[Sidenote: B.C. 190. Embassy from Sparta, and the answer of the Roman
Senate.]
+1.+ At this time also it happened that the embassy, which the
Lacedaemonians had sent to Rome, returned disappointed. The subject of
their mission was the hostages and the villages. As to the villages the
Senate answered that they would give instructions to envoys sent by
themselves; and as to the hostages they desired to consider further.
But as to the exiles of past times, they said that they wondered
why they were not recalled, now that Sparta had been freed from her
tyrants....
+2.+ At the same period the Senate dealt with the ambassadors from
Philip. They had come to set forth the loyalty and zeal of the king,
which he had shown to the Romans in the war against Antiochus. On
hearing what the envoys had to say, the Senate released the king’s
son Demetrius from his position as hostage at once, and promised that
they would also remit part of the yearly indemnity, if he kept faith
with Rome in future. The Senate likewise released the Lacedaemonian
hostages, except Armenas, son of Nabis; who subsequently fell ill and
died....
[Sidenote: Supplicatio for the victory off Phocaea.]
[Sidenote: Answer to the Aetolian Envoys sent, on the intercession of
Flamininus, when Acilius was about to take Naupactus. Livy, 36, 34-35;
37, 1.]
+3.+ Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome, the
Senate first decreed a public _supplicatio_ for nine days,—which
means a public and universal holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice
of thank-offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave
audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius. When both
parties had pleaded their cause at some length, the Senate decreed
to offer the Aetolians the alternative of committing their cause
unconditionally to the arbitration of the Senate, or of paying a
thousand talents down and making an offensive and defensive alliance
with Rome. But on the Aetolians desiring the Senate to state definitely
on what points they were to submit to such arbitration, the Senate
refused to define them. Accordingly the war with the Aetolians went
on....
[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 190. Coss. L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Laelius.]
[Sidenote: P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Greece as legatus to his
brother Lucius. (March.)]
[Sidenote: Aetolian envoys visit the consuls.]
+4.+ While Amphissa was still being besieged by Manius Acilius, the
Athenians, hearing at that time both of the distress of the Amphissians
and of the arrival of Publius Scipio, despatched Echedemus and others
on an embassy to him, with instructions to pay their respects to both
Lucius and Publius Scipio, and at the same time to try what could
be done to get peace for the Aetolians. On their arrival, Publius
welcomed them gladly and treated them with great courtesy; because he
saw that they would be of assistance to him in carrying out his plans.
For he was very desirous of effecting a settlement in Aetolia on good
terms; but had resolved that, if the Aetolians refused to comply,
he would at all hazards relinquish that business for the present,
and cross to Asia: for he was well aware that the ultimate object of
the war and of the entire expedition was not to reduce the Aetolian
nation to obedience, but to conquer Antiochus and take possession of
Asia. Therefore, directly the Athenians mentioned the pacification,
he accepted their suggestion with eagerness, and bade them sound the
Aetolians also. Accordingly, Echedemus and his colleagues, having sent
a preliminary deputation to Hypata, presently followed in person, and
entered into a discussion with the Aetolian magistrates on the subject
of a pacification. They, too, readily acquiesced in the suggestion,
and certain envoys were appointed to meet the Romans. They found
Publius and the army encamped sixty stades from Amphissa, and there
discoursed at great length on their previous services to Rome. Publius
Scipio adopted in reply a still milder and more conciliatory style,
quoting his own conduct in Iberia and Libya, and explaining how he had
treated all who in those countries had confided to his honour: and
finally expressing an opinion that they had better put themselves in
his hands. At first, all who were present felt very sanguine that the
pacification was about to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the
Aetolian demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace,
Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to submit their
entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of Rome, or to pay a
thousand talents down and to make an offensive and defensive alliance
with her—the Aetolians present were thrown into the state of the most
painful perplexity at the inconsistency of this announcement with
the previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult the
Aetolians on the terms imposed.
[Sidenote: See bk. 20, ch. 10.]
[Sidenote: A six months’ truce with the Aetolians.]
+5.+ On the return of the Aetolian envoys for the purpose of consulting
their countrymen, Echedemus and his colleagues joined the council of
the _apocleti_ in their deliberations on this subject. One of the
alternatives was impossible owing to the amount of money demanded,
and the other was rendered alarming in their eyes by the deception
they had experienced before, when, after submitting to the surrender,
they had narrowly escaped being thrown into chains. Being then much
perplexed and quite unable to decide, they sent the same envoys back
to beg the Scipios that they would either abate part of the money, so
as to be within their power to pay, or except from the surrender the
persons of citizens, men and women. But upon their arrival in the Roman
camp and delivering their message, Lucius Scipio merely replied that
“The only terms on which he was commissioned by the Senate to treat
were those which he had recently stated.” They therefore returned once
more, and were followed by Echedemus and his colleagues to Hypata, who
advised the Aetolians that “Since there was at present a hitch in the
negotiations for peace, they should ask for a truce; and, having thus
at least delayed the evils threatening them, should send an embassy to
the Senate. If they obtained their request, all would be well; but, if
they did not, they must trust to the chapter of accidents: for their
position could not be worse than it was now, but for many reasons might
not impossibly be better.” The advice of Echedemus was thought sound,
and the Aetolians accordingly voted to send envoys to obtain a truce;
who, upon reaching Lucius Scipio, begged that for the present a truce
of six months might be granted them, that they might send an embassy
to the Senate. Publius Scipio, who had for some time past been anxious
to begin the campaign in Asia, quickly persuaded his brother to grant
their request. The agreement therefore was reduced to writing, and
thereupon Manius Acilius handed over his army to Lucius Scipio, and
returned with his military tribunes to Rome....
ASIA
[Sidenote: A party at Phocaea wish to join Antiochus, B.C. 190.]
+6.+ Factions became rife at Phocaea,[96] partly because they suffered
from the Romans left with the ships being quartered on them, and partly
because they were annoyed at the tribute imposed on them....
Then the Phocaean magistrates, alarmed at the state of popular
excitement caused by the dearth of corn, and the agitation kept up by
the partisans of Antiochus, sent envoys to Seleucus,[97] who was on
their frontiers, ordering him not to approach the town, as they were
resolved to remain neutral and await the final decision of the quarrel,
and then obey orders. Of these ambassadors the partisans of Seleucus
and his faction were Aristarchus, Cassander, and Rhodon; those, on
the contrary, who inclined to Rome were Hegias and Gelias. On their
arrival Seleucus at once showed every attention to Aristarchus and his
partisans, but treated Hegias and Gelias with complete neglect. But
when he was informed of the state of popular feeling, and the shortness
of provisions in Phocaea, he threw aside all negotiation or discussion
with the envoys, and marched towards the town....
[Sidenote: The Roman Fleet at Sestos. Intercession of the Galli or
priests of Cybele. Livy, 37, 9.]
Two Galli, with sacred images and figures on their breasts, advanced
from the town, and besought them not to adopt any extreme measures
against the city....[98]
[Sidenote: The Rhodian firing apparatus.]
+7.+ The fire-carrier used by Pausistratus, the navarch of the
Rhodians, was a scoop or basket. On either side of the prow two staples
were fixed into the inner part of the two sides of the ship, into which
poles were fitted with their extremities extending out to sea. To the
end of these the scoop filled with fire was attached by an iron chain,
in such a way that in charging the enemy’s ship, whether on the prow or
the broadside, fire was thrown upon it, while it was kept a long way
off from his own ship by the slope of the poles....
[Sidenote: Pausistratus beaten by Polyxenidas, the admiral of the king.
Livy, 37, 10, 11.]
The Rhodian admiral Pamphilidas was thought to be better capable than
Pausistratus of adapting himself to all possible contingencies, because
his character was more remarkable for its depth and solidity than for
its boldness. For most men judge not from any fixed principle but by
results. Thus, though they had recently elected Pausistratus to the
command, on the ground of his possessing these very qualities of energy
and boldness, their opinions at once underwent a complete revolution
when he met with his disaster....
[Sidenote: The Aetolian truce announced to Eumenes and Antiochus.]
+8.+ At this time a letter arrived at Samos for Lucius Aemilius and
Eumenes from the consul Lucius Scipio, announcing the agreement made
with the Aetolians for the truce, and the approaching advance of the
land forces to the Hellespont. Another to the same effect was sent to
Antiochus and Seleucus from the Aetolians....
[Sidenote: Achaean contingent sent to the war. Livy, 37, 20.]
+9.+ An embassy from King Eumenes having arrived in Achaia proposing
an alliance, the Achaeans met in public assembly and ratified it, and
sent out some soldiers, a thousand foot and a hundred horse, under the
command of Diophanes of Megalopolis....
Diophanes was a man of great experience in war; for during the
protracted hostilities with Nabis in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis,
he had served throughout under Philopoemen, and accordingly had gained
a real familiarity with the operations of actual warfare. And besides
this advantage, his appearance and physical prowess were impressive;
and, most important of all, he was a man of personal courage and
exceedingly expert in the use of arms....
[Sidenote: Antiochus proposes peace with Rome, Eumenes, and Rhodes.]
[Sidenote: Eumenes opposes the peace, on the grounds of honour and
prudence.]
+10.+ King Antiochus had already penetrated into the territory of
Pergamum; but when he heard that king Eumenes was close at hand, and
saw that the land forces as well as the fleet were ready to attack
him, he began to consider the propriety of proposing a pacification
with the Romans, Eumenes, and the Rhodians at once. He therefore
removed with his whole army to Elaea, and having seized a hill facing
that town, he encamped his infantry upon it, while he entrenched his
cavalry, amounting to over six thousand, close under the walls of the
town. He took up his own position between these two, and proceeded to
send messengers to Lucius Aemilius in the town, proposing a peace.
The Roman imperator thereupon called Eumenes and the Rhodians to a
meeting, and desired them to give their opinions on the proposal.
Eudemus and Pamphilidas were not averse to making terms; but the king
said that “To make peace at the present moment was neither honourable
nor possible. How could it be an honourable conclusion of the war that
they should make terms while confined within the walls of a town? And
how was it possible to give validity to those terms without waiting for
the Consul and obtaining his consent? Besides, even if they did give
any indication of coming to an agreement with Antiochus, neither the
naval nor military forces could of course return home until the Senate
and people had ratified the terms of it. All that would be left for
them to do would be to spend the winter where they were, waiting idly
for the decision from home, doing nothing, and exhausting the wealth
and resources of their allies. And then, if the Senate withheld its
approval of the terms, they would have to begin the war all over again,
having let the opportunity pass, which, with God’s help, would have
enabled them to put a period to the whole war.” Such was the speech of
king Eumenes. Lucius Aemilius accepted the advice, and answered the
envoys of Antiochus that the peace could not possibly be made until
the Proconsul arrived. On hearing this Antiochus immediately began
devastating the territory of Elaea; and subsequently, while Seleucus
remained in occupation of that district, Antiochus continued his march
through the country as far as the plain of Thebe, and having there
entered upon an exceedingly fertile and wealthy district, he gorged his
army with spoil of every description....
[Sidenote: Prusias, King of Bithynia.]
[Sidenote: Letter of the Scipios to Prusias.]
+11.+ On his arrival at Sardis after this expedition, Antiochus at once
sent to Prusias to urge him to an alliance. Now in former times Prusias
had by no means been disinclined to join Antiochus, because he was much
alarmed lest the Romans should cross over to Asia for the purpose of
putting down all crowned heads. But the perusal of a letter received
from Lucius and Publius Scipio had served to a great extent to relieve
his anxiety, and give him a tolerably correct forecast of the result
of the war. For the Scipios had put the case with great clearness
in their letter, and had supported their assertions by numerous
proofs. They entered not only upon a defence of the policy adopted by
themselves, but of that also of the Roman people generally; by which
they showed that, so far from depriving any of the existing kings of
their sovereignties, they had themselves been the authors in some cases
of their establishment, in others of the extension of their powers and
the large increase of their dominions. To prove this they quoted the
instances of Andobales and Colichas in Iberia, of Massanissa in Libya,
and of Pleuratus in Illyria, all of whom they said they had raised from
petty and insignificant princes to the position of undisputed royalty.
They further mentioned the cases of Philip and Nabis in Greece. As to
Philip, they had conquered him in war and reduced him to the necessity
of giving hostages and paying tribute: yet, after receiving a slight
proof of his good disposition, they had restored his son and the young
men who were hostages with him, had remitted the tribute, and given him
back several of the towns that had been taken in the course of war.
While as for Nabis, though they might have utterly destroyed him, they
had not done so, but had spared him, tyrant as he was, on receiving
the usual security for his good faith. With these facts before his
eyes they urged Prusias in their letter not to be in any fear for his
kingdom, but to adopt the Roman alliance without misgiving, for he
would never have reason to regret his choice. This letter worked an
entire change in the feelings of Prusias; and when, besides, Caius
Livius and the other legates arrived at his court, after conversation
with them, he entirely relinquished all ideas of looking for support
from Antiochus. Foiled, therefore, of hope in this quarter, Antiochus
retired to Ephesus: and being convinced on reflection that the only
way of preventing the transport of the enemy’s army, and in fact of
repelling an invasion of Asia at all, was to keep a firm mastery of the
sea, he determined to fight a naval battle and leave the issue of the
struggle to be decided by his success in that....
[Sidenote: On its voyage from Samos to Teos the Roman fleet sight some
pirate vessels. Livy, 37, 27.]
+12.+ When the pirates saw that the Roman fleet was coming they turned
and fled....
_The battle between the fleets of Rome and Antiochus took place between
the promontories Myonnesus and Corycum, which form the bay of Teos.
Antiochus was beaten with a loss of forty-two ships early in B.C. 190.
Livy, 37, 30._
[Sidenote: Antiochus despairs of resistance, and sends an envoy to the
Scipios to treat of peace.]
[Sidenote: The laws relating to the Salii or priests of Mars.]
+13.+ After sustaining this defeat at sea, Antiochus remained in
Sardis, neglecting to avail himself of such opportunities as he had
left, and taking no steps whatever to prosecute the war; and when he
learnt that the enemy had crossed into Asia he lost all heart, and
determined in despair to send an envoy to Lucius and Publius Scipio
to treat of peace. He selected Heracleides of Byzantium for this
purpose, and despatched him with instructions to offer to surrender
the territories of Lampsacus and Smyrna as well as Alexandria (Troas),
which were the original cause of the war, and any other cities in
Aeolis and Ionia of which they might wish to deprive him, as having
embraced their side in the war; and in addition to this to promise an
indemnity of half the expenses they had incurred in their quarrel with
him. Such were the offers which the envoy was instructed to make in his
public audience; but, besides these, there were others to be committed
to Publius Scipio’s private ear, of which I will speak in detail
later on. On his arrival at the Hellespont the envoy found the Romans
still occupying the camp which they had constructed immediately after
crossing. At first he was much cheered by this fact, for he thought it
would materially aid his negotiation that the enemy were exactly where
they were at first, and had not as yet taken any further action. But
when he learnt that Publius Scipio was still on the other side of the
water he was much disturbed, because the turn which his negotiations
were to take depended principally on Scipio’s view of the matter. The
reason of the army being still in their first camp, and of Publius
Scipio’s absence from the army, was that he was one of the Salii. These
are, as I have before stated, one of the three colleges of priests by
whom the most important sacrifices to the gods are offered at Rome. And
it is the law that, at the time of these sacrifices, they must not quit
the spot for thirty days in which it happens to find them.[99] This
was the case at the present time with Publius Scipio; for just as the
army was on the point of crossing this season arrived, and prevented
him from changing his place of abode. Thus it came about that he was
separated from the legions and remained in Europe, while, though the
army crossed, it remained encamped, and could take no further step,
because they were waiting for him.
[Sidenote: Speech of Heracleides.]
[Sidenote: The Consul’s answer.]
+14.+ However, Publius arrived a few days afterwards, and Heracleides
being summoned to attend the Council delivered the message with which
he was charged, announcing that Antiochus abandoned Lampsacus, Smyrna,
and Alexandria; and also all such towns in Aeolis and Ionia as had
sided with Rome; and that he offered, further, an indemnity of half
their expenses in the present war. He added many arguments besides,
urging the Romans “Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but
men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep it
within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then they would
have an enormous and unprecedented dominion, such as no nation before
them had attained;—but if they were determined at all hazards to grasp
parts of Asia also, let them say definitely what parts those were, for
the king would go to the utmost stretch of his power to meet their
wishes.” After the delivery of this speech the council decided that the
Consul should answer that “It was only fair that Antiochus should pay,
not the half, but the whole expense of the war, seeing that he, and
not they, had originally begun it; and as to the cities, he must not
only liberate those in Aeolis and Ionia, but must surrender his whole
dominion on this side of Mount Taurus.” On receiving this answer from
the council, conveying demands which went far beyond his instructions,
the envoy, without answering a word, abstained from a public audience
thenceforth, but exerted himself to conciliate Publius Scipio.
[Sidenote: The secret offers of Antiochus to Publius Scipio.]
[Sidenote: Scipio’s reply.]
+15.+ Having at length got a suitable opportunity, he disclosed to him
the offers with which he was charged. These were that the king would
first restore his son without ransom, who had been taken prisoner in
the early part of the war; and was prepared, secondly, to pay him any
sum of money he might name, and thenceforth share with him the wealth
of his kingdom, if he would only support the acceptance of the terms
offered by the king. Publius replied that the promise as to his son
he accepted, and would feel under an obligation to the king if he
fulfilled it; but as to the rest he assured him that the king, among
his other delusions, was under a complete mistake as to the course
demanded by his own interests. “For if he had made these offers while
still master of Lysimacheia and the entrance into the Chersonese, he
would at once have got what he asked: and so too, even after evacuating
these places, if he had appeared with his army at the Hellespont and
shown that he meant to prevent our crossing, and then had sent his
envoys, he might even thus have obtained his demands. But when he comes
with his proposals of equitable terms, after allowing our troops to
set foot in Asia, and having so not only submitted to the bridle, but
allowed the rider to mount, he must expect to fail and be disappointed
of his hopes. Therefore, I advise him to adopt wiser measures, and look
at the facts in their true light. In return for his promise in regard
to my son, I will give him a hint which is well worth the favour he
offers me: make any concession, do anything, rather than fight with
the Romans.” With this answer Heracleides returned and told the king
everything. And Antiochus, considering that no severer terms could be
imposed on him if he were beaten in the field, abandoned all idea of
negotiation, and began making preparations of all sorts and in every
direction for the battle....
_Antiochus sent Scipio’s son back. The decisive battle took place in
the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and proved a decisive victory for the
Romans. This was in the late autumn of B.C. 190. See Livy, 37, 38-44._
+16.+ After the victory the Romans took Sardis and its Acropolis, and
there they were visited by Musaeus bringing a message from Antiochus.
Being politely received by the Scipios, he announced that Antiochus
wished to send envoys to treat on the terms of peace, and therefore
desired that a safe conduct should be given them. This was granted
and the herald returned; and some days after, Zeuxis, formerly Satrap
of Lydia, and Antipater, his nephew, came as ambassadors from king
Antiochus. Their first anxiety was to meet king Eumenes, because they
feared that his old quarrel would cause him to be only too ready
to do them a bad turn. But when they found him, contrary to their
expectation, disposed to moderate and gentle methods, they at once
addressed themselves to meeting the council. Being summoned to attend
it they made a lengthy speech, among other things exhorting the Romans
to use their victory with mildness and generosity; and alleging that
such a course was still more to the interest of the Romans than of
Antiochus, since Fortune had committed to them the empire and lordship
of the world. Finally, they asked “What they were to do to obtain peace
and the friendship of Rome?” The members of the council had already in
a previous sitting discussed and agreed upon this point, and now bade
Publius Scipio deliver their decision.
[Sidenote: The Roman terms imposed on Antiochus.]
[Sidenote: The terms are accepted, and missions sent to Rome.]
+17.+ Scipio began by saying that victory never made the Romans more
severe than before, and accordingly the envoys would receive the
same answer as they had previously received when they came to the
Hellespont before the battle. “They must evacuate Europe and all Asia
this side Taurus: must pay the Romans fifteen thousand Euboic talents
as an indemnity for the expenses of the war, five hundred at once, two
thousand five hundred on the ratification of the treaty by the people,
and the rest in twelve yearly instalments of a thousand talents.
Further, Antiochus must pay Eumenes the four hundred talents owing to
him, and the balance of the corn due in accordance with the treaty made
with his father Attalus. He must at the same time deliver Hannibal
the Carthaginian, Thoas the Aetolian, Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and
Philo and Eubulides the Chalcidians. As security for the fulfilment
of these terms, Antiochus must at once give twenty hostages named in
the treaty.” Such was the decision announced by Publius Scipio in the
name of the whole Council. Antipater and Zeuxis having expressed their
consent to them, it was agreed by all to send envoys to Rome to appeal
to the Senate and people to confirm the treaty. The ambassadors of
Antiochus departed with this understanding: and during the following
days the Roman commanders divided their forces into their winter
quarters; and when some few days later the hostages arrived, both
Eumenes and the envoys of Antiochus started on their voyage to Rome.
Nor were they alone in their mission; for Rhodes also, and Smyrna, and
nearly all the nations and states on this side Taurus sent ambassadors
to Rome....
[Sidenote: Eumenes.]
[Sidenote: The audiences in the Senate.]
[Sidenote: B.C. 189. Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior.
Reception of king Eumenes and the ambassadors at Rome.]
+18.+[100] At the beginning of the summer following the victory of
the Romans over Antiochus, the ambassadors of that king, and those
from Rhodes, as well as from the other states arrived in Rome. For,
as I said, nearly all the states in Asia began sending envoys to Rome
immediately after the battle, because the hopes of all as to their
future position rested at that time on the Senate. All who arrived were
graciously received by the Senate; but the most imposing reception was
that accorded to king Eumenes, both in the complimentary processions
sent out to meet him and the arrangements made for his entertainment;
and next in cordiality to his reception was that given to the Rhodians.
When the time for the audiences came, they first called in the king
and bade him say freely what he wished to obtain at the hands of the
Senate. But Eumenes at first evaded the task by saying: “If I had been
desirous of obtaining any favour from others, I should have looked to
the Romans for advice, that I might neither desire anything that was
wrong nor ask anything unfair; but seeing that I am here to prefer
my request to the Romans themselves, I think it better to leave the
interests of myself and my brothers unreservedly in their hands.” And
though one of the Senators rose and begged him to have no apprehension,
but to speak his mind, he still adhered to this view. And so after a
certain time had elapsed the king withdrew; and the Senate, remaining
in the curia, debated what was to be done. Eventually it was decreed
to call upon Eumenes to declare with his own mouth the objects of his
visit without reserve, on the ground that he knew best what his own
kingdom required, and what was the state of things in Asia. He was then
called in; and, one of the Senators having informed him of the vote, he
was compelled to speak on the business.
[Sidenote: Speech of Eumenes.]
+19.+ He said therefore that “He would not say another word on his own
concerns, but would adhere strictly to his resolution of leaving the
decision as to them entirely in the hands of the Romans. But there was
one subject on which he felt anxiety, namely, the policy of Rhodes;
and it was this that induced him to address the Senate on the present
occasion. These Rhodians had come to Rome to further the interests of
their own country, and their own prosperity, quite as much as he had
come to promote those of his own kingdom at that moment; but their
professions were entirely at variance with their real purpose. And
it was easy to satisfy one’s self of this: for, when they enter the
Senate house, they will say that they come neither to ask anything
for themselves nor to thwart Eumenes in any way whatever; but are
ambassadors for the liberty of the Greek inhabitants of Asia. ‘To
secure this,’ they will say, ‘is not so much a favour to themselves as
an act incumbent on the Romans, and in consonance with their former
achievements.’ Such will be their specious professions; but the real
truth of the case will be wholly different. For if these cities are
once set free, the result will be that their dominion will be many
times increased, while his own would be in a manner entirely broken up.
For the attractive name of liberty and autonomy would draw from his
rule not only the cities to be freed at present, but those also which
had been under his rule from of old, directly it is made apparent that
the Senate has adopted that policy, and would add them to the dominion
of Rhodes. That was the natural course for things to take. Imagining
that they owed their freedom to Rhodes, those cities would become in
name its allies, but in reality entirely subservient, owing to the
heavy obligation under which they will find themselves. He begged the
Senators, therefore, to be on their guard on that point: lest they
should find that they had unwittingly aggrandised one friendly nation
too much, and disproportionately weakened another; or even that they
were benefiting men who had once been their foes, to the neglect and
contempt of their genuine friends.”
+20.+ “For myself,” he continued, “though in every other point I would
yield, if it were necessary, to my neighbours, yet in the matter of
your friendship and of my goodwill towards you I will never, if I can
help it, yield to any one alive. And I think that my father, if he
had been living, would have said the same: for as he was the first to
become your friend and ally, so of all the inhabitants of Asia and
Greece he was the most nobly loyal to you to the last day of his life,
not only in heart but in deed. For he took his part in all your wars
in Greece, and furnished the largest contingents of men and ships of
all your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies; and faced
the most serious dangers: and to sum up all, ended his life actually
engaged in the war with Philip, while employed in urging the Boeotians
to join your alliance. I, too, when I succeeded to his kingdom, while
fully maintaining my father’s views, for it was impossible to do more,
have yet gone even beyond him in actual achievements: for the state of
the times brought me to a more fiery test than they did him. Antiochus
offered me his daughter and a share in his whole kingdom: offered me
immediate restoration of all the cities that had been before wrested
from me: and finally promised me any price I chose if I would join him
in his war with you. But so far from accepting any one of these offers,
I joined you in your struggle against Antiochus with the largest
military and naval contingents of any of your allies; contributed the
largest share of supplies at the time of your utmost need; and exposed
myself unreservedly to every danger along with your generals. Finally,
I submitted to being invested in Pergamos itself, and risked my life as
well as my crown in my loyalty to your people.
+21.+ “Therefore, men of Rome, as many of you have been eye-witnesses
of the truth of my words, and all of you know it, it is but just that
you should have a corresponding regard for my interests. You have made
Massanissa king of the greater part of Libya, though he had once been
your enemy and at last deserted to your side accompanied only by a few
horsemen, only because he kept faith with you in one war: you have
raised Pleuratus to the first position among the princes of Illyria,
though he had done absolutely nothing for you beyond keeping loyal; it
would be the height of inconsistency if you should neglect me and my
family, who from generation to generation have co-operated in your most
important and glorious undertakings. What is it, then, that I am asking
you to do, and what do I claim at your hands? I will tell you openly,
since you have called upon me to speak my mind to you. If you decide,
then, to continue holding certain parts of Asia which are on this side
Taurus, and were formerly subject to Antiochus, that is what I should
wish to see best of all: for I consider that the security of my realm
would best be secured by having you for neighbours, and especially by
my sharing in your prestige. But if you decide not to do this, but to
evacuate Asia entirely, there is no one to whom you may with greater
justice surrender the prizes you have won in the field than to me. But
it may be said, it is a more honourable thing still to set the enslaved
free. Yes! if they had not ventured to join Antiochus in the war
against you. But since they had the hardihood to do so, it is a much
more honourable course to make a proper return to your sincere friends,
than to benefit those who have shown themselves your enemies.”
[Sidenote: The legates from Smyrna.]
+22.+ After the delivery of this effective speech Eumenes retired. The
Senate received both the king himself and the speech with every mark of
favour, and were enthusiastic for doing everything in their power to
gratify him. They wished to call in the Rhodians next after him; but
one of the Rhodian ambassadors not being there in time, they called in
those from Smyrna, who delivered a long disquisition on the goodwill
and zeal which they had displayed towards Rome during the late war. But
as there are no two opinions about the fact of their having been, of
all the autonomous states in Asia, the most strenuous in the cause, I
do not think it necessary to set forth their speech in detail.
[Sidenote: Speech of the Rhodians.]
But next to them came in the Rhodians: who, after a short preamble
as to their services to the Romans, quickly came to the discussion
of the position of their own country. They said that “It was a very
great embarrassment to them, in the discharge of their ambassadorial
duties, to find themselves placed by the necessities of the case in
opposition to a sovereign with whom their public and private relations
were of the most friendly description. It was the opinion of their
countrymen that the most honourable course, and the one which above
all others would redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks
in Asia should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest
to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit Eumenes
and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy to hate equality,
and to endeavour to have everybody, or at least as many as possible,
subject and obedient. But though that was the case now, still they
felt convinced that they should gain their object, not because they
had greater influence with the Romans than Eumenes, but because they
would be shown to be suggesting a course more just in itself and more
indisputably advantageous to all concerned. If, indeed, the only
way the Romans could requite Eumenes was by handing over to him the
autonomous towns, they might reasonably be at a loss to determine what
to do; for they would have had to decide between neglecting a sincere
friend and disregarding their own honour and duty, and thus entirely
obscuring and degrading the glory of their great achievements. But if,
on the other hand, it were possible adequately to consult for both
these objects at the same time, who could doubt about the matter any
longer? Yet the fact was that, as in a costly banquet, there was enough
and to spare for all. Lycaonia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, and Pisidia,
the Chersonese also and the districts bordering on it, were at the
disposal of the Romans to give to whom they chose; only a few of which
added to the kingdom of Eumenes would double its present extent, while
if all, or even the great part were assigned to him, it would become
second to that of no other prince in Asia.
+23.+ “It was therefore in the power of the Romans to strengthen their
friends very materially without destroying the glory of their own
policy. For the end which they proposed to themselves in their war
was not the same as that of other nations, but widely different. The
rest of the world all entered upon war with the view of conquering
and seizing cities, wealth, or ships: but heaven had ordained that
they should want none of these things, by having put everything in
the whole world under their rule. What was it, then, that they had
still occasion to wish for, and to take the securest means to obtain?
Plainly praise and glory among mankind; which it was difficult indeed
to gain, but most difficult of all to preserve when gained. Their
war with Philip might show them their meaning. That war they had, as
they professed, undertaken with the sole object of liberating Greece;
and that was in fact the only prize they gained in it, and no other
whatever: yet the glory they got by it was greater than that which the
tribute of the Carthaginians had brought them. And justly so: for money
is a possession common to all mankind, but honour and praise and glory
are attributes of the gods and of those men who approach nearest to
them. Therefore, the most glorious of all their achievements was the
liberation of Greece; and if they now completed that work their fame
would receive its consummation: but if they neglected to do so, even
what they had already accomplished would lose its lustre.” They finally
wound up by saying, “As for us, gentlemen, having once deliberately
adopted this policy and joined with you in the severest battles and in
genuine dangers, we do not now propose to abandon the part of friends;
but have not hesitated to say openly what we believe to be for your
honour and your interests alike, with no ulterior design whatever, and
with a single eye to our duty as the highest earthly object.”
[Sidenote: Treaty with Antiochus confirmed.]
[Sidenote: Settlement of Asia, B.C. 189.]
+24.+ This speech of the Rhodians was universally regarded as temperate
and fair. The Senate next caused Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors
of Antiochus, to be introduced: and on their speaking in a tone of
entreaty and supplication, an approval of the agreement made by him
with Scipio in Asia was voted. A few days later the people also
ratified it, and oaths were accordingly interchanged with Antipater
and his colleague. This done, the other ambassadors from Asia were
introduced into the Senate: but a very brief hearing was given to each,
and the same answer was returned to all; namely, that ten commissioners
would be sent to decide on all points of dispute between the cities.
The Senate then appointed ten commissioners, to whom they gave the
entire settlement of particulars; while as a general principle they
decided that of Asia this side Taurus such inhabitants as had been
subject to Antiochus were to be assigned to Eumenes, except Lycia and
Caria up to the Maeander, which were to belong to the Rhodians; while
of the Greek cities, such of them as had been accustomed to pay tribute
to Attalus were to pay the same to Eumenes; and only those who had done
so to Antiochus were to be relieved of tribute altogether. Having given
the ten commissioners these outlines of the general settlement, they
sent them out to join the consul, Cnaeus Manlius Vulso, in Asia.
[Sidenote: Soli in Cilicia.]
[Sidenote: Summer B.C. 189.]
After these arrangements had been completed, the Rhodian envoys came to
the Senate again with a request in regard to Soli in Cilicia, alleging
that they were called upon by ties of kindred to think of the interests
of that city; for the people of Soli were, like the Rhodians, colonists
from Argos. Having listened to what they had to say, the Senate invited
the attendance of the ambassadors from Antiochus, and at first were
inclined to order Antiochus to evacuate the whole of Cilicia; but upon
these ambassadors resisting this order, on the ground of its being
contrary to the treaty, they once more discussed the case of Soli by
itself. The king’s ambassadors still vehemently maintaining their
rights, the Senate dismissed them and called in the Rhodians. Having
informed them of the opposition raised by Antipater, they added that
they were ready to go any length in the matter, if the Rhodians, on a
review of the whole case, determined to push their claim. The Rhodian
envoys, however, were much gratified by the spirit shown by the Senate,
and said that they would ask nothing more. This question, therefore,
was left as it was; and just as the ten commissioners and the other
ambassadors were on the point of starting, the two Scipios, and Lucius
Aemilius, the victor in the sea fight with Antiochus, arrived at
Brundisium; and after certain days all three entered Rome in triumph....
_Amynandrus was restored to the kingdom of Athamania, which was
occupied by a garrison of Philip’s, by the aid of the Aetolians,
who then proceeded to invade Amphilochia and the Dolopes. Hence the
Aetolian war, beginning with the siege of Ambracia by M. Fulvius
Nobilior. Livy, 38, 1-11._
[Sidenote: Summer of 190.]
[Sidenote: Late autumn of B.C. 190.]
[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 189.]
+25.+ Amynandrus, king of the Athamanes, thinking that he had now
permanently recovered his kingdom, sent envoys to Rome and to the
Scipios in Asia, for they were still in the neighbourhood of Ephesus,
partly to excuse himself for having, as it appeared, secured his
recall by the help of the Aetolians, but chiefly to entreat that he
might be received again into the Roman alliance. But the Aetolians,
imagining that they had now a good opportunity of once more annexing
Amphilochia and Aperantia, determined on an expedition against those
countries; and when Nicander their Strategus had mustered the league
army, they invaded Amphilochia. Finding most of the people willing
to join them, they advanced into Aperantia; and the Aperantians also
willingly yielding to them, they continued their expedition into
Dolopia. The Dolopians for a time made a show of resistance, and of
keeping loyal to Philip; but on considering what had happened to the
Athamanes, and the check which Philip had received there, they quickly
changed their minds and gave in their adhesion to the Aetolians. After
this successful issue of his expedition Nicander led his army home,
believing that Aetolia was secured by the subjection of these tribes
and places, against the possibility of any one injuring its territory.
But immediately after these events, and when the Aetolians were still
in the full elation of their successes, a report reached them of the
battle in Asia, in which they learnt that Antiochus had been utterly
defeated. This caused a great revulsion of feeling; and when presently
Damoteles came from Rome and announced that a continuation of the war
was decreed against them, and that Marcus Fulvius and an army had
crossed to attack them, they were reduced to state of complete despair;
and not knowing how to meet the danger which was impending over them,
they resolved to send to Rhodes and Athens, begging them to despatch
envoys to Rome to intercede in their behalf, and, by softening the
anger of the Romans, to find some means of averting the evils that
threatened Aetolia. They also sent ambassadors of their own to Rome
once more, Alexander Isius, and Phaeneas, accompanied by Callippus of
Ambracia and Lycopus....
[Sidenote: M. Fulvius Nobilior at Apollonia.]
[Sidenote: Fulvius advances upon Ambracia.]
[Sidenote: The Aetolian envoys intercepted.]
+26.+ Some envoys from Epirus having visited the Roman Consul, he
consulted with them as to the best way of attacking the Aetolians.
They advised that he should begin by attacking Ambracia, which was at
that time a member of the Aetolian league. They gave as their reasons
that, if the Aetolians ventured to give battle, the neighbourhood of
Ambracia was very favourable for the legions to fight in; and that if,
on the other hand, the Aetolians avoided an engagement, the town was
an excellent one to besiege: for the district round it would supply
abundant timber for the construction of siege artillery; and the river
Arachthus, which flowed right under the walls, would be of great use
in conveying supplies to the army in the summer season, and serve as
a protection to their works. Fulvius thought the advice good, and
accordingly marched through Epirus to attack Ambracia. On his arrival
there, as the Aetolians did not venture to meet him, he reconnoitred
the city, and set vigorously to work on the siege. Meanwhile the
Aetolian envoys that had been sent to Rome were caught off Cephallenia
by Sibyrtus, son of Petraeus, and brought into Charadrus. The Epirotes
first resolved to place these men at Buchetus and keep them under
strict guard. But a few days afterwards they demanded a ransom of them
on the ground that they were at war with the Aetolians. It happened
that one of them, Alexander, was the richest man in Greece, while the
others were badly off, and far inferior to Alexander in the amount of
their property. At first the Epirotes demanded five talents from each.
The others did not absolutely refuse this, but were willing to pay if
they could, because they cared above everything to secure their own
safety. But Alexander refused to consent, for it seemed a large sum
of money, and he lay awake at night bewailing himself at the idea of
being obliged to pay five talents. The Epirotes, however, foresaw what
would happen, and were extremely alarmed lest the Romans should hear
that they had detained men who were on a mission to themselves, and
should send a despatch ordering their release; they, therefore, lowered
their demand to three talents a-piece. The others gladly accepted the
offer, gave security, and departed: but Alexander said that he would
not pay more than a talent, and that was too much; and at last, giving
up all thought of saving himself, remained in custody, though he was an
old man, and possessed property worth more than two hundred talents;
and I think he would have died rather than pay the three talents. So
extraordinarily strong in some men is the passion for accumulating
money. But on this occasion Fortune so favoured his greed, that the
result secured all men’s praise and approval for his infatuation.
For, a few days afterwards, a despatch arrived from Rome ordering the
release of the ambassadors; and, accordingly, he was the only one of
them that was set free without ransom. When the Aetolians learnt what
had happened to him, they elected Damoteles as their ambassador to
Rome; who, however, when as far as Leucas on his voyage, was informed
that Marcus Fulvius was marching through Epirus upon Ambracia, and,
therefore, gave up the mission as useless, and returned back to
Aetolia....
[Sidenote: Siege of Ambracia, and the gallant resistance of the
Aetolians.]
+27.+ The Aetolians being besieged by the consul Marcus Fulvius,
offered a gallant resistance to the assault of the siege artillery and
battering rams. Marcus having first strongly secured his camp began
the siege on an extensive scale; he opened three separate parallel
works across the plain against the Pyrrheium, and a fourth opposite
the temple of Asclepius, and a fifth directed against the Acropolis.
And the attack being pushed on energetically at all these points at
once, the besieged became terribly alarmed at the prospect before them.
Still, as the rams vigorously battered the walls, and the long poles
with their iron sickles tore off the battlements, they tried to invent
machines to baffle them, letting down huge masses of lead and stones
and oak logs by means of levers upon the battering rams; and putting
iron hooks upon the sickles and hauling them inside the walls, so that
the poles to which they were fastened broke against the battlements,
and the sickles fell into their hands. Moreover they made frequent
sallies, in which they fought with great courage: sometimes making a
descent by night upon the pickets quartered at the works, and at others
attacking in broad daylight the day-parties of the besiegers: and by
these means they managed to protract the siege....
Nicander was outside the city, and sent five hundred horse into it.
They carried the intervening entrenchment of the enemy and forced their
way into the town. With these he had fixed on a day on which they were
to sally out, and he was to be ready to support them. They accordingly
made the sally with great courage and fought gallantly; but either from
fear of the danger, or because he conceived that what he was engaged
upon at the time could not be neglected, Nicander failed to come up to
time, and accordingly the attempt failed....[101]
[Sidenote: The Romans begin mining operations.]
[Sidenote: Counter-mines by the besieged.]
[Sidenote: The Romans smoked out.]
+28.+ By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans were always
breaking down this or that part of the wall. But yet they could not
succeed in storming any of these breaches, because the besieged were
energetic in raising counter walls, and the Aetolians fought with
determined gallantry on the débris. They, therefore, in despair had
recourse to mines and underground tunnels. Having safely secured the
central one of their three works, and carefully concealed the shaft
with wattle screens, they erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa
about two hundred feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning
their digging from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night,
working in relays. For a considerable number of days the besieged did
not discover them carrying the earth away through the shaft; but when
the heap of earth thus brought out became too high to be concealed from
those inside the city, the commanders of the besieged garrison set
to work vigorously digging a trench inside, parallel to the wall and
to the stoa which faced the towers. When the trench was made to the
required depth, they next placed in a row along the side of the trench
nearest the wall a number of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as
they walked along the bottom of the trench past these, they listened
for the noise of the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated
by any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive
and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from within, at
right angles to the trench, another underground tunnel leading under
the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit the enemy’s tunnel. This was
soon accomplished, for the Romans had not only brought their mine up
to the wall, but had underpinned a considerable length of it on either
side of their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to
face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with their
spears: but as neither side could do much good, because both parties
protected themselves with shields and wattles, some one suggested
another plan to the defenders. Putting in front of them an earthenware
jar, made to the width of the mine, they bored a hole in its bottom,
and, inserting an iron funnel of the same length as the depth of the
vessel, they filled the jar itself with fine feathers, and putting a
little fire in it close to the mouth of the jar, they clapped on an
iron lid pierced full of holes. They carried this without accident
through the mine with its mouth towards the enemy. When they got near
the besiegers they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar,
leaving only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears
to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a pair of
bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached them to the
orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the fire placed on the
feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually withdrawing the funnel
in proportion as the feathers became ignited lower down. The plan was
successfully executed; the volume of smoke created was very great, and,
from the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was
all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found
themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing position, as they
could neither stop nor endure the smoke in the mines.[102] The siege
being thus still further protracted the Aetolian commander determined
to send an envoy to the Consul....
[Sidenote: Intercession of Athens, Rhodes, and king Amynandrus.]
+29.+ About this time the ambassadors from Athens and Rhodes came
to the Roman camp for the purpose of furthering, if they could, the
conclusion of a peace. The Athamanian king, Amynandrus, also arrived,
very eager to relieve the Ambraciots from their miserable position, and
having received a safe conduct from Marcus Fulvius in consideration of
the urgent nature of the business: For he had a very friendly feeling
towards the Ambraciots, from having passed most of the time of his
exile in that town[103]. A few days afterwards also some Acarnanians
arrived, bringing Damoteles and his fellow envoys. For Marcus Fulvius,
having been informed of their misfortunes, had written to the people
of Thyreum to bring the men to him. All these various persons,
therefore, having assembled, the negotiations for peace were pushed
on energetically. For his part, Amynandrus was urgent in his advice
to the Ambraciots to save themselves from the destruction which would
not be long in coming to them unless they adopted wiser counsels. On
his coming again and again up to the wall and conversing with them on
this subject, the Ambraciots decided to invite him inside the town. The
consul having given the king leave to enter the walls, he went in and
discussed the situation with the inhabitants. Meanwhile the Athenian
and Rhodian envoys got hold of the consul and tried by ingenious
arguments to mollify his anger. Some one also suggested to Damoteles
and Phaeneas to apply to Caius Valerius and endeavour to win him over.
He was the son of that Marcus Valerius Laevinus who made the first
alliance with the Aetolians; and half brother, by the mother’s side, of
the consul Marcus Fulvius, and being a young man of vigorous character
enjoyed the greatest confidence of the consul. Being appealed to by
Damoteles, and thinking that in a way he had a family interest in the
matter, and was bound to undertake the patronage of the Aetolians, he
exerted himself with the greatest zeal and enthusiasm to rescue that
people from their perilous position. The matter then being vigorously
pushed forward on all sides at once was at length accomplished. For the
Ambraciots, by the persuasion of the king, surrendered to the consul
unreservedly as far as they themselves were concerned, and gave up the
town, on the one condition that the Aetolian garrison should march out
under truce. This primary exception they made that they might keep
faith with their allies.
[Sidenote: Terms granted to the Aetolians.]
+30.+ So the consul agreed to grant the Aetolians peace on condition
of receiving two hundred Euboic talents down, and three hundred in six
yearly instalments of fifty: of the restoration to the Romans of all
prisoners and deserters within six months without ransom: of their
retaining no city in their league, nor thenceforth admitting any fresh
one, of such as had been captured by the Romans, or had voluntarily
embraced their friendship since Titus Quinctius crossed into Greece:
the Cephallenians not to be included in these terms.
[Sidenote: The Aetolian people confirm the treaty.]
Such was the sketch in outline of the main points of the treaty. But it
required first the consent of the Aetolians, and then to be referred to
Rome: and meanwhile the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained where they
were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On being informed by
Damoteles and his colleagues on their return of the nature of the terms
that had been granted them, the Aetolians consented to the general
principle—for they were in fact much better than they had expected,—but
in regard to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated
for some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius
accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian garrison to
depart under terms; but removed from the town the statues and pictures,
of which there was a great number, owing to the fact of Ambracia
having been a royal residence of Pyrrhus. He was also presented with
a crown[104] weighing one hundred and fifty talents. After this
settlement of affairs he directed his march into the interior of
Aetolia, feeling surprised at meeting with no communication from the
Aetolians. But on arriving at Amphilochian Argos, a hundred and eighty
stades from Ambracia, he pitched his camp; and being there met by
Damoteles and his colleagues with the information that the Aetolians
had resolved to ratify the treaty which they had concluded, they went
their several ways, the Aetolians back to their own country, and Marcus
to Ambracia, where he busied himself about getting his army across
to Cephallenia; while the Aetolians appointed Phaeneas and Nicander
ambassadors to go to Rome about the peace: for not a single line of the
above treaty held good until ratified by the Roman people.
[Sidenote: Speech of Damis.]
+31.+ While these envoys, accompanied by those from Rhodes and Athens,
were on their voyage with this object, Marcus Fulvius sent Caius
Valerius also, and some others of his friends to Rome to secure the
ratification of the treaty. But when they arrived at Rome they found
that a fresh cause of anger with the Aetolians had arisen by the
instrumentality of king Philip; who, looking upon himself as wronged
by the Aetolians having taken Athamania and Dolopia from him, had sent
to some of his friends at Rome, urging them to share his displeasure
and secure the rejection of the pacification. Accordingly, on the first
arrival of the Aetolians, the Senate would not listen to them; but
afterwards, at the intercession of the Rhodians and Athenians, changed
its mind and consented to their request: for Damis[105], besides other
excellences displayed in his speech, was thought to have introduced
a very apt simile, extremely applicable to the case in hand. He said
“The Romans had good cause for anger with the Aetolians; for, instead
of being grateful for the many kindnesses received at their hands,
they had brought the Roman Empire into great danger by causing the war
with Antiochus to break out. But the Senate were wrong in one point,
namely in directing their anger against the masses. For in states the
common people were like the sea, which left to its own nature was ever
calm and unmoved, and not in the least likely ever to trouble any of
those who approached or used it; but directly violent winds blew upon
and disturbed it, and forced it against its nature to become agitated,
then indeed nothing could be more dreadful or formidable than the sea.
This was just the case with the Aetolians. As long as they were left to
themselves, no people in Greece were more loyal to you or more staunch
in supporting your active measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus
brought a storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe, and,
disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled them to become
reckless of what they said or did,—then indeed their good disposition
gave way to bad, and while intending to do mischief to you they really
inflicted damage upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers
therefore that you should be implacable; while you should take pity on
the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance that, if once
more left to themselves, with the additional feeling of having owed
their safety on the present occasion to you, their attachment to you
will be the warmest in Greece.”
[Sidenote: Treaty with Aetolia, B.C. 189.]
+32.+ By these arguments the Athenian envoy persuaded the Senate
to make peace with the Aetolians. The decree therefore having been
passed and confirmed by a vote of the people, the treaty was formally
ratified, of which the text was as follows: “The people of the
Aetolians shall in good faith maintain the empire and majesty of the
people of Rome.
“They shall not allow hostile forces to pass through their territory or
cities against the Romans, their allies or friends; nor grant them any
supplies from the public fund.
“They shall have the same enemies as the people of Rome; and if the
Roman people go to war with any, the Aetolian people shall do so also.
“The Aetolians shall surrender to the praefectus in Corcyra, within
a hundred days from the completion of the treaty, runaway slaves,
and prisoners of the Romans and their allies, except such as having
been taken during the war have returned to their own land and been
subsequently captured; and except such as were in arms against Rome
during the time that the Aetolians were fighting on the side of the
Romans.
“If there should be any not found within that time, they shall hand
them over as soon as they are forthcoming, without deceit or fraud. And
such persons, after the completion of the treaty, shall not be allowed
to return to Aetolia.
“The Aetolians shall pay the consul in Greece at once two hundred
Euboic talents of silver, of a standard not inferior to the Attic. In
place of one third of this silver, they may, if they so choose, pay
gold, at the rate of a mina of gold to ten minae of silver. They shall
pay the money in the six years next following the completion of the
treaty in yearly installments of fifty talents; and shall deliver the
money in Rome.
“The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not less than
ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the six years; they
shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting only the Strategus,
Hipparch, public secretary, and such as have already been hostages at
Rome.
“The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and if any one of
them die, they shall give another in his place.
“Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty.
[Sidenote: B.C. 192.]
“Of such territories, cities, and men as once belonged to the
Aetolians, and, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Cnaeus
Domitius, or subsequently, were either captured by the Roman or
voluntarily embraced their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex
any, whether city or men therein.
“The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the Acarnanians.”
The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded, and the war
in Aetolia, as in the rest of Greece, thus came to an end....
THE WAR WITH THE GAULS OF ASIA
+33.+ While the negotiations for peace with Antiochus, and for the
settlement of Asia generally were going on at Rome, and the Aetolian
war was being fought in Greece, it happened that another war in Asia,
that, namely, against the Gauls, was brought to a conclusion, the
account of which I am now about to give....
+34.+ Moagĕtes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man, whose
career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference....
[Sidenote: Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior, B.C. 189;
Moagĕtes reduced to submission.]
When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had sent Helvius to find
out the intentions of Moagĕtes, the latter begged him by ambassadors
not to damage the country, because he was a friend of Rome, and ready
to do anything that was required of him; and, at the same time, he
offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen talents. In answer to this,
Helvius said that he would refrain from damaging the territory; but
that as to the general question Moagĕtes must communicate with the
Consul, for he was close behind with his army. Moagĕtes accordingly
sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them. When
the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them in threatening
and reproachful terms, asserting that “Not only had Moagĕtes shown
himself the most determined enemy of Rome, of all the princes in Asia,
but had done his very best to overthrow their empire, and deserved
punishment rather then friendship.”[106] Terrified by this display
of anger, the ambassadors abstained from delivering the rest of the
message with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have
an interview with Moagĕtes: and when Cnaeus consented they returned
to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of the town accompanied
by his friends, displaying his humility by a mean dress and absence
of all pomp; and, in conducting his defence, descanted in melancholy
terms on his own helplessness and the poverty of the towns under his
rule (which consisted of Cibyra, Syleium, and the town in the Marsh),
and entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at his
assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, “If he did not pay five
hundred talents, and be thankful that he was allowed to do so, he would
not loot the country, but he would storm and sack the city.” In abject
terror Moagĕtes begged him not to do anything of the sort; and kept
adding to his offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus
to take one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and
admit him to friendship....[107]
[Sidenote: Pacification of Pamphylia.]
+35.+ When Cnaeus Manlius was crossing the River Colobatus, ambassadors
came to him from the town of Sinda (in Pisidia) begging for help,
because the people of Termessus had called in the aid of the people
of Philomelus, and had depopulated their territory and sacked their
town; and were at that very moment besieging its citadel, into which
all the citizens, with wives and children, had retreated. On hearing
this, Cnaeus immediately promised them aid with the greatest readiness;
and thinking the affair was a stroke of luck for himself, directed
his march towards Pamphylia. On his arrival in the neighbourhood of
Termessus, he admitted the Termessians to friendship on the payment of
fifty talents. He did the same with the Aspendians: and having received
the ambassadors of the other towns in Pamphylia, he impressed on them
in these interviews the conviction mentioned above,[108] and having
relieved the Sindians from their siege, he once more directed his march
against the Gauls....
[Sidenote: Conquest of Pisidia.]
+36.+ After taking the town of Cyrmasa (in Pisidia), and a very large
booty, Cnaeus Manlius continued his advance. And as he was marching
along the marsh, envoys came from Lysinoe, offering an unconditional
surrender. After accepting this, Cnaeus entered the territory of
Sagalassus, and having driven off a vast quantity of spoil waited to
see what the Sagalassians were prepared to do. When their ambassadors
arrived he received them; and accepting a compliment of fifty talents,
twenty thousand medimni of barley, and twenty thousand of wheat,
admitted them to friendship with Rome....
[Sidenote: Cnaeus Manlius in Galatia.]
+37.+ Cnaeus sent envoys to Eposognatus the Gaul, desiring him to send
embassies to the kings of the Gauls. Eposognatus in his turn sent
envoys to Cnaeus begging him not to move his quarters or attack the
Tolistobogian Gauls; and assuring him that he would send embassies
to the kings, and propose peace to them, and felt quite certain that
he would be able to bring them to a proper view of affairs in all
respects....
In the course of his march through the country Cnaeus made a bridge
over the River Sangorius, which was extremely deep and difficult to
cross. And having encamped on the bank of the river, he was visited by
some Galli[109] sent by Attis and Battacus, the priests of the mother
of the gods at Pesinus, wearing figures and images on their breasts,
and announcing that the goddess promised him victory and power; to whom
Cnaeus gave a courteous reception....
When Cnaeus was at the small town of Gordieium, ambassadors came
from Eposognatus, announcing that he had been round and talked with
the kings of the Gauls, but that they would not consent to make any
overtures of friendship whatever; on the contrary, they had collected
their children and women on Mount Olympus, and were prepared to give
battle....
_The victory of the Romans over the Tolistoboii at Mount Olympus is
described by Livy, 38, 19-23; that over the Tectosages, a few miles
from Ancyra, in 38, 24-27. The second battle took place in mid-autumn,
B.C. 189; and the result was that the Gauls gave in their submission at
Ephesus, and were forced to engage to leave off predatory excursions,
and to confine themselves to their own frontiers. Livy, 38, 27 and 40._
[Sidenote: The vengeance of Chiomara, wife of the Gallic chief Ortiago.
See Livy, 38, 24.]
+38.+ It chanced that among the prisoners made when the Romans won
the victory at Olympus over the Gauls of Asia, was Chiomara, wife of
Ortiago. The centurion who had charge of her availed himself of his
chance in soldierly fashion, and violated her.
He was a slave indeed both to lust and money: but eventually his love
of money got the upper hand; and, on a large sum of gold being agreed
to be paid for the woman, he led her off to put her to ransom. There
being a river between the two camps, when the Gauls had crossed it,
paid the man the money, and received the woman, she ordered one of
them by a nod to strike the Roman as he was in the act of taking a
polite and affectionate farewell of her. The man obeyed, and cut off
the centurion’s head, which she picked up and drove off with, wrapped
in the folds of her dress. On reaching her husband she threw the head
at his feet; and when he expressed astonishment and said: “Wife to
keep faith is a good thing,” she replied: “Yes; but it is a better
thing that there should be only one man alive who has lain with me!”
[Polybius says that he conversed with the woman at Sardis, and was
struck with her dignified demeanour and intelligence.][110]...
[Sidenote: The Gauls try to take Cnaeus Manlius by a stratagem, but are
foiled. See Livy, 38, 25.]
+39.+ After the victory over the Gauls at Olympus, when the Romans
were encamped at Ancyra, and Cnaeus was on the point of continuing his
advance, ambassadors came from the Tectosages asking that Cnaeus would
leave his troops in their quarters, and advance himself in the course
of the next day into the space between the two camps; and promising
that their kings would come to meet him, and discuss the terms of a
peace. But when Cnaeus consented, and duly arrived at the appointed
place with five hundred horse, the kings did not appear. After his
return to the camp, however, the ambassadors came again, and, offering
some excuses for the kings, begged him to come once more, as they
would send some of their chief men to discuss the whole question.
Cnaeus consented; but, without leaving the camp himself, sent Attalus
and some tribunes with three hundred horse. The envoys of the Gauls
duly appeared and discussed the business: but finally said that it was
impossible for them to conclude the matter or ratify anything they
agreed upon; but they engaged that the kings would come next day to
agree on the terms, and finally settle the treaty, if the Consul would
also come to them. Attalus promised that Cnaeus would come, and they
separated for that day. But the Gauls were deliberately contriving
these postponements, and amusing the Romans, because they wanted to get
some part of their families and property beyond the river Halys; and,
first of all, to get the Roman Consul into their hands if they could,
but if not, at any rate to kill him. With this purpose they watched
next day for the coming of the Romans, with a thousand horse ready to
fall upon him. When Cnaeus heard the result of Attalus’s interview,
believing that the kings would come, he left the camp, attended as
usual by five hundred horse. Now it happened that, on the days of the
previous interviews, the foraging parties which went out from the Roman
camp to fetch wood and hay had gone in the same direction, in order
to have the protection of the squadron which went to the parley. A
numerous foraging party acted in the same way on this third occasion,
and the tribunes ordered them to proceed in the same direction, with
the usual number of horsemen to protect them as they advanced. And
their being out on this duty proved accidentally to be the salvation of
their comrades in the danger which threatened them....
CEPHALLENIA.
[Sidenote: The citadel of Same in Cephallenia taken by a night
surprise.]
+40.+ M. Fulvius took the quarter of the town in which was the citadel
by a night surprise, and introduced the Romans into the town.[111]
[Sidenote: Philopoemen’s policy towards Sparta. See above, bk. 19.]
+41.+ The good and the expedient are seldom compatible, and rare indeed
are those who can combine and reconcile them. For as a general rule
we all know that the good shuns the principles of immediate profit,
and profit those of the good. However, Philopoemen attempted this
task, and succeeded in his aim. For it was a good thing to restore the
captive exiles to Sparta; and it was an expedient thing to humble the
Lacedaemonian state, and to punish those who had served as bodyguards
to a tyrant. But seeing clearly that money is ever the support on which
every dynasty rests, and having a clear head and the instincts of a
ruler, he took measures to prevent the introduction into the town of
money from outside....
[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 188.]
[Sidenote: Cnaeus Manlius spends the winter of 189-188 B.C. at Ephesus,
the last year of the 147th Olympiad, and arranges the settlement of
Asia.]
+43.+[112] Meanwhile in Asia the Roman consul Cnaeus Manlius wintered
at Ephesus, in the last year of this Olympiad, and was there visited
by embassies from the Greek cities in Asia and many others, bringing
complimentary crowns to him for his victories over the Gauls. For the
entire inhabitants of Asia this side Taurus were not so much rejoiced
at the prospect given them by Antiochus’s defeat of being relieved from
tribute, garrisons, or other royal exactions, as at the removal of
all fear of the barbarians, and at their escape from their insolence
and lawlessness. Among the rest Musaeus came from Antiochus, and some
envoys from the Gauls, desiring to ascertain the terms upon which
friendship would be granted them; and also from Ariarathes, the king
of Cappadocia. For this latter prince, having attached himself to the
fortunes of Antiochus, and having taken part in his battle with the
Romans, had become alarmed and dismayed for his own fate, and therefore
was endeavouring by frequent embassies to ascertain what he would have
to pay or do to get pardon for his error. The Consul complimented the
ambassadors from the cities, and dismissed them after a very favourable
reception; but he replied to the Gauls that he would not make a treaty
with them until king Eumenes, whom he expected, had arrived. To the
envoys from Ariarathes he said that they might have peace on the
payment of six hundred talents. With the ambassador of Antiochus he
arranged that he would come with his army to the frontier of Pamphylia,
to receive the two thousand five hundred talents, and the corn with
which the king had undertaken to furnish the Roman soldiers before
his treaty with Lucius Scipio. This business being thus settled, he
solemnly purified his army; and, as the season for military operations
was now beginning, he broke up his quarters, and, taking Attalus with
him, arrived at Apameia in eight days’ march, and remained there three
days. On the fourth he continued his advance; and, pushing on at great
speed, arrived on the third day at the rendezvous with Antiochus, and
there pitched his camp. Here he was visited by Musaeus, who begged
him to wait, as the carts and cattle that were bringing the corn and
money were late. He consented to wait: and, when the supply arrived, he
distributed the corn among the soldiers, and handed over the money to
one of his tribunes, with orders to convey it to Apameia.
[Sidenote: A faithful officer at Perga.]
+44.+ He himself started in full force for Perga, where he heard that
a commander of a garrison placed in that town by Antiochus had neither
left it himself nor withdrawn his garrison. When he came within a
short distance of the place he was met by the captain of the garrison,
who begged Cnaeus not to condemn him unheard. “He had received the
city from Antiochus in trust, and was holding it until he should be
instructed what to do by the sovereign who had entrusted it to him.”
And he therefore begged for thirty days’ respite, to enable him to
send and ask the king for instructions. Observing that Antiochus was
behaving straightforwardly in other particulars, Cnaeus consented to
allow him to send and ask the king the question. After some days the
officer accordingly received an answer, and surrendered the city.
[Sidenote: Summer, B.C. 188. The ten Roman commissioners arrive in
Asia. See ch. 24.]
About this time, just at the beginning of summer, the ten commissioners
and king Eumenes arrived by sea at Ephesus; and, after giving
themselves two days to recover from the voyage, proceeded up the
country to Apameia. When their arrival was known to Cnaeus Manlius, he
sent his brother Lucius with four thousand men to Oroanda (in Pisidia),
as a forcible hint that they must pay the money owing, in accordance
with the terms agreed on; while he himself marched his army at full
speed to meet Eumenes and the commissioners. On his arrival he found
the king and the ten commissioners, and immediately held a consultation
with them on the measures to be taken. The first resolution come to was
to confirm the sworn agreement and treaty with Antiochus, about which
I need say no more, beyond giving the actual text of the treaty, which
was as follows:—
[Sidenote: Text of the treaty between Antiochus and Rome.]
+45.+ “There shall be perpetual peace between Antiochus and the Romans
if he fulfils the provisions of the treaty.
“Neither Antiochus nor any subject to him shall allow any to pass
through their territories to attack the Romans or their allies, nor
supply them with aught. Neither shall the Romans or their allies do the
like for those attacking Antiochus or those subject to him.
“Antiochus shall not wage war upon the Islanders or the dwellers in
Europe.
“He shall evacuate all cities and territory (this side Taurus[113]).
His soldiers shall take nothing out with them except the arms they are
carrying. If they chance to have taken anything away they shall restore
it to the same cities.
“He shall receive neither soldiers nor other men from the territory of
king Eumenes.
“If there be any men in the army of Antiochus coming from any of the
cities taken over by the Romans, he shall deliver them up at Apameia.
“If there be any from the kingdom of Antiochus with the Romans or their
allies, they may remain or depart as they choose.
“Antiochus and those subject to him shall give back the slaves,
captives, and deserters of the Romans or their allies and any captive
received from any quarter. Antiochus shall give up, if it be within
his power so to do, Hannibal, son of Hamilcar, the Carthaginian,
Mnesilochus the Acarnanian, Thoas the Aetolian, Euboulidas and Philo
the Chalcidians, and such of the Aetolians as have held national
offices.
“Antiochus shall give up all his elephants, and shall have none
henceforth.
“Antiochus shall surrender his ships of war, their tackle, and
fittings, and henceforth have only ten decked ships. He shall not have
a vessel rowed by thirty oars, [or by less][114] for purposes of war
begun by himself.
“He shall not sail west of the river Calycadnus and the promontory of
Sarpedon, except to convey tribute or ambassadors or hostages.
“It shall not be lawful for Antiochus to enlist soldiers or receive
exiles from the territory subject to Rome.
“Such houses as belonged to the Rhodians or their allies, in the
territory subject to Antiochus, shall continue to belong to the
Rhodians as before the war: any money owed to them shall still be
recoverable: and any property left behind by them, if sought for, shall
be restored.
“The Rhodians shall, as before the war, be free from tribute.
“If Antiochus has given any of the towns to others which he is bound to
restore, he shall remove from them also his garrisons and men. And if
any shall wish hereafter to desert to him, he shall not receive them.
“Antiochus shall pay to the Romans ten thousand talents, in ten yearly
instalments, of the best Attic silver, each talent to weigh not less
than eighty Roman pounds, and ninety thousand medimni of corn.
“Antiochus shall pay to king Eumenes three hundred and fifty talents
in the five years next following, in yearly instalments of seventy
talents; and in lieu of the corn, according to the valuation of
Antiochus himself, one hundred and twenty-seven talents, two hundred
and eight drachmae, which sum Eumenes has consented to accept ‘as
satisfying his claims.’
“Antiochus shall give twenty hostages, not less than eighteen nor more
than forty-five years old, and change them every three years.
“If there be in any year a deficit in the instalment paid, Antiochus
shall make it good in the next year.
“If any of the cities or nations, against whom it has been hereby
provided that Antiochus should not make war, should commence war
against him, it shall be lawful for Antiochus to war with them; but of
such nations and cities he shall not have sovereignty nor attach them
as friends to himself.
“Such complaints as arise between the parties to this treaty shall be
referred to arbitration.
“If both parties agree in wishing anything to be added to or taken from
this treaty, it shall be lawful so to do.”
[Sidenote: Burning of Antiochus’s ships at Patara in Lycia.]
+46.+ Immediately after this treaty had been solemnly sworn to, the
proconsul Cnaeus sent Quintus Minucius Thermus and his brother Lucius,
who had just brought the money from Oroanda to Syria, with orders to
receive the oath from the king, and confirm the several clauses of the
treaty. And to Quintus Fabius Labeo, who was in command of the fleet,
he sent a despatch ordering him to sail back to Patara, and take over
and burn the ships there....
[Sidenote: Ariarathes V. King of Cappadocia.] +47.+ The proconsul
Cnaeus Manlius made Ariarathes a friend of Rome on receipt of three
hundred talents....
[Sidenote: Final settlement of the affairs of Asia Minor by the
commissioners. B. C. 188.]
+48.+ At Apameia the Proconsul and the ten commissioners, after
listening to all who appealed to them, assigned in the case of disputed
claims to territory, money, or anything else, certain cities in which
the parties might have their claims settled by arbitration. The general
scheme which they drew out was as follows: Those of the autonomous
cities which, having formerly paid tribute to Antiochus, had remained
faithful to Rome, they relieved from tribute altogether. Those that
had been tributary to Attalus they ordered to pay the same tribute to
his successor Eumenes. Such as had abandoned the Roman friendship and
joined Antiochus in the war, they ordered to pay Eumenes the amount of
tribute imposed on them by Antiochus. The people of Colophon, Notium,
Cymae, and Mylae, they freed from tribute. To the Clazomenians, besides
this relief, they gave the Island Drymussa. To the Ephesians they
restored the sacred district which they had been obliged by the enemy
to evacuate....[115] To the people of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae,
besides other marks of honour, they assigned the territory which
they severally expressed a wish to have at the time, and alleged was
their right, from regard for their loyalty and zeal which they had
shown to Rome during the war. To the Phocaeans they restored their
ancestral city and the territory which they possessed of old. They
next transacted business with the Rhodians, giving them Lycia and
Caria up to the river Maeander, except Telmissus. As to king Eumenes
and his brothers, not content with the liberal provision made for them
in their treaty with Antiochus, they now assigned him in addition
the Chersonese, Lysimacheia, and the castles on the borders of these
districts, and such country as had been subject to Antiochus in Europe;
and in Asia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, Great Phrygia, so much of Mysia
as he had before subjugated, Lycaonia, Milyas, Lydia, Tralles, Ephesus,
and Telmissus: all these they gave to Eumenes. As to Pamphylia, Eumenes
alleged that it was on this side Taurus, the ambassadors of Antiochus
on the other; and the commissioners feeling unable to decide, referred
the question to the Senate. Having thus decided the largest number and
most important of the matters brought before them, they started on
the road towards the Hellespont, intending on their journey to still
further secure the settlement arrived at with the Gauls....