AT CITY PARK, LITTLE ROCK, ARK., OCTOBER 25, 1905

_Governor; Judge Trieber, and you, My Fellow-Citizens_:

I am fortunate enough to have spoken all over the Union, and I have

never said in any State or any section what I would not have said

in any other State or in any other section. I am fortunate in being

President of a nation where you do not have to praise one State by

running down any other State. Arkansas, the New England States, the

Western, the Eastern, the Northern, the Southern—they are all good

States and I am for them all. The thing that has impressed me most as

I have gone through this country from the Atlantic to the Pacific,

from the Canadian border to the Gulf, has been not the superficial

differences of our people, but the essential likenesses of our

people. The average American is a pretty good fellow; and all that is

necessary, as you men of the honor guard, you men of the blue and gray

know, is that he should know the other average American and they will

get on all right. That is true as regards locality and locality, and

true as regards occupation and occupation. Thank heaven, we are free

now from all danger of sectional antagonism! We must now see that there

never comes any spirit of class antagonism in this country, any spirit

of hostility between capitalist and wage-worker, between employer

and employed; and we can avoid the upgrowth of any such feeling by

remembering always to treat each man on his worth as a man. Do not hold

it for him or against him that he is either rich or poor. If he is a

crooked man and rich, hold it against him, not because he is rich, but

because he is crooked. If he is not a rich man and crooked, hold it

against him, still because he is crooked. If he is a square man, no

matter how much or how little money he has, stand by him because he is

a square man. Distrust more than any other man in this Republic the man

who would try to teach Americans to substitute loyalty to any class for

loyalty to the whole American people. Republics have flourished before

now, and have fallen; and they have usually fallen because there arose

within them parties that represented either the unscrupulous rich or

the unscrupulous poor, and that persuaded the majority of the people

to substitute loyalty to the one class for loyalty to the people as a

whole.

Remember that the rancorous envy that hates the rich is only one side

of the shield whose obverse is the insolence and arrogance that looks

down on the poor. The two qualities are fundamentally the same. They

only differ in their manifestations because it happens that the man

showing one is in a different position from the man showing the other.

You show me a rich man who is arrogant and insolent in his disregard

of the man of less means, and I tell you that same man, if he loses

his wealth, will want to plunder every rich man. In the same way the

man who preaches the gospel of hate and envy toward his fellows who

are better off, if he becomes better off will oppress the men whom he

once championed. Distrust the man who would persuade you that he would

do you good by trying to do any other man harm. The man who is true to

you will ultimately be the man who is true to the great fundamental

principles of righteousness. In public life the man who seeks to

persuade you that he will benefit you by wronging any one else, if the

chance arises, will surely try to benefit himself by wronging you. What

as a nation we need is to stand by the eternal, immutable principles

of right and decency, the principle of fair dealing as between man and

man, the principles that teach us to regard virtue with respect and

vice with abhorrence wherever either the virtue or the vice may be

found. If we substitute for the line that divides the decent man from

the man who is not decent, the line dividing the rich man from the poor

man, or the line making any other artificial division, we will have

done irreparable wrong to the Nation itself.

Governor, you spoke of a hideous crime that is often hideously avenged.

The worst enemy of the negro race is the negro criminal, and, above

all, the negro criminal of that type; for he has committed not only

an unspeakably dreadful and infamous crime against the victim, but he

has committed a hideous crime against the people of his own color; and

every reputable colored man, every colored man who wishes to see to the

uplifting of his race, owes it as his first duty to himself and to

that race to hunt down that criminal with all his soul and strength.

Now for the side of the white man. To avenge one hideous crime by

another hideous crime is to reduce the man doing it to the bestial

level of the wretch who committed the bestial crime. The horrible

effects of lynch law are shown in the fact that three-fourths of the

lynchings are not for that crime at all, but for other crimes. And

above all other men, Governor, you and I and all who are exponents and

representatives of the law, owe it to our people, owe it to the cause

of civilization and humanity, to do everything in our power, officially

and unofficially, directly and indirectly, to free the United States

from the menace and reproach of lynch law.

We can afford to be divided on questions of mere partisanship; they

do not make any real difference compared to other questions. The

questions of currency or the tariff are of no consequence compared to

the fundamental questions, the questions upon which all good Americans

should be one—the questions of decency in the life of the home and of

honesty in public life. It makes very little difference in the long run

whether it is a Democrat or a Republican who is President, compared

to the importance of honesty and broad patriotism; it makes all the

difference in the world that we shall have all our public officials

honest, clean men, earnest to serve their countrymen wherever they may

live. The candidate is the candidate of a party; but if the President

is worth his salt he is the President of the whole people. Remember,

the stream does not rise any higher than its source. You can not have

good public life unless you have as a basis good private life. The

country is going to be all right if the average man is decent and clean

in his home life; if he is a good husband, a good father, a good son;

if he does his duty by his neighbor; if he is the kind of a man you are

glad to have as a neighbor and glad to do business with. If that man is

the average American, America is going to continue to be all right; and

if the average goes below that you can not make the country right.

I have great respect for a good man. There is only one person I respect

more, and that is a good woman; and if there is any man here who

does not agree with me I do not think much of him. The foundation of

our happiness and well-being lies in the preservation of the typical

American home, the kind of home in which you veterans of the Civil War

were raised, so that when you went to battle, on whichever side you

fought, you had the memory of what your fathers and mothers had taught

you to rest upon and to live up to. We of the younger generation—my

comrades of the National Guard here and all of our time—inherited from

these older men of the heroic days, these men of the great Civil War,

this splendid country of ours; we inherited our position in the world.

Let us see to it that we leave to our children unimpaired and improved

the heritage we received from our fathers. Shame to us if we treat

the great deeds of the men of the past as excuses for laziness, or

idleness, or shirking of duty on our part. Let us treat these great

deeds as an incentive, as a spur; let us feel that we should hang our

heads if we do not prove ourselves worthy representatives of the men

who are before us—you men of the South here, whose heroism and valor

for four years of war have been wellnigh surpassed by the heroism and

valor you have displayed in the forty years of peace following it. Let

us go on with the work of the material upbuilding of this country;

and at the same time remember that, vital though it is to have a good

foundation of material well-being, yet it is only the foundation and

upon it must be built the superstructure of the moral and spiritual

higher life of the Nation. We all honor you men of the Civil War here,

you men of the blue and men of the gray. We honor you because when the

call to arms came you treated material considerations as dross to be

cast aside, not to be for one moment weighed in the balance, compared

to the proud privilege of laying down everything, life itself, on the

altar of your duty as light was given you to see your duty. Let us have

that same spirit deep in our heart.

Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7) · 第 61 / 72 题