In the Cid we have two distinct personages, Rodrigo or Ruy Diaz (Dia son
of Diego) who flourished during the last half of the eleventh century;
and that legendary hero of Spanish epic poems, ballads, and dramas, whom
Philip II. tried to have canonized. We are not left to our own
conjectures as to the character and life of the historical Cid. Both
Spanish and Arabic records place the main facts beyond all controversy.
He was born at Bivar, a hamlet three miles north of Burgos (circa
1040-1050), of an ancient Castilian family claiming descent from Lain
Calvo,--one of the two judges who, tradition declares, was named by the
Castilian people as their governor after the Leonese king had
treacherously put their counts to death (circa 923).
The period of the Cid coincides with the political disruption of Arabic
Spain. The Caliphate of Cordova, which in the preceding century had
attained its high point in power and in all the arts of civilization,
had fallen. A multitude of petty Moorish States disputed with each other
the heritage of the Ommiad caliphs. The Christian States were not slow
to profit by their opportunity. Ferdinand I. of Leon-Castile (surnamed
the Great, 1037-65) not only extended his territory at the expense of
the Moors, but also imposed tribute upon four of their more important
States--Saragossa, Toledo, Badajoz, and Seville. Valencia only escaped a
similar fate through his death.
The Peninsula was at this time divided among a large number of mutually
independent and warring States, Christian and Moslem. The sentiments of
loyalty to religion and to country were universally subordinated to
those of personal interest; Christians fought under Moorish banners,
Moors under Christian. Humanity toward the enemy, loyalty to oaths, were
not virtues in the common estimation. Between the Christian States of
Leon and Castile great jealousy ruled. Castile had come into being as a
border province of the Asturian kingdom, governed by military counts.
From the first there seems to have been a spirit of resistance to the
overrule of the Asturian kings (later known as kings of Leon). Finally,
under its Count Fernan Gonzalez (who died 970), Castile secured its
independence. But whether leading a separate political existence, or
united with Leon, Castile was ever jealously sensitive of any
precedence claimed or exercised by its sister kingdom. Ferdinand I. of
Leon-Castile, treating his territorial possessions as personal
property,--a policy repeatedly fatal to all advance in Spanish
history,--divided them at his death (1005), among his five children.
Sancho, the eldest, received Castile, Nahera, and Pampeluna; Alfonso,
Leon, and the Asturias; Garcia, Galicia, and that portion of Portugal
which had been wrested from the Moors; Urraca received the city of
Zamora; and Elvira, Toro.
The expected occurred. Sancho made war on his brothers, compelling both
to flee to Moorish territories, and wrested Toro from Elvira. Rodrigo
Diaz, the Cid, appears first at this period. He is the _alferez, i.e._,
the standard-bearer, or commander-in-chief under the King, in Sancho's
army. The brother Kings, Sancho and Alfonso, had agreed to submit their
dispute to a single combat, the victor to receive the territories of
both. Alfonso's Leonese army conquered the Castilian, and relying upon
the agreement withdrew to its tents. Rodrigo Diaz was already known as
the Campeador, a title won through his having, vanquished in single
combat the champion of Sancho of Navarre, and signifying probably one
skilled in battle, or champion.
Rodrigo gave a wily counsel to the routed Castilians. "The Leonese are
not expecting an attack," he said; "let us return and fall upon them at
unawares." The counsel was followed; the victors, resting in their
tents, were surprised at daybreak, and only a few, Alfonso among the
number, escaped with their lives. Alfonso was imprisoned at Burgos, but
soon released at the entreaty of the Princess Urraca, on condition of
his becoming a monk. Availing himself of such liberty, he escaped from
the monastery to the Moorish court of Mamoun, King of Toledo. Sancho
ruled thus over the entire heritage of his father,--Zamora excepted, the
portion of Urraca. While laying siege to that city, he was slain by a
cavalier in Urraca's service, Bellido Dolfos, who, sallying from the
city, made good his escape, though almost overtaken by the avenging
Campeador, 1072.
Alfonso, the fugitive at Toledo, was now rightful heir to the throne;
and however reluctant the Castilian nobles were to recognize the
authority of a Leonese king, they yielded to necessity. It is
asserted--but the historical evidence here is not complete--that before
recognizing Alfonso's authority the Castilian nobles required of him an
oath that he had no part in his brother's murder, and that it was the
Campeador who administered this oath, 1073. Whatever the facts, Alfonso
will have thought it wise to conciliate the good-will of the Castilian
grandees, and especially that of their leader Rodrigo, until at least
his own position became secure. To this we may attribute his giving to
Rodrigo in marriage of Jimena, daughter of Diego, Count of Oviedo, and
first cousin of the King. The marriage contract, bearing date 1074, is
preserved at Burgos.
Some years later Rodrigo was sent to collect the tribute due Alfonso by
his vassal Motamid, King of Seville. Finding the King of Granada at war
with Motamid, Rodrigo requested him not to attack an ally of Alfonso.
But prayers and threats were alike unavailing; it came to battle, and
Rodrigo conquered. Among the prisoners were several Christians in the
service of Granada, notably Garcia Ordonez, a scion of the royal Leonese
house. Not long after, we find Rodrigo charged with having appropriated
to his own use a portion of the tribute and gifts sent to Alfonso by
Motamid, Garcia Ordonez being his chief accuser. Taking advantage of the
pretext--it can have been but a pretext--of Rodrigo's attacking the
Moors without first securing the royal consent, Alfonso banished him.
Old wrongs still rankling in the King's memory furnished probably the
real motive.
And now began that career as soldier of fortune which has furnished
themes to Spanish poets of high and low degree, and which, transformed
and idealized by tradition, has made of Rodrigo the perfect cavalier of
crusading Christian Spain. He offered first, it would seem, his service
and that of his followers to the Christian Count of Barcelona, and when
refused by him, to the Moorish King of Saragossa. This State was one of
the more important of those resulting from the distribution of the
Caliphate of Cordova. The offer was accepted, and Rodrigo remained here
until 1088, serving successively three generations of the Beni-Hud,
father, son, and grandson, warring indifferently against Christians and
Moors, and through his successes rising to extraordinary distinction and
power.
At this time--1088--the attention of both Mostain, the King of
Saragossa, and of his powerful captain Rodrigo, was drawn to Valencia.
This city after the fall of the Caliphate of Cordova had been ruled for
forty-four years by descendants of Almanzor, the great Prime Minister of
the last period of the Ommiad dynasty. Mamoun, King of Toledo, who
sheltered the fugitive Alfonso, deposed the last of these Valencian
kings, his son-in-law, and annexed the State to his own dominion. At
Mamoun's death in 1075 Valencia revolted; the governor declared himself
independent and placed himself under Alfonso's protection.
Ten years later Mamoun's successor, the weak Cadir, finding his position
a desperate one, offered to yield up to Alfonso his own capital Toledo,
on condition that the latter should place Valencia in his hands. Alfonso
consented. Valencia was too weak to offer resistance, but Cadir proved
equally incompetent as king and as general. Depending entirely upon his
Castilian soldiery, captained by Alvar Fanez, a kinsman of Rodrigo, he
grievously burdened the people in order to satisfy the demands of this
auxiliary troop. But grinding taxes and extortions alike failed; and the
soldiery, their wages in arrears, battened upon the country, the dregs
of the Moorish population joining them. The territory was delivered at
last from their robberies, rapes, and murders, by the appearance of the
Almoravides. This new Moslem sect had grown strong in Africa, attaining
there the political supremacy; and in their weakness the Moorish kings
of Spain implored its assistance in repelling the attacks of the
Christian North.
King Alfonso, alarmed at the appearance of these African hordes,
recalled Alvar Fanez, was defeated by the Almoravides at Zallaca in
1086, and could think no more of garrisoning Valencia for Cadir. The
position of Cadir became thus critical, and he appealed for help both to
Alfonso and to Mostain of Saragossa. Mostain sent Rodrigo, ostensibly to
his assistance; but a secret agreement had been made, Arabic historians
assert, between the king and his general, whereby Cadir was to be
despoiled, the city fall to Mostain, the booty to Rodrigo (1088).
The expedition was a successful one: Cadir's enemies were compelled to
withdraw, and Rodrigo established himself in Valencian territory. As the
recognized protector of the lawful king, in reality the suzerain of
Valencia, Rodrigo received a generous tribute; but he had no intention
of holding to his agreement with Mostain and assisting the latter to win
the city. It is clear on the contrary that he had already resolved to
secure, when opportunity offered, the prize for himself. Meanwhile he
skillfully held off, now by force, now by ruse, all other competitors,
Christian and Moslem alike; including among these King Alfonso, whose
territories he wasted with fire and sword when that monarch attempted
once, in Rodrigo's absence, to win Valencia for himself.
At another time we find him intriguing simultaneously with four
different rivals for the control of the city,--Alfonso and Mostain among
the number,--deceiving all with fair words.
As head of an independent army, Rodrigo made now successful forays in
all directions; despoiling, levying tribute, garrisoning strongholds,
strengthening thus in every way his position. At last the long awaited
opportunity came. During his temporary absence, Cadir was dethroned and
put to death; and the leader of the insurgents, the Cadi Ibn Djahhof,
named president of a republic.
Rodrigo returned, and appealing in turn to ruse and force, at last sat
down before the city to reduce it by famine. During the last period of
the siege, those who fled from the city to escape the famine were thrown
to dogs, or burned at slow fires. The city capitulated on favorable
terms, June 15th, 1094. But all the conditions of the capitulation were
violated. The Cadi-President was buried in a trench up to his arm-pits,
surrounded with burning brands, and slowly tortured to death, several of
his kinsmen and friends sharing his fate. Rodrigo was with difficulty
restrained from throwing into the flames the Cadi's children and the
women of his harem. Yet the lives and property of Ibn Djahhof and his
family had been expressly safeguarded in the capitulation. It is
probable that Rodrigo's title of "the Cid" or "my Cid" (Arabic, Sid-y =
my lord) was given to him at this time by his Moorish subjects.
Master of Valencia, the Cid dreamed of conquering all that region of
Spain still held by the Moors. An Arab heard him say, "One Rodrigo (the
last king of the Goths) has lost this peninsula; another Rodrigo will
recover it." Success crowned his arms for several years. But in 1099 the
troops he had sent against the Almoravides were utterly routed, few
escaping. The Cid, already enfeebled in health, died, it is said of
grief and shame (July, 1099). His widow held the city for two years
longer. Besieged at that time by the Almoravides, she sought help of
Alfonso. He came and forced the enemy to raise the siege; but judging
that it was not possible for him to defend a city so remote from his
dominions, counseled its abandonment. As the Christians, escorting the
body of the Cid, marched out, Valencia was fired; and only ruins awaited
the Almoravides (1102).
The Cid's body was brought to San Pedro de Cardena, a monastery not far
from Burgos; enthroned, it is said, beside the high altar for ten years,
and thereafter buried. Jimena survived her husband until 1104.
Ibn Bassam, an Arabic contemporary, writing at Seville only ten years
after the death of the Cid, after describing his cruelty and duplicity,
adds:--"Nevertheless, that man, the scourge of his time, was one of the
miracles of the Lord in his love of glory, the prudent firmness of his
character, and his heroic courage. Victory always followed the banner of
Rodrigo (may God curse him!); he triumphed over the barbarians, ... he
put to flight their armies, and with his little band of warriors slew
their numerous soldiery."
The Cid, a man not of princely birth, through the exercise of virtues
which his time esteemed,--courage and shrewdness,--had won for himself
from the Moors an independent principality. Legend will have begun to
color and transform his exploits already during his lifetime. Some fifty
years later he had become the favorite hero of popular songs. It is
probable that these songs (_cantares_) were at first brief tales in rude
metrical form; and that the epic poems, dating from about 1200, used
them as sources. The earliest poetic monument in Castilian literature
which treats of the Cid is called 'The Poem of My Cid.' While based
upon history, its material is largely legendary. The date of its
composition is doubtful,--probably about 1200. The poem--the beginning
is lost--opens with the departure of "My Cid" from Bivar, and describes
his Moorish campaigns, culminating with the conquest of Valencia. Two
Leonese nobles, the Infantes (Princes) of Carrion, beseech Alfonso to
ask for them in marriage the conqueror's daughters. The Cid assents--to
his King he would refuse nothing--and the marriages are celebrated in
Valencia with due pomp. But the princes are arrant cowards. To escape
the gibes of the Cid's companions, after securing rich wedding portions
they depart for Carrion. In the oak wood of Carpes they pretend a desire
to be left alone with their wives. Despoiling them of their outer
garments, with saddle-girth and spurred boot they seek to revenge upon
the Cid's daughters the dishonor to which their own base conduct
subjected them while at the Cid's court. But time brings a requital. The
Infantes, called to account, forfeit property and honor, esteeming
themselves fortunate to escape with their lives from the judicial duels.
Princes of Navarre and Aragon present themselves as suitors, and in
second marriages Dona Elvira and Dona Sola become queens of Spain. The
marriages with the Infantes of Carrion are pure invention, intended
perhaps to defame the Leonese nobility, these nobles being princes of
the blood royal.
The second marriages, if we substitute Barcelona for Aragon, are
historical. Of the Cid's two daughters, one married Prince Ramiro of
Navarre and the other Count Raynard Berenger III. of Barcelona. In 1157
two of the Cid's great-grandchildren, Sancho VI. of Navarre and his
sister Dona Blanca, queen of Sancho III. of Castile, sat on Spanish
thrones. Through intermarriage the blood of the Cid has passed into the
Bourbon and Habsburg lines, and with Eleanor of Castile into the English
royal house.
The 'Poem of My Cid' is probably the earliest monument of Spanish
literature. It is also in our opinion the noblest expression--so far as
the characters are concerned; for the verse halts and the description
sometimes lags--of the entire mediaeval folk epic of Europe. Homeric in
its simplicity, its characters are drawn with clearness, firmness, and
concision, presenting a variety true to nature, far different from the
uniformity we find in the 'Song of Roland.' The spirit which breathes in
it is of a noble, well-rounded humanity, a fearless and gentle courage,
a manly and modest self-reliance; an unswerving loyalty and simple trust
toward country, king, kinsmen, and friends; a child-faith in God,
slightly tinged with superstition, for "My Cid" believes in auguries;
and a chaste tender family affection, where the wife is loved and
honored as wife and as mother, and the children's welfare fills the
father's thoughts.
The duplicity of the historical Cid has left indeed its traces. When
abandoning Castile he sends to two Jewish money-lenders of Burgos,
chests filled, as he pretends, with fine gold, but in reality with sand;
borrows upon this security, and so far as we are informed, never repays
the loan. The Princes of Carrion, his sons-in-law, are duped into
thinking that they will escape from the accounting with the loss of
Tizon and Colada, the swords which the Cid gave them. But a certain
measure of prudent shrewdness is not out of place in dealing with men of
the treacherous character of the Infantes. And as to the Jewish
money-lenders, to despoil them would scarce have been regarded as an
offense against the moral law in mediaeval Spain.
The second poetic monument is variously named. Amadar de los Rios, a
historian of Spanish literature, styles it 'The Legend or Chronicle of
the Youth of Rodrigo.' Its date also is disputed, some authorities
placing its composition earlier, others later than that of the Poem. The
weight of evidence seems to us in favor of the later date. It is rude
and of inferior merit, though not without vigorous passages. It treats
the earliest period of the Cid's life, and is (so far as we know) purely
legendary. The realm of Castile-Leon is at peace under the rule of
Ferdinand (the First), when the Count Don Gomez of Gormaz makes an
unprovoked descent upon the sheep-folds of Diego Lainez. A challenge of
battle follows. Rodrigo, only son of Diego, a lad in his thirteenth
year, insists upon being one of the hundred combatants on the side of
his family, and slays Don Gomez in single combat. Jimena, the daughter
of Gomez, implores justice of the King; but when Ferdinand declares that
there is danger of an insurrection if Rodrigo be punished, she proposes
reconciliation through marriage. Diego and his son are summoned to the
court, where Rodrigo's appearance and conduct terrify all. He denies
vassalship, and declares to King Ferdinand, "That my father kissed your
hand has foully dishonored me."
Married to Jimena against his will (Jimena Diaz, not Jimena Gomez, was
his historical wife), he vows never to recognize her as wife until he
has won five battles with the Moors in open field. Ferdinand plays a
very unkingly role in this poem. While his fierce vassal is absent the
King is helpless; and Rodrigo draws near only to assert anew his
contempt for the royal authority by blunt refusals of Ferdinand's
requests. He is always ready, however, to take up the gauntlet and
defend the realm against every enemy, Christian or Moor. But this rude
courage is coupled with devout piety, and is not insensible to pity. At
the ford of the Duero a wretched leper is encountered: all turn from him
with loathing save Rodrigo, who gives to him a brother's care. It is
Saint Lazarus, who departing blesses him.
At last a formidable coalition is formed against Spain. The Emperor of
Germany and the King of France, supported by the Pope and Patriarch,
require of Spain, in recognition of her feudal dependence upon the Roman
empire, a yearly tribute of fifteen noble virgins, besides silver,
horses, falcons, etc. Rodrigo appears when Ferdinand is in despair, and
kisses at last the royal hand in sign of vassalship. Though the enemy
gather "countless as the herbs of the fields," even Persia and Armenia
furnishing contingents, their battle array is vain.
The five Kings of Spain cross the Pyrenees. Arrived before Paris,
Rodrigo passes through the midst of the French army, strikes with his
hand the gates of the city, and challenges the twelve French peers to
combat. The allies in alarm implore a truce. At the council, Rodrigo,
seated at the feet of his King and acting as Ferdinand's spokesman,
curses the Pope when the latter offers the imperial crown of Spain. "We
came for that which was to be won," he declares, "not for that already
won." Against Rodrigo's advice the truce is accorded to all. Here the
poem is interrupted.
Besides these two epic poems, we have in the earlier Spanish literature
two chronicles in prose which describe the life of the Cid,--'The
General Chronicle of Alfonso the Learned' and 'The Chronicle of the
Cid,' the latter being drawn from the former. Both rest in part upon
historical sources, in part upon legend and tradition. Two centuries and
more after the Poem, we meet with the Romances or Ballads of the Cid.
For the earliest of these do not in their present form date far back of
1500. These ballads derive from all sources, but chiefly from the Cid
legend, which is here treated in a lyric, sentimental, popular, and at
times even vulgar tone.
Guillem de Castro (1569-1631) chose two themes from the life of the Cid
for dramatic treatment, composing a dual drama styled 'Las Mocedades del
Cid' (The Youth of the Cid). The first part is the more important. De
Castro, drawing from the ballads, told again the story of the insult to
Don Diego (according to the ballads, a blow in the face given by Don
Gomez in a moment of passion), its revenge, the pursuit of Rodrigo by
Jimena, demanding justice of King Ferdinand, and finally the
reconciliation through marriage. But De Castro added love, and the
conflict in the mind of Rodrigo and in that of Jimena between affection
and the claims of honor.
Corneille recast De Castro's first drama in his 'Le Cid,' condensing it
and giving to the verse greater dignity and nobility. The French
dramatist has worked with entire independence here, and both in what he
has omitted and what he has added has usually shown an unerring dramatic
instinct. In certain instances, however, through ignorance of the
spirit and sources of the Spanish drama he has erred. But the invention
is wholly De Castro's, and many of Corneille's most admired passages are
either free translations from the Spanish or expressions of some thought
or sentiment contained in De Castro's version.
In more recent times Herder has enriched German literature with free
renderings of some of the Cid ballads. Victor Hugo has drawn from the
Cid theme, in his 'La Legende des Siecles' (The Legend of the
Centuries), fresh inspiration for his muse.
[Signature: Charles Sprague Smith]