EVENTS LEADING TO THE FORMATION OF THE UNION.
Colonial Relations.--Why was union so long delayed? How was it
finally accomplished? These are always questions of great interest to
the student of American government. We note the general indifference
toward union among the colonies before the Revolutionary War. This may
be partially accounted for by the fact that each colony had its own
separate government, and was jealous of all outside interference. Lack
of good roads and methods of travel made extensive communication between
the scattered settlements difficult. Prejudice against strangers, and
especially those of a different religious belief, was common. Bonds of
sympathy, however, between the citizens of different colonies were not
wholly lacking. Their language and customs were mainly English. Their
chief desire was to develop a government according to their own plans.
Common interests were at times created because of the necessity for
providing protection against their Indian, French, and Dutch foes. In
general, we may say, confederation was early brought about through need
for defense, but union has been the result of two centuries and a half
of growth.
Union of the New England Colonies, 1643.--A notable attempt was
made to form a confederation among the colonies in 1643. It is known as
the New England Confederation, and included Massachusetts Bay, New
Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven colonies. Their united energies
were necessary to furnish protection against dangers from the Indians.
The Dutch and French also tended constantly to encroach upon their
rights. The governing body of this confederation was a board of
commissioners. In the annual meetings of the commissioners, two being
sent from each colony, questions of war, relations with the Indians, and
other matters of mutual interest were discussed. But this central
government possessed advisory powers only. The colonies were to provide
for their own local government. The confederation became constantly
weaker, and was finally dissolved in 1684. Seventy years were to elapse
before the call was sent out for a meeting of delegates from all the
colonies at Albany, but the influence of the New England Confederacy was
felt, no doubt, during that period.
The Albany Congress, 1754.--Open hostilities with their enemies
became more and more frequent. From the outbreak of King William's War,
in 1689, to 1754, the date of the Albany Congress, there were at least a
dozen intercolonial conferences called to consider means for the common
defense. Plans for union were also prepared. The most interesting is
that of William Penn. In it the word "Congress" is used for the first
time in connection with American affairs. As the final struggle with
France for the possession of America was about to begin, a "Congress" of
twenty-five of the leading men from seven different colonies met at
Albany. They were called, primarily, for the purpose of making a treaty
with the Iroquois Indians. This object secured, the resolution was then
unanimously adopted that "A union of all the colonies is at present
absolutely necessary for security and defense." Franklin's famous plan
providing for a permanent federation of all the colonies was also
adopted. When submitted to the colonies, it failed to receive the
ratification of a single one. Nor was it acceptable to the English
government. Said Franklin, "The assemblies all thought there was too
much prerogative, and in England it was thought to have too much of the
democratic."
The Stamp Act Congress, 1765.--After the passing of the stamp act
by the English government, the Massachusetts house of representatives
invited the other colonial assemblies to send delegations to a general
congress. Nine colonies responded by sending twenty-eight men to the
congress in New York City, October 7, 1765.[6] During the session of two
weeks, these delegates drafted petitions to the English government and
declared that the rights of the colonists were the same as those of the
natural-born subjects of England. It is noteworthy that representatives
had again assembled on the motion of the colonists themselves. The
growth of common interests was well expressed by Christopher Gadsden of
South Carolina, when he said: "There ought to be no New England man, no
New Yorker, known on the continent; but all of us Americans."
[Footnote 6: Virginia, New Hampshire, Georgia, and North Carolina
sympathized with the movement, but did not send delegates.]
Committees of Correspondence.--Nine years were to go by before the
meeting of another congress, but the colonists were prepared for a
united effort at the end of this period. No sooner were the contents of
the Townshend acts of 1767 known than Massachusetts issued a circular
letter to the other colonies, asking for combined action against all
such unconstitutional measures. The other colonial assemblies agreed
with Massachusetts. Another movement which made the Revolution possible
was begun by Samuel Adams. In November, 1772, he prevailed upon the
Boston town meeting to appoint a committee which should carry on a
correspondence with committees organized in other towns of that colony.
Rights and grievances were the chief subjects for consideration. Other
colonies adopted this plan. Led by Virginia, the idea was carried one
step further, and in 1773 were formed committees of correspondence
between the different colonies. Thus they were prepared for united
action in the First and Second Continental Congresses.
The First Continental Congress, 1774.--When the coercive acts of
1774 had been passed, Massachusetts, now in greatest need, called for a
congress of all the colonies. Delegates from all, Georgia[7] excepted,
assembled at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774. In the Declaration of
Rights, and in the adoption of the Articles of Association, they gave
full expression to colonial sentiment. They commended the resistance of
the people of Massachusetts. They declared that all "America ought to
support them in their opposition," if force should be used in carrying
out the measures of Parliament.
[Footnote 7: Georgia was in sympathy with this movement.]
The Second Continental Congress, 1775.--Before adjourning, the
First Continental Congress provided for the meeting of another congress,
in May, 1775, unless the causes for colonial grievances should be
earlier removed by the English government. But other measures of
repression were quickly passed, and before the Second Continental
Congress met, the battle of Lexington had been fought and the American
forces were blockading Boston. This congress convened in Philadelphia
May 10, 1775, and continued in session, with adjournments from time to
time, until May 1, 1781. All of the colonies were represented. Like
previous congresses, this was, at first, merely an advisory body, but
necessity compelled it to act as a real government. It took control of
military affairs, provided for a currency, threw open American ports to
the ships of all nations, and did whatever else the necessities of the
time seemed to demand. Having been appealed to for advice, this congress
took a most notable position in recommending that new forms of
government should be established in the several States. By the year 1777
ten States had framed new constitutions. It furthered independence by
appointing a committee to draft resolutions based on the ideas of
independence then everywhere present. The Declaration of Independence
was the result.
The Articles of Confederation.--Franklin early saw the need for a
more effective government than that of a revolutionary assembly. On July
21, 1775, he presented to Congress a plan for "perpetual union." Nearly
a year elapsed before a committee was appointed to prepare some form for
confederation to be entered into between the colonies. Another period of
a year and five months was to go by before the report of this committee
was adopted by the Continental Congress. It was then submitted to the
State legislatures for approval. After three years and a half, on March
1, 1781, Maryland, the last State, was induced to ratify the Articles of
Confederation. The adoption of these articles is one of the most
important events in the history of our nation. While the Articles of
Confederation must always be regarded as a weak instrument of
government, we must not forget that the Continental Congress was then
working out problems in the province of government that were almost
wholly new. The solution, faulty as it was, went far to establish the
place of the written Constitution as a basis for government.
Said John Fiske: "Almost everything else in our fundamental
institutions was brought by our forefathers in a more or less
highly developed condition from England; but the development of the
written Constitution, with the consequent relation of the courts to
the law-making power, has gone on entirely upon American soil."
Practical Working of the Government.--Conditions soon proved the
articles unsatisfactory. The States were almost independent of the
central government. There was no separate executive power to enforce,
and no judiciary to interpret the laws. The nation was deep in debt, and
without means for payment. Paper money of the period was worthless, and
debtors were rebellious. Disputes between the various States brought
them to the verge of civil war. Each State had its own system of duties
and imposts, which led to great confusion in commerce. No important
resolution could be passed in Congress without the votes of nine States.
No amendment was possible, except by the votes of all the States.
Congress became constantly weaker as various members resigned to accept
positions under State authority. In that most dangerous period of our
history, extending from 1783 to 1788, aptly called the "critical
period," it became constantly more apparent that government under the
Articles of Confederation was a failure. Fortunately, in this hour of
gloom, there came forward Washington, Hamilton, Madison, and other
leaders, who were prepared, if need be, to make compromises, but who
were determined to preserve the elements of the union already secured.
* * * * *
SUPPLEMENTARY QUESTIONS AND REFERENCES.
1. How was the stamp act regarded in the different colonies as shown by
the addresses made and resolutions offered? Hart, Contemporaries, II,
395-411; Tyler, Patrick Henry (American Statesmen), Chapters 5 and 6.
2. Do you know of other instances in our history where a stamp act has
been passed? How was it regarded? In what ways was it different from
that of 1765?
3. What was the origin of the committees of correspondence and how did
they aid in unification? Sloane, The French War and the Revolution, 161,
162; Hart, Formation of the Union, 57.
4. Analyze the Declaration of Independence, and select from it the
causes for the Revolution.
5. Why was the adoption of the Articles of Confederation so long
delayed? Hart, Contemporaries, II, 539-543; Fiske, The Critical Period,
93, 95; Walker, The Making of the Nation, 6; Hart, Formation of the
Union, 93-95.
6. Read the Articles of Confederation (Appendix B).
(_a_) How was the Congress composed? (Art. V.) (_b_) The number
necessary for a quorum? (Art. X.) (_c_) The powers of Congress? (Art.
IX.) (_d_) Powers of the separate States (Art. VIII.)
7. Defects of the Confederation. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 591-603.
8. What was the attitude toward union during the period 1783-1788? Were
there notable bonds of union even at this time? What other influences
have increased this sentiment? Fiske, Critical Period, 55-63; Walker,
The Making of the Nation, 7, 8.
9. President Roosevelt said, in an address delivered April 9, 1902, at
Charleston, S.C., "When four years ago this nation was compelled to face
a foreign foe, the completeness of the reunion became instantly and
strikingly evident." What is his meaning? How does the statement
illustrate the point emphasized in this chapter, that a common danger
produces union?
10. Describe the character of the money used in 1783 and succeeding
years. What was its influence? Fiske, Critical Period, 162-186.