"God and the People"
The diplomatists who assembled at the Congress of Vienna to settle the
affairs of Europe, so strangely disturbed by the vehement career of
that soldier-genius, Napoleon, had it in their minds to restore as far
as possible the older forms of government.
Italy was restless, unwilling to give up the patriotic dreams inspired
by the conqueror. The people saw with dismay that the hope of unity
was over since the peninsula, divided into four states, was parcelled
out again and placed under the hated yoke of Austria. Soldiers from
Piedmont and Lombardy, from Venice and Naples, Parma and Modena, had
fought side by side, sharing the glory of a military despot and willing
to endure a tyranny that gave them a firm administration and a share of
justice. They saw that prosperity for their land would follow the more
regular taxation and the abolition of the social privileges oppressive
to the peasants. They looked forward to increase of trade as roads
were made and bridges built, and they welcomed the chance of education
and the preparation for a national life. Napoleon had always held
before them the picture of a great Italian State, freed from foreign
princes and realizing the promise of the famous Middle Ages.
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Yet Napoleon had done nothing to forward the cause of Italian freedom
before his final exile. The Italians would have made Eugene
Beauharnais king, of a united Italy, but Eugene was loyal to the
stepfather who had placed under his power the territory lying between
the Alps and the centre of the peninsula. Murat, Napoleon's
brother-in-law, would have grasped the sceptre, for he was devoured by
overwhelming ambition. He owed his rapid advance from obscurity to the
position of a general to the Corsican, whose own career had led him to
help men to rise by force of merit. Murat bore a part in the struggle
for Italy when the cry was ever Liberty. A new spirit had come upon
the indolent inheritors of an ancient name. They were burning to
achieve the freedom of Italy, and hearkened only to the voice that
offered independence.
Prince Metternich, the absolute ruler of Austria, set aside the
conflicting claims, and parcelled out the states among petty rulers all
looking to him for political guidance. Italy was "only a geographical
expression," he remarked with satisfaction. Cadets of the Austrian
house held Tuscany and Modena, and Marie Louise, the ex-empress, was
installed at Parma. Pius VII took up the papal domain in Central Italy
with firmer grasp. Francis II, Emperor of Austria, seized Venice and
Lombardy, while a Bourbon, in the person of Ferdinand I, received
Naples and Sicily, a much disputed heritage. Victor Emmanuel, King of
Sardinia, received also the Duchies of Savoy and Piedmont. San Marino
was a republic still, standing solitary and mournful upon the waters of
the Adriatic. Italy was divided state from state, as in the medieval
times, but now, alas! each state could not boast free government.
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Italians, eating the bread of slaves, felt that they were in bondage to
Vienna. Metternich had determined they should know no master but
himself, and all attempts to rebel were closely watched by spies. The
police force allowed nothing to be printed or spoken against the
government that was strong to condemn disorder. There were ardent
souls longing to fight for the cause of Italy and Liberty. There were
secret societies resolving desperate measures. There was discontent
everywhere to war with Metternich's distrust of social progress.
The sufferings of rebel leaders moved the compassion of Giuseppe
Mazzini, the son of a clever physician in the town of Genoa. He was
only a boy when he was accosted by a refugee, whose wild countenance
told a story of cruelty and oppression. From that moment, he realized
the degradation of Italy and chose the colour of mourning for his
clothes; he began to study the heroic struggles which had made martyrs
of his countrymen in late years, and he began to form visionary
projects which led him from the study of literature--his first
sacrifice. He had aspired to a literary career, and renounced it to
throw himself into the duties he owed to countrymen and country.
In 1827, Mazzini joined the Carbonari, or Charcoalmen, a society which
worked in different countries with one aim--opposition to the despot
and the legitimist. The young man of twenty-two was impressed, no
doubt, by the solemn oath of initiation which he had to take over a
bared dagger, but he soon had to acknowledge that the efforts of the
Carbonari were doomed to dismal failure. Membership was confined too
much to the professional class, and there were too few appeals to the
youth of Italy. Treachery was {186} rife among the different sections
of the wide-spreading organization. It was easy for a man to be
condemned on vague suspicions. When Mazzini was arrested, he had to be
acquitted of the charge of conspiracy because it was impossible to find
two witnesses, but general disapproval was expressed of his mode of
life. The governor of Genoa spoke very harshly of the student's habit
of walking about at night in thoughtful silence. "What on earth has
he, at his age, to think about?" he demanded angrily. "We don't like
young people thinking without our knowing the subjects of their
thoughts."
The "glorious days of July," 1830, freed the French from a monarchy
which threatened liberal principles, and roused the discontented in
other countries to make fresh efforts for freedom. Certain ordinances,
published on July 25th by the French Ministry, suspended the freedom of
the press, altered the law of election to the Chambers of Deputies, and
suppressed a number of Liberal journals. Paris rose to resist, and on
July 28th, men of the Faubourg St Antoine took possession of the Hotel
de Ville, hoisting the tricolour flag again. Charles X was deposed in
favour of Louis Philippe, the Citizen-King, who was a son of that Duke
of Orleans once known as Philippe Equality. "A popular throne with
republican institutions" thus replaced the absolute monarchy of the
Bourbons. There was an eager belief in other lands that the new King
of France would support attempts to abolish tyranny, but Louis Philippe
was afraid of losing power, and in Italy an insurrection in favour of
the new freedom was overawed by an army sent from Austria. The time
was not yet come for the blow to be struck which would fulfil the
object of the {187} Carbonari by driving every Austrian from their
country.
Mazzini passed into exile, realizing that there had been some fatal
defect in the organization of a society whose attempts met with such
failure. He was confirmed in his belief that the youth of Italy must
be roused and educated to win their own emancipation. "Youth lives on
freedom," he said, "grows great in enthusiasm and faith." Then he made
his appeal for the enrolment of these untried heroes. "Consecrate them
with a lofty mission; influence them with emulation and praise; spread
through their ranks the word of fire, the word of inspiration; speak to
them of country, of glory, of power, of great memories." So he
recalled the past to them, and the genius which had dazzled the world
as it rose from the land of strange passion and strange beauty. Dante
was more than a poet to him. He had felt the same love of unity, had
looked to the future and seen the day when the bond-slave should shake
off the yoke and declare a national unity.
The young Italians rallied round the standard of the patriot, whose
words lit in them the spark of sacrifice. They received his
adjurations gladly, promising to obey them. He pointed out a thorny
road, but the reward was at the end, the illumination of the soul which
crowns each great endeavour. Self had to be forgotten and family ties
broken if they held back from the claims of country. Mazzini thought
the family sacred, but he bade parents give up their sons in time of
national danger. It was the duty of every father to fit his children
to be citizens. Humanity made demands which some could only satisfy by
submitting to long martyrdom.
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Mazzini himself had parted from the Genoese home, which was very
desolate without the beautiful son of such brilliant promise. He dwelt
in miserable solitude, unable to marry the woman he loved because an
exile could not offer to share his hearth with any. He felt every pang
of desolation, but he would never return to easy acceptance of an evil
system. He asked all from his followers and he gave all, declaring
that it was necessary to make the choice between good and evil.
The work that was to create a mighty revolution began in a small room
at Marseilles. Austria would not give up her hold on Italy unless
force expelled her from the country. There must be war and there must
be soldiers trained to fight together. It seemed a hopeless enterprise
for a few young men of very moderate means and ability, but young Italy
grew and the past acquiescence could never be recovered. Mazzini was
light of heart as he wrote and printed, infecting his companions with
the vivacity of his spirit. He wore black still, but his cloak was of
rich Genoese velvet. The wide "Republican" hat did not conceal the
long black curling hair that shaded features of almost perfect
regularity. His dark eyes, gaily flashing, drew the doubting toward
confidence and strengthened those who already shared a like ideal. He
was a leader by nature and would work indefatigably, sharing generously
the portion that was never plenteous.
Political pamphlets, written by an unwearied pen, were sent throughout
Italy by very strange devices. State was barred from state by many
trade hindrances that prevented literature from circulating, and
freedom of the press had been refused by Napoleon. It was necessary
for conspirators to have their own printing {189} press, and conceal
their contraband goods in barrels of pitch and in packets of sausages!
At Genoa, all classes were represented in the Young Italy which
displaced the worn-out Carbonari. There were seamen and artisans on
the list, and Garibaldi, the gallant captain of the mercantile marine,
swore devotion to the cause of freedom. He had already won the hearts
of every sailor in his crew, and made a name by writing excellent
verses.
Mazzini looked to Piedmont, the State of military traditions, for aid
in the struggle that should make the Alps the boundary of a new Italian
nation. He wrote to Charles Albert, who professed liberal opinions,
beseeching him to place himself at the head of the new party. "Unite
on your flag, Union, Liberty, and Independence!" he entreated. "Free
Italy from the barbarian, build up the future, be the Napoleon of
Italian freedom. Your safety lies in the sword's point; draw it, and
throw away the scabbard. But remember if you do it not, others will do
it without you and against you."
Thousands flocked to join the new association, which began to rouse the
fears of mighty governments. A military conspiracy was discovered,
into which many non-commissioned officers had entered. Humble
sergeants were tried by court-martial, tortured to betray their
confederates, and sentenced to death, giving the glory of martyrdom to
the cause of Young Italy.
Mazzini lost the friend of his youth, Jacopo Ruffini, and the loss
bowed him with a sense of calamity too heavy to be borne. He had to
remind himself that sacrifice was needful, and advance the preparations
for a new attack under General Ramolino, who had {190} served Napoleon.
He was in exile at Geneva, and chose Savoy as the base of operations.
The whole attempt failed miserably, and hardly a shot was fired.
Even the refuge in Switzerland was lost after this rising. He fled
from house to house, hunted and despairing with the curses of former
allies in his ears now that he had brought distress upon them. He
could not even get books as a solace for his weary mind, and clothes
and money were difficult to obtain since his friends knew how
importunate was Young Italy in demands, and how easily he yielded to
the beggar. Bitterness came to him, threatening to mar his fine nature
and depriving him of courage. Italy had sunk into apathy again, and he
knew not how to rouse her. He bowed his head and asked pardon of God
because he had dared to sacrifice in that last effort the lives of many
others.
Mazzini rose again, resolved to do without friends and kindred, if duty
should forbid those consolations. He thought of the lives of Juvenal,
urging the Roman to ask for "the soul that has no fear of death and
that endures life's pain and labour calmly." He gave up dreams of love
and ambition for himself, feeling that the only way for Italy to
succeed was to place religion before politics. The eighteenth century
had rebelled for rights and selfish interests, and the nineteenth
century was preparing to follow the same teaching. Rights would not
help to create the ideal government of Mazzini. Men fought for the
right to worship, and sometimes cared not to use the privilege when
they had obtained it. Men demanded votes and sold them, after making
an heroic struggle.
In 1837, London received the exiles who could find no welcome
elsewhere. The fog and squalor of the {191} city offered a dreary
prospect to patriots from a land of sun and colour. Poverty cut them
off from companionship with their equals. Mazzini was content to live
on rice and potatoes, but the brothers Ruffini had moments of reaction.
The joint household suffered from an invasion of needy exiles. There
were quarrels and visits to the pawnshops. Debt and the difficulty of
earning money added a sordid element.
Mazzini made some friends when the Ruffinis left England. He knew
Carlyle, the great historian, and visited his house frequently. The
two men differed on many points, but "served the same god" in
essentials. Carlyle had an admiration for the despot, while the
Italian loathed tyranny. There was hot debate in the drawing-room
where the exile talked of freedom, blissfully unconscious that his wet
boots were spoiling his host's carpet! There were sublime discussions
of the seer Dante, after which Carlyle would dismiss his guest in haste
because he longed to return to his own study.
The prophet had lost his vision but it came back to him, working among
the wretched little peasants, brought from Italy to be exploited by the
organ-grinders. He taught the boys himself and found friends to tend
them. Grisi, the famed singer, would help to earn money for the school
in Hatton Garden.
To reach the working classes had become the great aspiration of
Mazzini. "Italy of the People" was the phrase he loved henceforward.
He roused popular sympathy by a new paper which he edited, the
_Apostolato Popolare_. It served a definite end in rousing the spirit
that was abroad, clamouring for nationalism.
Revolution broke out in 1847 when Sicily threw off the Bourbon yoke,
and Naples obtained a constitution {192} from King Ferdinand. The
Romans followed their lead, and Piedmont and Tuscany were not
behindhand. Joyful news came from Vienna, announcing Metternich driven
from his seat of power. One by one this minister's Italian puppets
fell, surrendering weakly to the will of a triumphant people, and Italy
could wave the flag "God and the People" everywhere save in the
Austrian provinces and their dependent duchies.
Mazzini returned to learn that he was regarded as the noble teacher of
the patriotism which inspired the peninsula. The years of loneliness
and sorrow receded from his memory in that glad and glorious moment
when he entered liberated Milan, borne in a victorious procession.
Armies were gathering for the final tussle which should conclude the
triumph of the first revolt. Class prejudices were forgotten in the
great crusade to free a nation. Charles Albert led them, having taken
his side at last; but he had no power to withstand the force of
Austria, and he was forced to his knees while Northern Italy endured
the humiliation of surrender.
Mazzini carried the flag for Garibaldi in the vain hope that the
victory of the people might atone for the conquest of the princes. He
went to Rome to witness her building of a new Republic. It had long
been in his mind that the Eternal City might become the centre of
united Italy. He felt a deep sense of awe as he received the honour of
being made a Triumvir. No party-spirit should guide the Republic while
he held power as a ruler, no war of classes should divide the city.
Long cherished ideals found him true, and inspired those who shared the
government. Priests were glad to be acquitted from the tyrannous power
{193} of a Pope who had now been driven from the city. Some of the
more zealous would have given up the observances of the Roman Catholic
religion, but Mazzini was in favour of continuing the services. He
would not have confessional-boxes burnt, since confession had relieved
the souls of believers.
In private life, the Triumvir clung to simplicity that he might set an
example in refusing to be separated from the working classes. He dined
very frugally, and chose the smallest room in the Quirinal for his
dwelling. He gave audience to any who sought him, and gave away
strength and energy with the same generous spirit that inspired him to
spend the modest salary attached to his office on his poorer brethren.
He was bent on showing the strength of a Republic to all European
cities that strove for the same freedom.
The Pope tried to regain his authority, and found an ally in Louis
Napoleon, a nephew of the great Emperor, who became president of the
Republic which expelled the Citizen-King of France. Louis was anxious
to conciliate the French army and clergy. He besieged Rome with an
army of 85,000 men, and met with a brave resistance.
There were famous names in the list of Roman defenders--Mameli, the
war-poet, and Ugo Bassi, the great preacher, fought under Garibaldi,
the leader of the future. Mazzini cried out on them that surrender was
not for them. "Monarchies may capitulate, republics die and bear their
testimony even to martyrdom."
On July 3rd, 1849, Rome fell before overwhelming numbers, though the
conquerors were afraid to face the sullen foes who opposed them at the
very gates of the doomed Republican stronghold. The prophet lingered
{194} in the streets where he would have kept the flag flying which had
been lowered by the Assembly. He was grey with the fierce endurance of
the two months' siege, but his heart bade him not desert his post from
any fear of death. Secretly he longed for the assassin's knife, for
then he would have shed the blood of sacrifice for the cause of
patriotism.
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