowded around Him in such numbers _as to tread upon one another_
(Lk. xii. 1), against the _leaven of the Pharisees, which is hypocrisy_
(Lk. xii. 1–4); reiterated His solemn words respecting blasphemy
against the Holy Ghost (Lk. xii. 10); and, refusing to accede to a
request to divide an inheritance amongst two brothers, took occasion
to warn His hearers against covetousness, and delivered the striking
parable of the _Rich Fool_ (Lk. xii. 13–21). Not merely, however, would
He warn them against this common sin, but “knowing how often it springs
from a distrust in God’s providential care[388],” He proceeded to teach
them where they might find a preservative against over-anxiety[389]
about the future, in the assurance of the loving care of a Father in
heaven, who feeds the fowls of the heaven, though they _neither sow
nor reap_, and have _neither storehouse nor barn_ (Lk. xii. 22–24), and
clothes the _lilies[390] of the field_ with a beauty, such as _Solomon
in all his glory_ never approached (Lk. xii. 27).
It was probably about this time that certain persons informed the Lord
of a fresh outrage amongst the many that Pilate had committed[391].
On the occasion of the visit of a body of Galilæans, whose turbulent
character has been already noted[392], to Jerusalem, the governor for
some unrecorded reason had slain them, and mingled their blood with
the blood of the slain beasts they were offering on the Altar at the
Temple[393]. If men “might have been supposed to be safe anywhere,
or at any time, it would have been at the altar of God, and while in
the act of offering sacrifices unto Him[394];” their terrible death,
therefore, appears to have been urged by the narrators of this outrage
as a peculiar evidence of God’s anger against them, and of some unknown
awful guilt[395] on their part (Lk. xiii. 1, 2). But such hasty and
cruel judgments the Lord instantly rebuked, and declared that the
terrible ends of these sufferers no more marked them out as _sinners
above all other_ of their fellow-countrymen than certain eighteen
persons on whom a tower of Siloam[396] had recently fallen and crushed
them beneath its ruins (Lk. xiii. 4). In such swift calamities they
were not to trace the evidence of a pre-eminence of guilt on the part
of the sufferers[397], but a call to remember their own uncertain
tenure of life, and to repentance[398] while as yet the day of grace
lasted, which solemn considerations He still further enforced by the
appropriate parable of the _Barren Fig-Tree_ (Lk. xiii. 6–9).
On a subsequent occasion the Lord entered a synagogue on the
Sabbath-day (Lk. xiii. 10), where there was a woman inwardly afflicted
in her spirit[399] (Lk. xiii. 16), and outwardly with a permanent
and unnatural contraction of her body (Lk. xiii. 11). Without waiting
till His aid was sought, He forthwith called her to Him, and laying
His hands upon her, said, _Woman, thou art loosed from thy infirmity_,
whereupon the affliction of eighteen long years (Lk. xiii. 11)
instantly left her, _she was made straight, and glorified God_. Such a
cure, which excited the wonder of all present, was more than the ruler
of the synagogue could bear, and he openly expressed his indignation
at this violation of the Sabbath, remarking that there were six days
in the week when such servile working as healing might be done, and
bidding those who needed help come then, and not degrade the sanctity
of the Sabbath-day (Lk. xiii. 14). Such hypocritical strictness on the
part of one who sat in Moses’ seat and was regarded as a teacher of the
Law, moved the Saviour’s righteous indignation. In words, the force of
which was irresistible (Lk. xiii. 17), He justified that He had done by
the “very relaxations of the Sabbath strictness[400],” which the ruler
of the synagogue himself allowed. Would he not _loose his ox or his
ass from the stall and lead him away to water_ on the Sabbath-day, and
should he be blamed for merely speaking a word and releasing a daughter
of Abraham from a bond with which Satan had enthralled her for so many
years? The question admitted of no reply; even His adversaries were
ashamed, while the multitude rejoiced for all the glorious things that
had been done by Him (Lk. xiii. 17).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE FEAST OF DEDICATION――TOUR IN PERÆA._
A.D. 29.
BY the time the incident recorded in the last Chapter took place, the
season of winter had returned (Jn. x. 22), and the snow lay upon the
mountains[401]. With the return of winter came also the celebration
of the Feast of Dedication[402], on the 25th of the month Chisleu,
which lasted eight days. On this occasion the Lord once more visited
Jerusalem, and presented Himself in the Temple, and probably on
account of the wintry state of the weather sought shelter in “Solomon’s
Porch[403],” where He was speedily encircled by the Jews (Jn. x. 24),
who began with eager impetuosity to enquire how long He intended to
keep them in suspense, and to ask that if He was the Messiah He would
tell them so plainly and distinctly (Jn. x. 24).
The question appears to have been put neither in a hostile nor
unfriendly tone, and indicates a wish on the part of the ruling powers
to discover whether He might not be induced to set Himself forth as
the Messiah they expected, and, like a second Judas Maccabæus, whose
exploits they were commemorating, deliver them from the hated yoke of
the foreigner[404].
In reply, however, to their question, the Holy One contented Himself
with pointing to the wonderful works He had already wrought in their
midst. This testimony they had refused to receive, for neither in their
aims nor desires were they of His sheep (Jn. x. 26). _His sheep heard
His voice, and He knew them, and He would give them eternal life, nor
should any ever snatch them out of His hand_ (Jn. x. 27, 28); _for the
Eternal Father in heaven had given them to Him, and He and the Father
were one_ (Jn. x. 29).
This solemn and mysterious language, this claim to essential unity with
the eternal Father, again[405] provoked the anger of His hearers. Their
earthly and carnal hopes centered on some great earthly conqueror. The
words of the Holy One sounded in their ears like blasphemy, and taking
up some of the stones lying around for the repairs[406] of the Temple
which were almost always going on, they were on the point of stoning
Him as He stood.
But He calmed their fury by enquiring for which of His many works, that
proved by their moral goodness no less than the power they displayed,
His union with the Father, they wished to stone Him. In reply the
Jews declared that it was His blasphemous words which made them act
as they now did, for though a man, He claimed a union with God (Jn. x.
32, 33). This charge the Holy One repelled by reference to their own
sacred books[407]. Was not the title of God sometimes applied there to
the judges and rulers of the nation (Ps. lxxxii. 6[408]), and was it
with less justice applicable to One, whose wondrous works proved His
intercommunion with the Father and His Divine mission to the world?
(Jn. x. 34–38). This reply only excited a fresh burst of fury, and
though the Jews gave up their design of stoning Him, they tried to
apprehend Him and bring Him before their courts (Jn. x. 29).
But His “hour” was not yet come, and retiring from the capital, He
crossed the Jordan, and sought the fords of Bethabara or Bethany, where
His forerunner _at first baptized_ (Jn. x. 40). In this region, where
that eminent servant of God had closed his course[409], it was proved
that “though dead he yet spake.” Many remembered his burning words
and faithful testimony to the Messiah, whom the Jews at Jerusalem had
rejected, and acknowledging the truth of His words, gathered round the
Saviour (Jn. x. 41), and avowed their belief in Him.
Still even here He had to encounter hostile opposition. His
indefatigable enemies, the Pharisees, penetrated His seclusion and
represented that Herod Antipas, within whose dominions He now was,
sought opportunity to kill Him (Lk. xiii. 31). But He saw through their
cunning and hypocrisy, no less than the fox-like (Lk. xiii. 32) craft
of the Tetrarch, by whom they had been probably suborned[410]. He,
doubtless, would be glad to get out of his territory[411] One, whose
fame caused him so much perplexity, and they would be no less anxious
to drive Him from a quarter, where He was comparatively safe, to the
hostile neighbourhood of Jerusalem[412]. But though it was impossible
that a prophet could perish elsewhere than in a capital, which had
slain so many who had been sent to it[417], yet there was still time
for the performance of works of mercy (Lk. xiii. 32, 33), for the
healing of the sick, and the expulsion of demons, before He went up to
Jerusalem, whose children He would so often have gathered together _as
a hen gathereth her chickens under her wing[418], but they would not,
and whose house was now left unto them desolate_ (Lk. xiii. 34, 35).
Of the works of mercy here mentioned, apparently but one is actually
recorded by the Evangelist. At the house of one of the leaders of the
Pharisees, to which He had been invited (Lk. xiv. 1) on the Sabbath-day,
for a hostile purpose[419], the Holy One healed a man afflicted with
dropsy (Lk. xiv. 2–6), and taking occasion from the associations of the
time and place, not only rebuked the haughty selfishness with which the
Pharisees claimed the chief seats at feasts (Lk. xiv. 7–14), but also
uttered the appropriate parable of the _Great Supper_ (Lk. xiv. 15–24).
In the same neighbourhood also, finding Himself surrounded by great
crowds, amongst which some indicated a wish to follow Him, He addressed
them solemnly on the self-denial required of all who would be His
real disciples (Lk. xiv. 25–35), and the necessity for first counting
the cost, and taking up the cross if they would truly follow Him.
On another occasion a great number of tax-gatherers, who were very
numerous near Jericho and the Jordan fords[420], gathered round Him,
together with many regarded as profligate sinners. Their eagerness to
listen to His teaching, and His willingness to receive and eat with
them (Lk. xv. 1), roused again the hostility of the Pharisees and
Scribes, and provoked them to open murmuring. But, undeterred by their
opposition, the Good Shepherd, with striking appropriateness now, gave
utterance to the parables of the _Lost Sheep_ (Lk. xv. 1), the _Lost
Coin_ (Lk. xv. 8–10), and the _Prodigal Son_ (Lk. xv. 11–32), and
afterwards addressed to His disciples, though in the hearing of the
Pharisees, those of the _Unjust Steward_ (Lk. xvi. 1–13), and of
_Lazarus and the Rich Man_ (Lk. xvi. 19–31).
CHAPTER V.
_THE RAISING OF LAZARUS._
A.D. 30.
WHILE the Lord was in Peræa, and apparently in the neighbourhood
of Bethabara, a messenger reached Him from the sisters Martha and
Mary[421], announcing that their brother Lazarus was sick (Jn. xi. 13).
On receiving this intelligence, He replied in the hearing of His
Apostles, but chiefly to the messenger, and for him to bring back
to those that had sent him[422], _This sickness is not unto death_
(Jn. xi. 4), _but for the glory of God, that the Son of God might be
glorified thereby_.
Whatever amount of hope this announcement may have raised in the minds
of the sisters was for the present at least dashed to the ground. For
He, to whom they had sent their simple message, and who had so often
healed others at a distance by simply uttering a word, now neither
spoke the word of power, nor came to them, but _remained still two
days in the same place where He was_ (Jn. xi. 6), and in the meantime
Lazarus died, and was laid in a rock-hewn sepulchre.
At the close, however, of the two days, the Holy One proposed to His
disciples that they should go into Judæa again. But the trembling
Apostles, recollecting the extreme danger He had so lately incurred
at Jerusalem, ventured to expostulate: a short time back the Jews were
seeking to stone Him (Jn. xi. 8), and for the sake of safety He had
been constrained to seek the seclusion of the region where He now was,
would He venture then, so soon to incur afresh the malice of His foes?
Thereupon He calmed their apprehensions, and announced that their
friend Lazarus _was asleep_, but He intended to _wake him out of sleep_
(Jn. xi. 12). This announcement perplexed the Apostles still more. If
Lazarus slept, it indicated a favourable crisis of his illness, and the
perilous journey was unnecessary. Perceiving that they understood His
words literally, He now told them plainly that _Lazarus was dead_, but
still declared His intention of going to Bethany (Jn. xi. 15), on which
the Apostle Thomas, betraying the tendency to misgiving and despondency
which distinguished him[423], and convinced that his Master would fall
into the hands of His deadly enemies, proposed to the rest that at
least they should accompany Him, and share His end (Jn. xi. 16).
With these sad forebodings the Apostles accompanied their Lord, and
on reaching Bethany found that Lazarus had been already dead four
days[424], and as the village lay only three quarters of an hour’s
journey from Jerusalem, many Jews (Jn. xi. 19) had come thither over
the Mount of Olives, to pay the customary visit of condolence to the
two sisters[425].
Tarrying Himself outside the village (Jn. xi. 30), the Lord suffered
the tidings of His arrival to go before Him, and no sooner did Martha
become aware of it, than she hurried forth to meet Him, while Mary
remained in the house. In few and touching words Martha revealed the
anguish of her heart. _Lord_, said she, _if Thou hadst been here, my
brother had not died_, but added, shewing that even now she had not
abandoned every hope, _I know that even now, whatsoever Thou wilt ask
of God, God will give it Thee_ (Jn. xi. 22). In reply the Holy One
assured her that her brother would rise again, and when she answered
that she knew he would _rise again at the last day_ (Jn. xi. 24),
proceeded to declare Himself to be the _Resurrection and the life_,
in whom whosoever believed should live though he died, and whosoever
lived and believed should never die (Jn. xi. 25, 26).
Having spoken of Himself in these solemn and momentous words, He
enquired whether Martha herself believed He was what He thus claimed
to be. _Yea, Lord_, was her reply: _I believe that Thou art the Christ,
the Son of God, which should come into the world_ (Jn. xi. 27), and
with this assurance hastened away, and secretly called her sister.
Informed of her Lord’s arrival Mary also hurried to meet Him, and was
quickly followed by a large number of the Jews, who took for granted
that, according to the usual custom[426], she was proceeding to the
grave to weep there. Arrived at the spot where Jesus was, Mary could
only fall down before His feet (Jn. xi. 32), and falter out the words
her sister had already uttered, and then gave way to passionate grief.
The spectacle of her deep sorrow deeply affected many of the Jews also,
and they mingled their tears with hers, while the Lord Himself _groaned
in spirit and was troubled_, and enquired where they had laid the dead
(Jn. xi. 33).
With the words _come and see_, they conducted Him to the sepulchre,
and on the road[427] He Himself, borne away by the “great tide of
sorrow[428]” around, joined His tears with theirs (Jn. xi. 35).
On reaching the sepulchre, which, like the family vaults of the Jews,
was a cave[429], with recesses in the sides, in which the bodies were
laid, He commanded the stone, which closed the entrance, to be removed.
On this Martha, shrinking from the exposure to the eyes of strangers of
the body of one so dear, and already partially decomposed (Jn. xi. 39),
ventured to expostulate; but Jesus reminded her of His promise that,
if she believed, she should _see the glory of God_, and calmed her
feelings. Accordingly the stone was removed, and then the Holy One,
after a brief pause, during which He thanked the Eternal Father for
having heard Him (Jn. xi. 41, 42), cried with a loud voice, _Lazarus,
come forth_. Instantly the word of Power was obeyed. There was a stir
in the sepulchre. The dead man rose, and came forth, _bound hand and
foot with grave clothes, and his face covered with a napkin_, while the
Lord, who was never calmer than when during His greatest works, simply
bade the bystanders _loose him and let him go_ (Jn. xi. 44).
CHAPTER VI.
_RESOLVE OF THE SANHEDRIN――JESUS RETIRES TO EPHRAIM._
A.D. 30.
THE remarkable miracle recorded at length in the preceding Chapter
marks an important epoch in the life of our Lord.
The effect it exerted upon those who witnessed it was twofold. Many
of those, who had come to mourn with the sisters of Bethany, avowed
their belief in the Saviour’s claims (Jn. xi. 45), but others, with no
friendly intentions, hurried to the Pharisees and recounted to them all
that had taken place. Their report led to instant measures.
The ruling powers, hitherto comparatively calm, became very uneasy.
A meeting of the Sanhedrin was convened, at which Caiaphas presided,
and the course to be followed was keenly debated. It was clear that
the sentence of excommunication (Jn. ix. 22), lately passed upon the
followers of the Saviour, had not counteracted the impression made
by His ministry on the minds of the people[430]. The notable miracle
He had just wrought could not be gainsaid, and its effect upon the
multitude was profound. If he was suffered to continue His ministry,
all, it was argued, would believe on Him, and in all probability
proclaim Him as their King. Such a proclamation would inevitably lead
to a riot, a riot to a visit from Pilate, the ruthlessness of whose
character had been again and again experienced[431], and this would be
followed by a massacre, and the total deprivation of what remained of
their national existence.
Many measures were, probably, advocated by various members of the
Council, but found no general acceptance. At length Caiaphas arose,
and with unconcealed contempt declared that his weak and vacillating
colleagues _knew nothing at all_ (Jn. xi. 49). The life and teaching
of One Man threatened to imperil the whole nation, and to bring them
into collision with their Roman masters. One effectual remedy alone
existed. _It was expedient_ that He should be put to death rather than
the whole nation should be swept away. As a Sadducee[432] (Acts v. 17)
Caiaphas believed in the might of the Roman legions, though he denied
the doctrine of the resurrection and the existence of spiritual
powers, and rather than embroil the nation in fresh troubles with
their unscrupulous masters, he advocated the death of the Holy One,
all unconscious[433] of the momentous results of the step he advised.
Though there were some dissentients (Lk. xxiii. 50, 51), his words
expressed the feelings of the majority of the Council. The more decided
and violent party triumphed. It was deliberately determined that Jesus
should be put to death, and from that day forward continual councils
were held to decide how this should be brought about (Jn. xi. 53).
But the Holy One, knowing that His “hour” was not yet come, retired
with His disciples to Ephraim, a town situated[434] in the wide desert
country north-east of Jerusalem, not far from Bethel, and on the
confines of Samaria.
Here in quiet and seclusion He remained till the approach of the
Passover, and then commenced a farewell-journey along the border-line
of Samaria and Galilee, in the direction of the Jordan (Lk. xvii. 11;
Mtt. xix. 1), and so to Peræa (Mk. x. 1).
It was probably while yet on the confines of Samaria, that at the
entrance of a village, the name and position of which are not recorded,
He encountered Ten Lepers, one of whom was a Samaritan[435] (Lk. xvii.
16). Standing _afar off_ (Lk. xvii. 12), they all _lifted up their
voices_, and implored His aid, on which, filled with compassion for
their miserable condition, He bade them go and _shew themselves to the
priests_ at Jerusalem. Though they must have been aware that they could
not expect healing from the priest, whose only office it was either to
pronounce the sufferer affected with this fearful malady, or to restore
him with ceremonial washings to the society of his fellow-men[436], the
Lepers nevertheless set out, and lo! as they went (Lk. xvii. 14), their
flesh came back to them _like unto the flesh of a little child_ (2 K.
v. 14), and they were cleansed. But though they all experienced His
unlooked-for blessing, one only, and he a Samaritan, returned to give
thanks to His Healer, who, accustomed as he was to man’s ingratitude,
yet marvelled at this striking proof of it (Lk. xvii. 17, 18), and
dismissed the grateful man with a higher and a peculiar blessing[437],
saying, _Go thy way, thy faith hath made thee whole_ (Lk. xvii. 19).
Continuing His journey towards the Jordan, the Saviour at some place,
the name of which is not mentioned, encountered certain Pharisees, who
professed, probably in treachery or mockery, a question respecting the
coming of the kingdom of God, to which He replied, that it would be
with no such visible establishment as they expected (Lk. xvii. 20, 21),
and proceeded to found upon the question a warning to His own disciples
on the same subject (Lk. xvii. 22–37). It was now also, in all
probability, either before or just after He crossed into Peræa[438],
that He delivered the parables of the _Unjust Judge_ and the _Pharisee
and Publican_ (Lk. xvii. 1–14), and replied to a question respecting
the lawfulness of divorce (Mtt. xix. 3–12; Mk. x. 2–12), on which the
rival schools of Hillel and Shammai[439] held opposite opinions.
In striking contrast to the malice which prompted these questionings,
certain parents, who probably honoured Him, and valued His benediction,
brought their children to Him, and begged that He would lay His hands
upon them and offer up a prayer in their behalf (Mtt. xix. 13). To the
disciples such an act appeared unfitting, and they would have kept back
those that brought them (Mk. x. 13; Lk. xviii. 15), but with touching
condescension He not only rebuked their interference (Mk. x. 14), and
said, _Suffer the little children to come unto Me, and forbid them
not, for of such is the kingdom of heaven_, but called them to Him (Lk.
xviii. 16), _took them up in His arms, laid His hands upon them, and
blessed them_ (Mk. x. 16; Mtt. xix. 15).
It was in this region also that a rich young ruler approached Him,
desiring to know what he should do to inherit eternal life (Mtt. xix.
16; Mk. x. 17). The Holy One referred him to the commandments. These
the other declared he had kept from his youth (Mk. x. 20), on which
the Lord looked upon him with a glance of deep affection, informed him
that he lacked _yet one thing_ (Lk. xviii. 22), and bade him _go and
sell all that he had, and give to the poor_, and take up his cross (Mk.
x. 21) and follow Him. Such a demand, so totally opposed to the popular
notions of the kingdom of the Messiah, in which the Jews expected
every form of temporal blessing, was too severe a test for the ruler’s
sincerity; he _had great possessions_ (Mtt. xix. 22; Mk. x. 22), which
he could not part with, and in sorrow he left the Saviour and went his
way.
But the same ideas of temporal blessings were still held by the
Apostles themselves. They had left everything to follow their Master,
might they not look for some great reward? To Peter, who put the
question (Mk. x. 28; Mtt. xix. 23) the Holy One replied, by assuring
him and the rest that a reward they should have, though very different
from what they expected, and taking them apart (Mtt. xx. 17; Mk. x. 32)
began for the third time[440], and with greater particularity than
before, to speak of the future that awaited Himself; how at Jerusalem
He should _be delivered into the hands of the Gentiles, and be mocked,
and scourged, and crucified_ (Mtt. xx. 18–24; Mk. x. 33–40; Lk. xviii.
32–34). But though awed by the unusual solemnity of His manner (Mk.
x. 32), and the dauntless resolution with which He pressed on towards
Jerusalem (Mk. x. 33), they could not enter into the meaning of His
words. His predictions of suffering and death clashed with all their
deeply-rooted ideas of the nature of the Messianic kingdom, and it
was now that two of their number, James and John, encouraged by their
mother, preferred the request[441] that in His kingdom they might _sit
the one on His right hand, and the other on His left_. Even His reply
that they should indeed _drink of His cup, and be baptized with His
baptism_, sounded to the rest like the concession of some mysterious
dignity, and provoked a jealousy on their part, which the Holy One
strove to check by reminding them once more of the true nature of His
kingdom, that therein He is truly _first who is the servant of all;
even as the Son of Man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister,
and to give His life a ransom for many_.
With this final proof of the utter inability even of His own chosen
Twelve to lighten by their sympathy a particle of what lay before
Himself, the Holy One, having recrossed the Jordan, continued His
way amidst the crowd of pilgrims setting forth towards Jerusalem.
Approaching Jericho He healed two blind men[442], who sat by the
wayside begging and implored His aid; He accepted in the City of Palm
Trees itself the hospitality of Zacchæus[443], a superintendent of
customs or tribute there (Lk. xix. 1–10); corrected, by delivering
the Parable of _the Pounds_[444], the idea that the Kingdom of Heaven
was _about immediately to appear_, and at length, six days before the
Passover, reached the safe seclusion of the mountain hamlet of Bethany
(Mtt. xxvi. 6–13; Mk. xiv. 3–9; Jn. xii. 1–11).
Illustration: JERUSALEM in the time of OUR LORD
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_For Maclear’s New Test.ᵗ History_
_Stanford’s Geog.ˡ Estab.ᵗ_
PART VII.
FROM THE ARRIVAL AT BETHANY TO THE ASCENSION.
CHAPTER I.
_THE ANOINTING AT BETHANY――THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY._
A.D. 30.
IT was apparently on a Friday evening when the Saviour reached the
hamlet of Bethany, where in quiet retirement He could spend His last
earthly Sabbath. At Bethany resided one Simon (Mtt. xxvi. 6; Mk.
xiv. 3), who had been a leper[445], and possibly had been restored
by the Lord Himself, and at his house the sisters of Lazarus provided
a festal repast[446], to welcome Him who had in so signal a manner
restored happiness to their little circle (Jn. xii. 2).
In keeping with her character Martha on this occasion busied herself
in ministering to the Lord (Jn. xii. 2), while Lazarus reclined at the
table as one of the guests. As the feast proceeded, Mary approached
with an alabaster casket in her hand, containing a pound of precious
spikenard[447] (Jn. xii. 3), and breaking off the closed top (Mk. xiv.
3), poured a portion on the head of the Saviour. Then kneeling down
she anointed His feet also (Jn. xii. 3), while the sweet odour diffused
itself through the whole room.
But her act of beautiful affection did not win the approval of all
the guests at the table. Judas Iscariot enquired why a casket of
such precious unguent, which might have been sold for more than
300 denarii[448] and given to the poor, should be wasted in such
a useless piece of extravagance[449] (Jn. xii. 5), and even others
of the Apostles sympathised with his views, and had indignation and
murmured against her (Mtt. xxvi. 8). He, however, for whom she had thus
manifested her affectionate adoration, suffered scarcely a moment to
elapse before He signified _His_ opinion of that she had done. Not only
did He bid the murmurers desist from troubling her, but declared that
she had wrought a beautiful and worthy deed. The poor, for whom they
pretended so much anxiety, they _had always with them_, but Himself
they would not _have always_ (Mk. xiv. 7), thus reminding them again of
that speedy removal He had so often predicted. Moreover, He proceeded
to declare that what she had done had a special significance. In
reference to the mysterious event so soon about to befall Him, wherein
He should receive so little assistance or comfort from any human being,
she at least _had done what she could_ (Mk. xiv. 8), _she had come
beforehand to anoint His Body for the burying_, and wherever the Gospel
should be preached throughout the whole world, there should also the
deed which had moved their unworthy indignation be _told for a memorial
of her_ (Mtt. xxvi. 13; Mk. xiv. 9). Thus by a prophetic word He
elevated and interpreted her act of affectionate adoration.
Thus the eventful evening wore on. Meanwhile the news of the Saviour’s
presence at Bethany had reached Jerusalem, and great crowds (Jn.
xii. 9) resorted thither not only to see Him but Lazarus also, whose
resurrection from the dead caused many to avow their belief in the Lord
of life (Jn. xii. 11). This fact was well known to the chief-priests,
and a council was convened to consider the propriety of putting him
also to death (Jn. xii. 10).
The next day dawned, the first day of the Holy week. Leaving Bethany,
the Saviour proceeded towards Bethphage[450], and sending two of His
disciples, desired them to bring an ass, and her colt with her, which
they would find tied at the entrance of the village (Mtt. xxi. 2, 3; Lk.
xix. 30; Mk. xi. 2). The disciples went, and in answer to the question
of the owners (Lk. xix. 33), why they thus loosed them, replied, as
bidden, that _the Lord had need of them_, and returned to their master.
The voice of ancient prophecy (Zech. ix. 9) had declared that her King
would come to Zion _meek, and sitting on an ass, and a colt the foal
of an ass_; and the hour for its fulfilment had now come. The road from
Bethany to Jerusalem wound through rich plantations of palm-trees, and
fruit- and olive-gardens[451], and was now crowded with pilgrims making
their way towards the Holy City, or the encampments on the declivity of
the Mount of Olives[452]. Amongst these would naturally be many who had
witnessed the Saviour’s miracles in Galilee, and their enthusiasm would
be much increased by the news of the wondrous event at Bethany. The
heart of the people, therefore, was deeply stirred, and the disciples,
filled with the general excitement, spread their garments on the
animals they had brought to their Master (Mtt. xxi. 7), and placed Him
thereon. Soon the crowds began to express their joy in a more lively
manner. Some strewed their garments[453] on the rough mountain-path,
others cut down branches[454] from the neighbouring gardens, and threw
them on the road before Him.
Meanwhile a second stream issuing from the Holy City (Jn. xii. 12) came
forth to meet the Conqueror of Death, and meeting the others coming
from Bethany, turned round, and swelled the long procession towards
Jerusalem. As they approached the descent of the Mount of Olives (Lk.
xix. 37), their feelings found expression in the prophetic language
of the Psalms, and with loud Hosannas they glorified God (Lk. xix. 37),
and proclaimed the approach of the _Son of David_ to receive the
kingdom of His Father, and to establish His Messianic kingdom (Mtt.
xxi. 9; Mk. xi. 9). Certain of the Pharisees alone were found to murmur.
They would have had the Saviour rebuke the zeal of the multitude, but
pointing to the stones beneath their feet, He declared that _they would
immediately cry out if these were to hold their peace_.
Thus amidst loud Hosannas the procession swept along, till on a nearer
approach, the whole of the magnificent City, as if rising from an abyss,
burst into view, “with its back-ground of gardens and suburbs[455],”
and its glorious Temple-tower. The procession paused, and the hour of
triumph became the hour of deepest sorrow. In strange contrast with the
excited emotions of the crowds around Him, the Holy One wept over the
devoted city, foresaw the Roman legions gathered round its fated walls,
its proud towers laid low in the dust, and its children within it,
because they knew not _the day of their visitation_ (Lk. xix. 41–44).
Such things were hidden from the eyes of the eager throngs who were
shouting “Hosanna,” and believed that now at length the Messiah,
welcomed and accepted, would claim the sceptre and ascend the throne.
Passing through the City the Holy One advanced towards the Temple.
Jerusalem was stirred to its very centre. _Who is this?_ enquired many.
_This is the Prophet, Jesus, of Nazareth of Galilee_ (Mtt. xxi. 10, 11),
was the eager reply of His believing followers, expecting, doubtless,
that some unmistakeable sign would be given of His real character.
They were doomed to disappointment. Entering the Courts of the Temple,
He surveyed with a clear and searching glance (Mk. xi. 11) the scene of
disorder and mercenary desecration which they again presented, and in
the evening returned with the Twelve (Mk. xi. 11) to the seclusion of
Bethany, and the great Palm-Sunday was over.