[_Continuation by Dr. Stuber._[15]]
Dr. Franklin having mentioned his electrical discoveries only in a very
transient manner in the preceding memoirs, some farther account of them
cannot fail to be interesting.
He engaged in a course of electrical experiments with all the ardour and
thirst for discovery which characterized the philosophers of that day.
Of all the branches of experimental philosophy, electricity had been
least explored. The attractive power of amber is mentioned by
Theophrastus and Pliny, and from them by later naturalists. In the year
1600, Gilbert, an English physician, enlarged considerably the catalogue
of substances which have the property of attracting light bodies.
Boyle, Otto Guericke, a burgomaster of Magdeburg, celebrated as the
inventor of the airpump, Dr. Wall, and Sir Isaac Newton, added some
facts. Guericke first observed the repulsive power of electricity, and
the light and noise produced by it. In 1709, Hawkesbec communicated some
important observations and experiments to the world. For several years
electricity was entirely neglected, until Mr. Grey applied himself to
it, in 1728, with great assiduity. He and his friend Mr. Wheeler made a
great variety of experiments; in which they demonstrated that
electricity may be communicated from one body to another, even without
being in contact, and in this way may be conducted to a great distance.
Mr. Grey afterward found that, by suspending rods of iron by silk or
hair lines, and bringing an excited tube under them, sparks might be
drawn, and a light perceived at the extremities in the dark. M. du Faye,
intendant of the French king's gardens, made a number of experiments,
which added not a little to the science. He made the discovery of two
kinds of electricity, which he called _vitreous_ and _resinous_; the
former produced by rubbing glass, the latter from excited sulphur,
sealing-wax, &c. But this idea he afterward gave up as erroneous.
Between the year 1739 and 1742, Desauguliers made a number of
experiments, but added little of importance. He first used the terms
_conductors and electrics per se_. In 1742, several ingenious Germans
engaged in this subject; of these the principal were, Professor Boze, of
Wittemberg, Professor Winkler, of Leipsic, Gordon, a Scotch Benedictine
monk, professor of philosophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf, of Berlin. The
result of their researches astonished the philosophers of Europe. Their
apparatus was large, and by means of it they were enabled to collect
large quantities of the electric fluid, and thus to produce phenomena
which had been hitherto unobserved. They killed small birds, and set
spirits on fire. Their experiments excited the curiosity of other
philosophers. Collinson, about the year 1745, sent to the Library
Company of Philadelphia an account of these experiments, together with a
tube, and directions how to use it. Franklin, with some of his friends,
immediately engaged in a course of experiments, the result of which is
well known. He was enabled to make a number of important discoveries,
and to propose theories to account for various phenomena; which have
been universally adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His
observations he communicated in a series of letters, to his friend
Collinson, the first of which is dated March 28, 1747. In these he shows
the power of points in draining and throwing off the electrical matter,
which had hitherto escaped the notice of electricians. He also made the
grand discovery of a _plus_ and _minus_, or of a _positive_ and
_negative_ state of electricity. We give him the honour of this without
hesitation, although the English have claimed it for their countryman,
Dr. Watson. Watson's paper is dated January 21, 1748; Franklin's July
11, 1747; several months prior. Shortly after, Franklin, from his
principles of the plus and minus state, explained, in a satisfactory
manner, the phenomena of the Leyden vial, first observed by Mr. Cuneus,
or by Professor Muschenbroeck, of Leyden, which had much perplexed
philosophers. He showed clearly that the bottle, when charged, contained
no more electricity than before, but that as much was taken from one
side as was thrown on the other; and that, to discharge it, nothing was
necessary but to produce a communication between the two sides by which
the equilibrium might be restored, and that then no signs of electricity
would remain. He afterward demonstrated, by experiments, that the
electricity did not reside in the coating, as had been supposed, but in
the pores of the glass itself. After a vial was charged, he removed the
coating, and found that, upon applying a new coating, the shock might
still be received. In the year 1749, he first suggested his idea of
explaining the phenomena of thunder-gusts, and of the aurora borealis,
upon electrical principles. He points out many particulars in which
lightning and electricity agree: and he adduces many facts, and
reasonings from facts, in support of his positions. In the same year he
conceived the astonishingly bold and grand idea of ascertaining the
truth of his doctrine by actually drawing down the lightning, by means
of sharp-pointed iron rods raised into the region of the clouds. Even in
this uncertain state, his passion to be useful to mankind displays
itself in a powerful manner. Admitting the identity of electricity and
lightning, and knowing the power of points in repelling bodies charged
with electricity, and in conducting their fire silently and
imperceptibly, he suggested the idea of securing houses, ships, &c.,
from being damaged by lightning, by erecting pointed rods, that should
rise some feet above the most elevated part, and descend some feet into
the ground or the water. The effect of these, he concluded, would be
either to prevent a stroke by repelling the cloud beyond the striking
distance, or by drawing off the electrical fire which it contained; or,
if they could not effect this, they would at least conduct the electric
matter to the earth, without injury to the building.
It was not until the summer of 1752 that he was enabled to complete his
grand and unparalleled discovery by experiment. The plan which he had
originally proposed was to erect on some high tower or other elevated
place a sentry-box, from which should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated
by being fixed in a cake of resin. Electrified clouds passing over this
would, he conceived, impart to it a portion of their electricity, which
would be rendered evident to the senses by sparks being emitted when a
key, the knuckle, or other conductor was presented to it. Philadelphia
at this time afforded no opportunity of trying an experiment of this
kind. While Franklin was waiting for the erection of a spire, it
occurred to him that he might have more ready access to the region of
clouds by means of a common kite. He prepared one by fastening two cross
sticks to a silk handkerchief, which would not suffer so much from the
rain as paper. To the upright stick was affixed an iron point. The
string was, as usual, of hemp, except the lower end, which was silk.
Where the hempen string terminated a key was fastened. With this
apparatus, on the appearance of a thunder-gust approaching, he went out
into the commons, accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicated
his intentions, well knowing the ridicule which, too generally for the
interest of science, awaits unsuccessful experiments in philosophy. He
placed himself under a shade to avoid the rain; his kite was raised; a
thunder-cloud passed over it; no sign of electricity appeared. He almost
despaired of success, when, suddenly, he observed the loose fibres of
his string to move towards an erect position. He now presented his
knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. How exquisite must his
sensations have been at this moment! On this experiment depended the
fate of his theory. If he succeeded, his name would rank high among
those who had improved science; if he failed, he must inevitably be
subjected to the derision of mankind, or, what is worse, their pity, as
a well-meaning man, but a weak, silly projector. The anxiety with which
he looked for the result of his experiment may be easily conceived.
Doubts and despair had begun to prevail, when the fact was ascertained
in so clear a manner, that even the most incredulous could no longer
withhold their assent. Repeated sparks were drawn from the key, a vial
was charged, a shock given, and all the experiments made which are
usually performed with electricity.
About a month before this period, some ingenious Frenchman had completed
the discovery in the manner originally proposed by Dr. Franklin. The
letters which he sent to Mr. Collinson, it is said, were refused a place
in the Transactions of the Royal Society of London. However this may be,
Collinson published them in a separate volume, under the title of "New
Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia, in
America." They were read with avidity, and soon translated into
different languages. A very incorrect French translation fell into the
hands of the celebrated Buffon, who, notwithstanding the disadvantages
under which the work laboured, was much pleased with it, and repeated
the experiments with success. He prevailed on his friend, M. D'Alibard,
to give his countrymen a more correct translation of the works of the
American electrician. This contributed much towards spreading a
knowledge of Franklin's principles in France. The king, Louis XV.,
hearing of these experiments, expressed a wish to be a spectator of
them. A course of experiments was given at the seat of the Duc D'Ayen,
at St. Germain, by M. de Lor. The applauses which the king bestowed upon
Franklin excited in Buffon, D'Alibard, and De Lor, an earnest desire of
ascertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-gust. Buffon erected his
apparatus on the tower of Monthar, M. D'Alibard at Mary-la-ville, and De
Lor at his house in the _Estrapade_ at Paris, some of the highest ground
in that capital. D'Alibard's machine first showed signs of electricity.
On the 10th of May, 1752, a thunder-cloud passed it, in the absence of
M'Alibard, and a number of sparks were drawn from it by Coiffier, a
joiner, with whom D'Alibard had left directions how to proceed, and by
M. Raulet the prior of Mary-la-ville. An account of this experiment was
given to the Royal Academy of Sciences, by M. D'Alibard, in a memoir,
dated May 13, 1752. On the 18th of May, M. de Lor proved equally
successful with the apparatus erected at his own house. These
philosophers soon excited those of other parts of Europe to repeat the
experiment, among whom none signalized themselves more than Father
Beccaria, of Turin, to whose observations science is much indebted. Even
the cold regions of Russia were penetrated by the ardour for discovery.
Professor Richman bade fair to add much to the stock of knowledge on
this subject, when an unfortunate flash from his conductor put a period
to his existence. The friends of science will long remember with regret
the amiable martyr to electricity.
By these experiments Franklin's theory was established in the most
convincing manner. When the truth of it could no longer be doubted, envy
and vanity endeavoured to detract from its merit. That an American, an
inhabitant of the obscure city of Philadelphia, the name of which was
hardly known, should be able to make discoveries and to frame theories
which had escaped the notice of the enlightened philosophers of Europe,
was too mortifying to be admitted. He must certainly have taken the idea
from some one else. An American, a being of an inferior order, make
discoveries! Impossible. It was said that the Abbe Nollet, 1748, had
suggested the idea of the similarity of lightning and electricity in his
_Lecons de Physique_. It is true that the abbe mentions the idea, but he
throws it out as a bare conjecture, and proposes no mode of ascertaining
the truth of it. He himself acknowledges that Franklin first entertained
the bold thought of bringing lightning from the heavens, by means of
pointed rods fixed in the air. The similarity of lightning and
electricity is so strong, that we need not be surprised at notice being
taken of it as soon as electrical phenomena became familiar. We find it
mentioned by Dr. Wall and Mr. Grey, while the science was in its
infancy. But the honor of forming a regular theory of thunder-gusts, of
suggesting a mode of determining the truth of it by experiments, and of
putting these experiments in practice, and thus establishing the theory
upon a firm and solid basis, is incontestibly due to Franklin.
D'Alibard, who made the first experiments in France, says that he only
followed the tract which Franklin had pointed out.
It has been of late asserted, that the honour of completing the
experiment with the electrical kite does not belong to Franklin. Some
late English paragraphs have attributed it to some Frenchman, whose name
they do not mention: and the Abbe Bertholon gives it to M. de Romas,
assessor to the presideal of Nerac: the English paragraphs probably
refer to the same person. But a very slight attention will convince us
of the injustice of this procedure: Dr. Franklin's experiment was made
in June, 1752, and his letter, giving an account of it, is dated October
19, 1752. M. de Romas made his first attempt on the 14th of May, 1753,
but was not successful until the 7th of June, a year after Franklin had
completed the discovery, and when it was known to all the philosophers
in Europe.
Besides these great principles, Franklin's letters on electricity
contain a number of facts and hints which have contributed greatly
towards reducing this branch of knowledge to a science. His friend, Mr.
Kinnersley, communicated to him a discovery of the different kinds of
electricity, excited by rubbing glass and sulphur. This, we have said,
was first observed by M. du Faye, but it was for many years neglected.
The philosophers were disposed to account for the phenomena rather from
a difference in the quantity of electricity collected, and even Du Faye
himself seems at last to have adopted this doctrine. Franklin at first
entertained the same idea; but, upon repeating the experiment, he
perceived that Mr. Kinnersley was right; and that the _vitreous_ and
_resinous_ electricity of Du Faye were nothing more than the _positive_
and _negative_ states which he had before observed; and that the glass
globe charged _positively_, or increased the quantity of electricity on
the prime conductor, while the globe of sulphur diminishes its natural
quantity, or charged _negatively_. These experiments and observations
opened a new field for investigation, upon which electricians entered
with avidity, and their labours have added much to the stock of our
knowledge.
In September, 1752, Franklin entered upon a course of experiments to
determine the state of electricity in the clouds. From a number of
experiments he formed this conclusion: "That the clouds of a
thunder-gust are most commonly in a negative state of electricity, but
sometimes in a positive state;" and from this it follows, as a necessary
consequence, "that, for the most part, in thunder-strokes, it is the
earth that strikes into the clouds, and not the clouds that strike into
the earth." The letter containing these observations is dated in
September, 1753; and yet the discovery of ascending thunder has been
said to be of a modern date, and has been attributed to the Abbe
Bertholon, who published his memoir on the subject in 1776.
Franklin's letters have been translated into most of the European
languages and into Latin. In proportion as they have become known, his
principles have been adopted. Some opposition was made to his theories,
particularly by the Abbe Nollet, who was, however, feebly supported,
while the first philosophers in Europe stepped forth in defence of
Franklin's principles, among whom D'Alibard and Beccaria were the most
distinguished. The opposition has gradually ceased, and the Franklinian
system is now universally adopted where science flourishes.
The important practical use which Franklin made of his discoveries, the
securing of houses from injury by lightning, has been already mentioned.
Pointed conductors are now very common in America; but prejudice has
hitherto prevented their general introduction into Europe,
notwithstanding the most undoubted proofs of their utility have been
given. But mankind can with difficulty be brought to lay aside
established practices, or to adopt new ones. And perhaps we have more
reason to be surprised that a practice, however rational, which was
proposed about forty years ago, should in that time have been adopted in
so many places, than that it has not universally prevailed. It is only
by degrees that the great body of mankind can be led into new practices,
however salutary their tendency. It is now nearly eighty years since
inoculation was introduced into Europe and America; and it is so far
from being general at present, that it will require one or two centuries
to render it so.
The disputes between the proprietaries and the people of the province
continued in full force, although a war was raging on the frontiers. Not
even the sense of danger was sufficient to reconcile, for ever so short
a time, their jarring interests. The Assembly still insisted upon the
justice of taxing the proprietary estates; but the governors constantly
refused their assent to this measure, without which no bill could pass
into a law. Enraged at the obstinacy, and what they conceived to be the
unjust proceedings of their opponents, the Assembly at length determined
to apply to the mother country for relief. A petition was addressed to
the king in council, stating the inconveniences under which the
inhabitants laboured, from the attention of the proprietaries to their
private interest, to the neglect of the general welfare of the
community, and praying for redress. Franklin was appointed to present
this address, as agent for the province of Pennsylvania, and departed
from America in June, 1757. In conformity to the instructions which he
had received from the legislature, he held a conference with the
proprietaries who then resided in England, and endeavoured to prevail
upon them to give up the long-contested point. Finding that they would
hearken to no terms of accommodation, he laid his petition before the
council. During this time Governor Denny assented to a law imposing a
tax, in which no discrimination was made in favour of the estates of the
Penn family. They, alarmed at this intelligence and Franklin's
exertions, used their utmost endeavours to prevent the royal sanction
being given to this law, which they represented as highly iniquitous,
designed to throw the burden of supporting government upon them, and
calculated to produce the most ruinous consequences to them and their
posterity. The cause was amply discussed before the privy council. The
Penns found here some strenuous advocates; nor were there wanting some
who warmly espoused the side of the people. After some time spent in
debate, a proposal was made that Franklin should solemnly engage that
the assessment of the tax should be so made as that the proprietary
estates should pay no more than a due proportion. This he agreed to
perform, the Penn family withdrew their opposition, and tranquillity was
thus once more restored to the province.
The mode in which this dispute was terminated is a striking proof of the
high opinion entertained of Franklin's integrity and honour, even by
those who considered him as inimical to their views. Nor was their
confidence ill-founded. The assessment was made upon the strictest
principle of equity; and the proprietary estates bore only a
proportionable share of the expenses of supporting government.
After the completion of this important business, Franklin remained at
the court of Great Britain as agent for the province of Pennsylvania.
The extensive knowledge which he possessed of the situation of the
colonies, and the regard which he always manifested for their interests,
occasioned his appointment to the same office by the colonies of
Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. His conduct, in this situation,
was such as rendered him still more dear to his countrymen.
He had now an opportunity of indulging in the society of those friends
whom his merits had procured him while at a distance. The regard which
they had entertained for him was rather increased by a personal
acquaintance. The opposition which had been made to his discoveries in
philosophy gradually ceased, and the rewards of literary merit were
abundantly conferred upon him. The Royal Society of London, which had at
first refused his performances admission into its transactions, now
thought it an honour to rank him among its fellows. Other societies of
Europe were equally ambitious of calling him a member. The University of
St. Andrew, in Scotland, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of
Laws. Its example was followed by the Universities of Edinburgh and
Oxford. His correspondence was sought for by the most eminent
philosophers of Europe. His letters to these abound with true science,
delivered in the most simple, unadorned manner.
The province of Canada was at this time in the possession of the French,
who had originally settled it. The trade with the Indians, for which its
situation was very convenient, was exceedingly lucrative. The French
traders here found a market for their commodities, and received in
return large quantities of rich furs, which they disposed of at a high
price in Europe. While the possession of this country was highly
advantageous to France, it was a grievous inconvenience to the
inhabitants of the British colonies. The Indians were almost generally
desirous to cultivate the friendship of the French, by whom they were
abundantly supplied with arms and ammunition. Whenever a war happened,
the Indians were ready to fall upon the frontiers; and this they
frequently did, even when Great Britain and France were at peace. From
these considerations, it appeared to be the interest of Great Britain to
gain the possession of Canada. But the importance of such an acquisition
was not well understood in England. Franklin about this time published
his Canada pamphlet, in which he, in a very forcible manner, pointed out
the advantages which would result from the conquest of this province.
An expedition against it was planned, and the command given to General
Wolfe. His success is well known. At the treaty in 1762, France ceded
Canada to Great Britain; and by her cession of Louisiana, at the same
time, relinquished all her possessions on the continent of America.
Although Dr. Franklin was now principally occupied with political
pursuits, he found time for philosophical studies. He extended his
electrical researches, and made a variety of experiments, particularly
on the tourmalin. The singular properties which this stone possesses, of
being electrified on one side positively, and on the other negatively,
by heat alone, without friction, had been but lately observed.
Some experiments on the cold produced by evaporation, made by Dr.
Cullen, had been communicated to Dr. Franklin by Professor Simpson, of
Glasgow. These he repeated, and found that, by the evaporation of ether
in the exhausted receiver of an airpump, so great a degree of cold was
produced in a summer's day, that water was converted into ice. This
discovery he applied to the solution of a number of phenomena,
particularly a single fact, which philosophers had endeavoured in vain
to account for, viz., that the temperature of the human body, when in
health, never exceeds 96 degrees of Fahrenheit's thermometer, although
the atmosphere which surrounds it may be heated to a much greater
degree. This he attributed to the increased perspiration and consequent
evaporation produced by the heat.
In a letter to Mr. Small, of London, dated in May, 1760, Dr. Franklin
makes a number of observations, tending to show that, in North America,
northeast storms begin in the southwest parts. It appears, from actual
observations, that a northeast storm, which extended a considerable
distance, commenced at Philadelphia nearly four hours before it was felt
at Boston. He endeavoured to account for this by supposing that, from
heat, some rarefication takes place about the Gulf of Mexico; that the
air farther north, being cooler, rushes in, and is succeeded by the
cooler and denser air still farther north, and that thus a continued
current is at length produced.
The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drinking-glass with a wet
finger had been generally known. A Mr. Puckeridge, an Irishman, by
placing on a table a number of glasses of different sizes, and tuning
them, by partly filling them with water, endeavoured to form an
instrument capable of playing tunes. He was prevented, by an untimely
end, from bringing his invention to any degree of perfection. After his
death some improvements were made upon his plan. The sweetness of the
tones induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experiments; and he at
length formed that elegant instrument which he has called the
_Armonica_.
In the summer of 1762 he returned to America. On his passage he observed
the singular effect produced by the agitation of a vessel containing
oil floating on water. The surface of the oil remains smooth and
undisturbed, while the water is agitated with the utmost commotion. No
satisfactory explanation of this appearance has, we believe, ever been
given.
Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, "as
well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in
particular, as for the many and important services done to America in
general during his residence in Great Britain." A compensation of
5000_l._, Pennsylvania currency, was also decreed him for his service
during six years.
During his absence he had been annually elected member of the Assembly.
On his return to Pennsylvania he again took his seat in this body, and
continued a steady defender of the liberties of the people.
In December, 1762, a circumstance which caused great alarm in the
province took place. A number of Indians had resided in the county of
Lancaster, and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to the white
inhabitants. Repeated depredations on the frontiers had exasperated the
inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined on revenge upon every
Indian. A number of persons, to the amount of about 120, principally
inhabitants of Donegal and Peckstang, or Paxton, townships, in the
county of York, assembled, and, mounted on horseback, proceeded to the
settlement of these harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number had
now been reduced to about twenty. The Indians received intelligence of
the attack which was intended against them, but disbelieved it.
Considering the white people as their friends, they apprehended no
danger from them. When the party arrived at the Indian settlement, they
found only some women and children, and a few old men, the rest being
absent at work. They murdered all whom they found, and among others the
chief Shaheas, who had been always distinguished for his friendship to
the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the
well-disposed part of the community.
The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who, by absence, had escaped
the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the jail as a
place of security. The governor issued a proclamation, expressing the
strongest disapprobation of the action, offering a reward for the
discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries
to the peaceable Indians in future. But, notwithstanding this, a party
of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the jail,
and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there
for security. Another proclamation was issued, but it had no effect. A
detachment marched down to Philadelphia for the express purpose of
murdering some friendly Indians, who had been removed to the city for
safety. A number of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers,
whose principles are opposed to fighting, even in their own defence,
were most active upon this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. The
governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with some
others, advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had
influence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish their undertaking
and return to their homes.
The disputes between the proprietaries and the Assembly, which for a
time had subsided, were again revived. The proprietaries were
dissatisfied with the concessions made in favour of the people, and made
great struggles to recover the privilege of exempting their estates from
taxation, which they had been induced to give up.
In 1763 the Assembly passed a militia bill, to which the governor
refused to give his assent, unless the Assembly would agree to certain
amendments which he proposed. These consisted in increasing the fines,
and, in some cases, substituting death for fines. He wished, too, that
the officers should be appointed altogether by himself, and not be
nominated by the people, as the bill had proposed. These amendments the
Assembly considered as inconsistent with the spirit of liberty. They
would not adopt them; the governor was obstinate, and the bill was lost.
These, and various other circumstances, increased the uneasiness which
subsisted between the proprietaries and the Assembly, to such a degree
that, in 1764, a petition to the king was agreed to by the house,
praying an alteration from a _proprietary_ to a _regal_ government.
Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house, but in
the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickenson on the subject was
published, with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken
to show the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Mr.
Golloway, in reply to Mr. Dickenson, was published, accompanied with a
preface by Dr. Franklin, in which he ably opposed the principles laid
down in the preface to Mr. Dickenson's speech. This application to the
throne produced no effect. The proprietary government was still
continued.
At the election for a new Assembly, in the fall of 1764, the friends of
the proprietaries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse
party; and they obtained a small majority in the city of Philadelphia.
Franklin now lost his seat in the house, which he had held for fourteen
years. On the meeting of the Assembly it appeared that there was still a
decided majority of Franklin's friends. He was immediately appointed
provincial agent, to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a solemn
protest against this appointment: which was refused admission upon the
minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, published in the
papers, and produced a spirited reply from him, just before his
departure for England.
The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's stamp-act, and
the opposition made to it, are well known. Under the Marquis of
Rockingham's administration, it appeared expedient to endeavour to calm
the minds of the colonists, and the repeal of the odious tax was
contemplated. Among other means of collecting information on the
disposition of the people to submit to it, Dr. Franklin was called to
the bar of the House of Commons. The examination which he here underwent
was published, and contains a striking proof of the extent and accuracy
of his information, and the facility with which he communicated his
sentiments. He represented facts in so strong a point of view, that the
expediency of the act must have appeared clear to every unprejudiced
mind. The act, after some opposition, was repealed, about a year after
it was enacted, and before it had ever been carried into execution.
In the year 1766, he made a visit to Holland and Germany, and received
the greatest marks of attention from men of science. In his passage
through Holland, he learned from the watermen the effect which a
diminution of the quantity of water in canals has in impeding the
progress of boats. Upon his return to England, he was led to make a
number of experiments, all of which tended to confirm the observation.
These, with an explanation of the phenomenon, he communicated in a
letter to his friend, Sir John Pringle, which is among his philosophical
pieces.
In the following year he travelled into France, where he met with a no
less favourable reception than he had experienced in Germany. He was
introduced to a number of literary characters, and to the king, Louis
XV.
Several letters, written by Hutchinson, Oliver, and others, to persons
in eminent stations in Great Britain, came into the hands of Dr.
Franklin. These contained the most violent invectives against the
leading characters of the State of Massachusetts, and strenuously
advised the prosecution of vigorous measures to compel the people to
obedience to the measures of the ministry. These he transmitted to the
legislature, by whom they were published. Attested copies of them were
sent to Great Britain, with an address, praying the king to discharge
from office persons who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the people,
and who had shown themselves so unfriendly to their interests. The
publication of these letters produced a duel between Mr. Whately and Mr.
Temple; each of whom was suspected of having been instrumental in
procuring them. To prevent any farther disputes on this subject, Dr.
Franklin, in one of the public papers, declared that he had sent them to
America, but would give no information concerning the manner in which he
had obtained them; nor was this ever discovered.
Shortly after, the petition of the Massachusetts Assembly was taken up
for examination before the privy council. Dr. Franklin attended as agent
for the Assembly; and here a torrent of the most violent and unwarranted
abuse was poured upon him by the solicitor-general, Wedderburne, who was
engaged as counsel for Oliver and Hutchinson. The petition was declared
to be scandalous and vexatious, and the prayer of it refused.
Although the parliament of Great Britain had repealed the stamp-act, it
was only upon the principle of expediency. They still insisted upon
their right to tax the colonies; and, at the same time that the
stamp-act was repealed, an act was passed declaring the right of
parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatever. This language was
used even by most strenuous opposers of the stamp-act, and, among
others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never recognised by the colonists;
but, as they flattered themselves that it would not be exercised, they
were not very active in remonstrating against it. Had this pretended
right been suffered to remain dormant, the colonists would cheerfully
have furnished their quota of supplies, in the mode to which they had
been accustomed; that is, by acts of their own assemblies, in
consequence of requisitions from the secretary of state. If this
practice had been pursued, such was the disposition of the colonies
towards their mother country, that, notwithstanding the disadvantages
under which they laboured, from restraints upon their trade, calculated
solely for the benefit of the commercial and manufacturing interests of
Great Britain, a separation of the two countries might have been a far
distant event. The Americans, from their earliest infancy, were taught
to venerate a people from whom they were descended; whose language,
laws, and manners were the same as their own. They looked up to them as
models of perfection; and, in their prejudiced minds, the most
enlightened nations of Europe were considered as almost barbarians in
comparison with Englishmen. The name of an Englishman conveyed to an
American the idea of everything good and great. Such sentiments
instilled into them in early life, what but a repetition of unjust
treatment could have induced them to entertain the most distant thought
of separation! The duties on glass, paper, leather, painters' colours,
tea, &c., the disfranchisement of some of the colonies, the obstruction
to the measures of the legislature in others by the king's governors,
the contemptuous treatment of their humble remonstrances, stating their
grievances, and praying a redress of them, and other violent and
oppressive measures, at length excited an ardent spirit of opposition.
Instead of endeavouring to allay this by a more lenient conduct, the
ministry seemed resolutely bent upon reducing the colonies to the most
slavish obedience to their decrees. But this only tended to aggravate.
Vain were all the efforts made use of to prevail upon them to lay aside
their designs, to convince them of the impossibility of carrying them
into effect, and of the mischievous consequences which must ensue from
the continuance of the attempt. They persevered with a degree of
inflexibility scarcely paralleled.
The advantages which Great Britain derived from her colonies was so
great, that nothing but a degree of infatuation little short of madness
could have produced a continuance of measures calculated to keep up a
spirit of uneasiness, which might occasion the slightest wish for a
separation. When we consider the great improvements in the science of
government, the general diffusion of the principles of liberty among the
people of Europe, the effects which these have already produced in
France, and the probable consequences which will result from them
elsewhere, all of which are the offspring of the American revolution, it
cannot but appear strange that events of so great moment to the
happiness of mankind should have been ultimately occasioned by the
wickedness or ignorance of a British ministry.
Dr. Franklin left nothing untried to prevail upon the ministry to
consent to a change of measures. In private conversations, and in
letters to persons in government, he continually expatiated upon the
impolicy and injustice of their conduct towards America; and stated
that, notwithstanding the attachment of the colonists to the mother
country, a repetition of ill-treatment must ultimately alienate their
affections. They listened not to his advice. They blindly persevered in
their own schemes, and left to the colonists no alternative but
opposition or unconditional submission. The latter accorded not with
the principles of freedom which they had been taught to revere. To the
former they were compelled, though reluctantly, to have recourse.
Dr. Franklin finding all efforts to restore harmony between Great
Britain and her colonies useless, returned to America in the year 1775,
just after the commencement of hostilities. The day after his return, he
was elected by the legislature of Pennsylvania a delegate to Congress.
Not long after his election, a committee was appointed, consisting of
Mr. Lynch, Mr. Harrison, and himself, to visit the camp at Cambridge,
and, in conjunction with the commander-in-chief, to endeavour to
convince the troops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of
the necessity of their continuing in the field, and persevering in the
cause of their country.
In the fall of the same year he visited Canada, to endeavour to unite
them in the common cause of liberty; but they could not be prevailed
upon to oppose the measures of the British government. M. le Roy, in a
letter annexed to Abbe Fauchett's eulogium of Dr. Franklin, states that
the ill success of this negotiation was occasioned in a great degree by
religious animosities, which subsisted between the Canadians and their
neighbours, some of whom had, at different times, burned their chapels.
When Lord Howe came to America in 1776, vested with power to treat with
the colonists, a correspondence took place between him and Dr. Franklin
on the subject of a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin was afterward
appointed, together with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, to wait upon
the commissioners, in order to learn the extent of their powers. These
were found to be only to grant pardons upon submission. These were terms
which could not be accepted, and the object of the commissioners could
not be obtained.
The momentous question of independence was shortly after brought into
view, at a time when the fleets and armies which were sent to enforce
obedience were truly formidable. With an army, numerous indeed, but
ignorant of discipline, and entirely unskilled in the art of war,
without money, without a fleet, without allies, and with nothing but the
love of liberty to support them, the colonists determined to separate
from a country from which they had experienced a repetition of injury
and insult. In this question Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of the
measure proposed, and had great influence in bringing others over to his
sentiments.
The public mind had been already prepared for this event by Mr. Paine's
celebrated pamphlet, _Common Sense_. There is good reason to believe
that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share at least in furnishing
materials for this work.
In the convention which assembled at Philadelphia in 1776, for the
purpose of establishing a new form of government for the State of
Pennsylvania, Dr. Franklin was chosen president. The late constitution
of this state, which was the result of their deliberations, may be
considered as a digest of his principles of government. The single
legislature and the plural executive seem to have been his favourite
tenets.
In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was appointed to assist at the
negotiation which had been set on foot by Silas Deane, at the court of
France. A conviction of the advantages of a commercial intercourse with
America, and a desire of weakening the British empire by dismembering
it, first induced the French court to listen to proposals of an
alliance. But they showed rather a reluctance to the measure, which, by
Dr. Franklin's address, and particularly by the success of the American
arms against General Burgoyne, was at length overcome; and in February,
1778, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded; in
consequence of which, France became involved in the war with Great
Britain.
Perhaps no person could have been found more capable of rendering
essential services to the United States at the court of France than Dr.
Franklin. He was well known as a philosopher, and his character was held
in the highest estimation. He was received with the greatest marks of
respect by all the literary characters, and this respect was extended
among all classes of men. His personal influence was hence very
considerable. To the effects of this were added those of various
performances which he published, tending to establish the credit and
character of the United States. To his exertions in this way may, in no
small degree, be ascribed the success of the loans negotiated in Holland
and France, which greatly contributed to bringing the war to a happy
conclusion.
The repeated ill success of their arms, and more particularly the
capture of Cornwallis and his army, at length convinced the British
nation of the impossibility of reducing the Americans to subjection. The
trading interest particularly became clamorous for peace. The ministry
were unable longer to oppose their wishes. Provisional articles of peace
were agreed to, and signed at Paris, on the 30th of November, 1782, by
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens, on the part of the
United States, and by Mr. Oswald on the part of Great Britain. These
formed the basis of the definitive treaty, which was concluded the 3d of
September, 1783, and signed by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jay on
the one part, and by Mr. David Hartly on the other.
On the 3rd of April, 1783, a treaty of Amity and Commerce between the
United States and Sweden, was concluded at Paris by Dr. Franklin and the
Count Von Krutz.
A similar treaty with Prussia was concluded in 1785, not long before
Dr. Franklin's departure from Europe.
Dr. Franklin did not suffer his political pursuits to engross his whole
attention. Some of his performances made their appearance in Paris. The
objects of these were generally the promotion of industry and economy.
In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made great noise in the world,
particularly at Paris, it was thought a matter of such importance that
the king appointed commissioners to examine into the foundation of this
pretended science. Dr. Franklin was one of the number. After a fair and
diligent examination, in the course of which Mesmer repeated a number of
experiments, in the presence of the commissioners, some of which were
tried upon themselves, they determined that it was a mere trick,
intended to impose upon the ignorant and credulous. Mesmer was thus
interrupted in his career to wealth and fame, and a most insolent
attempt to impose upon the human understanding baffled.
The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission being completed by the
establishment of American independence, and the infirmities of age and
disease coming upon him, he became desirous of returning to his native
country. Upon application to Congress to be recalled, Mr. Jefferson was
appointed to succeed him in 1785. Some time in September of the same
year Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadelphia. He was shortly after chosen a
member of the supreme executive council for the city, and soon after was
elected president of the same.
When a convention was called to meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for the
purpose of giving more energy to the government of the union, by
revising and amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was
appointed a delegate from the State of Pennsylvania. He signed the
constitution which they proposed for the union, and gave it the most
unequivocal marks of his approbation.
A society for political inquiries, of which Dr. Franklin was president,
was established about this period. The meetings were held at his house.
Two or three essays read in this society were published. It did not long
continue.
In the year 1787, two societies were established in Philadelphia,
founded on the principles of the most liberal and refined humanity: _The
Philadelphia Society for alleviating the miseries of public prisons: and
the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the
relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement
of the condition of the African race._ Of each of these Dr. Franklin was
president. The labours of these bodies have been crowned with great
success; and they continue to prosecute, with unwearied diligence, the
laudable designs for which they were established.
Dr. Franklin's increasing infirmities prevented his regular attendance
at the council chamber, and in 1788 he retired wholly from public life.
His constitution had been a remarkably good one. He had been little
subject to disease, except an attack of the gout occasionally, until
about the year 1781, when he was first attacked with symptoms of the
calculous complaint, which continued during his life. During the
intervals of pain from this grievous disease, he spent many cheerful
hours, conversing in the most agreeable and instructive manner. His
faculties were entirely unimpaired, even to the hour of his death.
His name, as president of the abolition society, was signed to the
memorial presented to the House of Representatives of the United States,
on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of
power vested in them by the constitution in discouraging the traffic in
the human species. This was his last public act. In the debates to
which this memorial gave rise, several attempts were made to justify
the trade. In the Federal Gazette of March 25, there appeared an essay,
signed Historicus, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a
speech, said to have been delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in
opposition to the prayer of the petition of a sect called _Erika_, or
purists, for the abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African
speech was an excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of
Georgia. All the arguments urged in favour of negro slavery are applied
with equal force to justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans.
It affords, at the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the
arguments in defence of the slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and
ingenuity of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnished,
too, a no less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of
other times and nations than his celebrated parable against persecution.
And as the latter led many persons to search the scriptures with a view
to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the bookstores
and libraries for the work from which it was said to be extracted.
During the greatest part of his life Dr. Franklin had enjoyed an almost
uninterrupted state of good health, and this he entirely attributed to
his exemplary temperance.
In the year 1735, indeed, he had been seized with a pleurisy, which
ended in a suppuration of the left lobe of the lungs, so that he was
almost suffocated by the quantity of matter thrown up. But from this, as
well as from another attack of the same kind, he recovered so
completely, that his breathing was not in the least affected.
As he advanced in years, however, he became subject to fits of the gout,
to which, in 1782, a nephritic cholic was superadded. From this time he
was also affected with the stone as well as the gout; and for the last
twelve months of his life these complaints almost entirely confined him
to his bed.
Notwithstanding his distressed situation, neither his mental faculties
nor his natural cheerfulness ever forsook him. His memory was tenacious
to the very last; and he seemed to be an exception to the general rule,
that, at a certain period of life, the organs which are subservient to
this faculty become callous; a remarkable instance of which is, that he
learned to speak French after he had attained the age of seventy!
In the beginning of April following, he was attacked with a fever and
complaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The following
account of his last illness was written by his friend and physician, Dr.
Jones.
"The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for
the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and during the
extreme painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of
laudanum to mitigate his tortures; still, in the intervals of pain, he
not only amused himself with reading and conversing cheerfully with his
family, and a few friends who visited him, but was often employed in
doing business of a public as well as private nature, with various
persons who waited on him for that purpose; and in every instance
displayed not only that readiness and disposition of doing good which
was the distinguishing characteristic of his life, but the fullest and
clearest possession of his uncommon mental abilities, and not
unfrequently indulged himself in those _jeux d'esprit_ and entertaining
anecdotes which were the delight of all who heard him.
"About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish
indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the
third or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in his left breast,
which increased till it became extremely acute, attended with a cough
and labourious breathing. During this state, when the severity of his
pain sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe, that
he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought, acknowledged his
grateful sense of the many blessings he had received from that Supreme
Being who had raised him from small and low beginnings to such high rank
and consideration among men, and made no doubt but his present
afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a world in which he
was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this frame of body
and mind he continued till five days before his death, when his pain and
difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were
flattering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, when an
imposthumation, which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst,
and discharged a great quantity of matter, which he continued to throw
up while he had sufficient strength to do it; but as that failed, the
organs of respiration became gradually oppressed, a calm lethargic state
succeeded, and, on the 17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at
night, he quietly expired, closing a long and useful life of eighty-four
years and three months."[16]
The following account of his funeral, and the honours paid to his
memory, is derived from an anonymous source, but is correct.
"All that was mortal of this great man was interred on the 21st of
April, in the cemetery of Christ Church, Philadelphia, in that part
adjoining to Arch-street, N. W. corner, in order that, if a monument
should be erected over his grave, it might be seen to more advantage.
"Never was any funeral so numerously and so respectably attended in any
part of the States of America. The concourse of people assembled upon
this occasion was immense. All the bells in the city were muffled, and
the very newspapers were published with black borders. The body was
interred amid peals of artillery; and nothing was omitted that could
display the veneration of the citizens for such an illustrious
character.
"The Congress ordered a general mourning for one month throughout
America; the National Assembly of France paid the same compliment for
three days; and the commons of Paris, as an extraordinary tribute of
honour to his memory, assisted in a body at the funeral oration,
delivered by the Abbe Fauchet, in the rotunda of the corn-market, which
was hung with black, illuminated with chandeliers, and decorated with
devices analogous to the occasion.
"Dr. Smith, provost of the college of Philadelphia, and David
Rittenhouse, one of its members, were selected by the Philosophical
Society to prepare a eulogium to the memory of its founder; and the
subscribers to the City Library, who had just erected a handsome
building for containing their books, left a vacant niche for a statue of
their benefactor.
"This has since been placed there by the munificence of an estimable
citizen of Philadelphia. It was imported from Italy; the name of the
artist is Francis Lazzarini; it is composed of Carara marble, and cost
500 guineas.
"It was the first piece of sculpture of that size which had been seen in
America. Franklin is represented in a standing posture; one arm is
supported by means of some books, in his right hand he holds an inverted
sceptre, an emblem of anti-monarchical principles, and in his left a
scroll of paper. He is dressed in a Roman toga. The resemblance is
correct; the head is a copy from the excellent bust produced by the
chisel of Houdon. The following inscription is engraven on the pedestal:
THIS STATUE
OF
DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
WAS PRESENTED BY
WILLIAM BINGHAM, ESQ.,
1792.
"Franklin's life," says the anonymous writer of the foregoing, "affords
one of the finest moral lessons that can be offered up to the
admiration, the applause, or the imitation of mankind.
"As a man, we have beheld him practising and inculcating the virtues of
frugality, temperance, and industry.
"As a citizen, we have seen him repelling the efforts of tyranny, and
ascertaining the liberty of his countrymen.
"As a legislator, he affords a bright example of a genius soaring above
corruption, and continually aiming at the happiness of his constituents.
"As a politician, we survey him, on one hand, acquiring the aid of a
powerful nation, by means of his skilful negotiations; and on the other,
calling forth the common strength of a congress of republics, by fixing
a central point to which they could all look up, and concentrating their
common force for the purposes of union, harmony, legislation, and
defence.
"As a philosopher, his labours and his discoveries are calculated to
advance the interests of humanity: he might, indeed, have been justly
termed the friend of man, the benefactor of the universe!
"The pursuits and occupations of his early youth afford a most excellent
and instructive example to the young; his middle life, to the adult; his
advanced years, to the aged. From him the poor may learn to acquire
wealth, and the rich to adapt it to the purposes of beneficence.
"In regard to his character, he was rather sententious than fluent; more
disposed to listen than to talk; a judicious rather than an imposing
companion. He was what, perhaps, every able man is, impatient of
interruption; for he used to mention the custom of the Indians with
great applause, who, after listening with a profound attention to the
observations of each other, preserve a respectful silence for some
minutes before they begin their own reply.
"He was polite in his manners, and never gave a pointed contradiction to
the assertions of his friends or his antagonists, but treated every
argument with great calmness, and conquered his adversaries rather by
the force of reason than assertion."
The advice of his death reached France at a period well adapted to
excite great emotions; and in the National Assembly, 11th June, 1790,
Mr. Mirabeau the elder addressed the assembly as follows:
"FRANKLIN IS DEAD!"
[A profound silence reigned throughout the hall.]
"The genius which gave freedom to America and scattered torrents of
light upon Europe, is returned to the bosom of the Divinity!
"The sage whom two worlds claim; the man, disputed by the history
of the sciences and the history of empires, holds, most
undoubtedly, an elevated rank among the human species.
"Political cabinets have but too long notified the death of those
who were never great but in their funeral orations; the etiquette
of courts has but too long sanctioned hypocritical grief. Nations
ought only to mourn for their benefactors; the representatives of
free men ought never to recommend any other than the heroes of
humanity to their homage.
"The Congress hath ordered a general mourning for one month
throughout the fourteen confederated states, on account of the
death of Franklin; and America hath thus acquitted her tribute of
admiration in behalf of one of the fathers of her constitution.
"Would it not be worthy of you, fellow-legislators, to unite
yourselves in this religious act, to participate in this homage
rendered in the face of the universe to the rights of man, and to
the philosopher who has so eminently propagated the conquest of
them throughout the world?
"Antiquity would have elevated altars to that mortal who, for the
advantage of the human race, embracing both heaven and earth in his
vast and extensive mind, knew how to subdue thunder and tyranny!
"Enlightened and free, Europe at least owes its remembrance and its
regret to one of the greatest men who has ever served the cause of
philosophy and of liberty.
"I propose that a decree do now pass, enacting that the National
Assembly shall wear mourning during three days for Benjamin
Franklin."
MM. de la Rochefoucault and Lafayette immediately rose in order to
second this motion.
The assembly adopted it, at first by acclamation; and afterward decreed,
by a large majority, amid the plaudits of all the spectators, that on
Monday 14th of June, it should go into mourning for three days; that the
discourse of M. Mirabeau should be printed; and that the president
should write a letter of condolence upon the occasion to the Congress
of America.[17]
The following character of Dr. Franklin, by one of his intimate friends,
is so ably and accurately drawn, that we cannot refrain adding it to the
foregoing.
"There is in the character of every distinguished person something to
admire and something to imitate. The incidents that have marked the life
of a great man always excite curiosity and often afford improvement. If
there be talents which we can never expect to equal, if there be a
series of good fortune which we can never expect to enjoy, we still need
not lose the labour of our biographical inquiries. We may probably
become acquainted with habits which it may be prudent to adopt, and
discover virtues which we cannot fail to applaud. It will be easy for
the reader to make a full application of these remarks in his
contemplations upon the late celebrated DR. FRANKLIN. By his death one
of the best lights of the world may be said to be extinguished. I shall
not attempt any historical details of the life of this illustrious
patriot and philosopher, as I have nothing farther in view than to make
a few comments upon the most striking traits of his character.
"Original genius was peculiarly his attribute. The native faculties of
his mind qualified him to penetrate into every science: and his
unremitted diligence left no field of knowledge unexplored. There were
no limits to his curiosity. His inquiries were spread over the whole
face of nature. But the study of man seemed to be his highest delight:
and if his genius had any special bias, it lay in discovering those
things that made men wiser and happier. As truth was the sole object of
his researches, he was, of course, no sectary: and as reason was his
guide, he embraced no system which that did not authorize. In short, he
laid the whole volume of nature open before him, and diligently and
faithfully perused it.
"Nor were his political attainments less conspicuous than his
philosophical. The ancients usually ranked good fortune among those
circumstances of life which indicate merit. In this view Dr. Franklin is
almost unrivalled, having seldom undertaken more than he accomplished.
The world are too well acquainted with the events of his political
career to require, at this time, a particular enumeration of them. It
may be presumed the historians of the American revolution will exhibit
them in proper colours.
"If Dr. Franklin did not aspire after the splendour of eloquence, it was
only because the demonstrative plainness of his manner was superior to
it. Though he neither loved political debate nor excelled in it, he
still preserved much influence in public assemblies, and discovered an
aptitude in his remarks on all occasions. He was not fond of taking a
leading part in such investigations as could never terminate in any
degree of certainty. To come forward in questions which, in their
nature, are indefinite, and in their issue problematical, does not
comport with the caution of a man who has taught himself to look, for
demonstration. He reserved his observations for those cases which
science could enlighten and common sense approve. The simplicity of his
style was well adapted to the clearness of his understanding. His
conceptions were so bright and perfect, that he did not choose to
involve them in a cloud of expressions. If he used metaphors, it was to
illustrate, and not to embellish the truth. A man possessing such a
lively imagery of ideas should never affect the arts of a vain
rhetorician, whose excellence consists only in a beautiful arrangement
of words.
"But whatever claims to eminence Dr. Franklin may have as a politician
or a scholar, there is no point of light in which his character shines
with more lustre than when we view him as a man or a citizen. He was
eminently great in common things. Perhaps no man ever existed whose life
can, with more justice, be denominated useful. Nothing ever passed
through his hands without receiving improvement, and no person ever went
into his company without gaining wisdom. His sagacity was so sharp and
his science so various, that, whatever might be the profession or
occupation of those with whom he conversed, he could meet every one upon
his own ground. He could enliven every conversation with an anecdote,
and conclude it with a moral.
"The whole tenour of his life was a perpetual lecture against the idle,
the extravagant, and the proud. It was his principal aim to inspire
mankind with a love of industry, temperance, and frugality, and to
inculcate such duties as promote the important interests of humanity. He
never wasted a moment of time, or lavished a farthing of money in folly
or dissipation. Such expenses as the dignity of his station required he
readily sustained, limiting them by the strictest rules of propriety.
Many public institutions experienced his well-timed liberality, and he
manifested a sensibility of heart by numerous acts of private charity.
"By a judicious division of time, Dr. Franklin acquired the art of doing
everything to advantage, and his amusements were of such a nature as
could never militate with the main objects of his pursuit. In whatever
situation he was placed by chance or design, he extracted something
useful for himself or others. His life was remarkably full of incident.
Every circumstance of it turned to some valuable account. The maxims
which his discerning mind has formed apply to innumerable cases and
characters. Those who move in the lowest, equally with those who move in
the most elevated rank in society, may be guided by his instructions. In
the private deportment of his life, he in many respects has furnished a
most excellent model. His manners were easy and accommodating, and his
address winning and respectful. All who knew him speak of him as a most
agreeable man, and all who have heard of him applaud him as a very
useful one. A man so wise and so amiable could not but have many
admirers and many friends."
* * * * *
The following are extracts from the will and codicil of Dr. Franklin:
* * * * *
"With regard to my books, those I had in France and those I left in
Philadelphia being now assembled together here, and a catalogue made of
them, it is my intention to dispose of the same as follows: My 'History
of the Academy of Sciences,' in sixty or seventy volumes quarto, I give
to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, of which I have the honour
to be president. My collection in folio, of 'Les Arts et les Metiers'
[Arts and Trade], I give to the American Philosophical Society,
established in New-England, of which I am a member. My quarto edition
of the same, 'Arts et Metiers', I give to the Library Company of
Philadelphia. Such and so many of my books as I shall mark on the said
catalogue with the name of my grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache, I do
hereby give to him: and such and so many of my books as I shall mark on
the said catalogue with the name of my grandson William Bache, I do
hereby give to him: and such as shall be marked with the name of
Jonathan Williams, I hereby give to my cousin of that name. The residue
and remainder of all my books, manuscripts, and papers, I do give to my
grandson William Temple Franklin. My share in the Library Company of
Philadelphia I give to my grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache, confiding
that he will permit his brothers and sisters to share in the use of it.
"I was born in Boston, New-England, and owe my first instructions in
literature to the free grammar-schools established there. I therefore
give one hundred pounds sterling to my executors, to be by them, the
survivers or surviver of them, paid over to the managers or directors of
the freeschools in my native town of Boston, to be by them, or those
persons or person who shall have the superintendance and management of
the said schools, put out to interest, and so continued at interest for
ever; which interest annually shall be laid out in silver medals, and
given as honorary rewards annually by the directors of the said
freeschools, for the encouragement of scholarship in the said schools,
belonging to the said town, in such manner as to the discretion of the
selectmen of the said town shall seem meet. Out of the salary that may
remain due to me as president of the state, I do give the sum of two
thousand pounds to my executors, to be by them, the survivers or
surviver of them, paid over to such person or persons as the legislature
of this state, by an act of Assembly, shall appoint to receive the
same, in trust, to be employed for making the Schuylkill navigable.
* * * * *
"During the number of years I was in business as a stationer, printer,
and postmaster, a great many small sums became due to me, for books,
advertisements, postage of letters, and other matters, which were not
collected, when, in 1757, I was sent by the Assembly to England as their
agent, and by subsequent appointments continued there till 1775; when,
on my return, I was immediately engaged in the affairs of Congress, and
sent to France in 1776, where I remained nine years, not returning till
1785; and the said debts not being demanded in such a length of time,
have become in a manner obsolete, yet are nevertheless justly due.
These, as they are stated in my great folio leger E, I bequeath to the
contributors of the Pennsylvania Hospital, hoping that those debtors,
and the descendants of such as are deceased, who now, as I find, make
some difficulty of satisfying such antiquated demands as just debts,
may, however, be induced to pay or give them as charity to that
excellent institution. I am sensible that much must inevitably be lost,
but I hope something considerable may be received. It is possible, too,
that some of the parties charged may have existing old unsettled
accounts against me: in which case the managers of the said hospital
will allow and deduct the amount, or pay the balances, if they find it
against me.
* * * * *
"I request my friends, Henry Hill, Esq., John Jay, Esq., Francis
Hopkinson, Esq., and Mr. Edward Duffield, of Benfield, in Philadelphia
county, to be the executors of this my last will and testament, and I
hereby nominate and appoint them for that purpose.
"I would have my body buried with as little expense or ceremony as may
be.
* * * * *
"Philadelphia, July 17, 1788."
CODICIL.
"I, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, in the foregoing or annexed last will and
testament named, having farther considered the same, do think proper to
make and publish the following codicil or addition thereto:
"It having long been a fixed political opinion of mine, that in a
democratical state there ought to be no offices of profit, for the
reasons I had given in an article of my drawing in our constitution, it
was my intention, when I accepted the office of president, to devote the
appointed salary to some public uses: accordingly, I had, before I made
my will in July last, given large sums of it to colleges, schools,
building of churches, &c.; and in that will I bequeathed two thousand
pounds more to the state, for the purpose of making the Schuylkill
navigable; but understanding since that such a sum will do but little
towards accomplishing such a work, and that the project is not likely to
be undertaken for many years to come; and having entertained another
idea, that I hope may be more extensively useful, I do hereby revoke and
annul that bequest, and direct that the certificates I have for what
remains due to me of that salary be sold towards raising the sum of two
thousand pounds sterling, to be disposed of as I am now about to order.
"It has been an opinion, that he who receives an estate from his
ancestors is under some kind of obligation to transmit the same to his
posterity. This obligation does not lie on me, who never inherited a
shilling from any ancestor or relation. I shall, however, if it is not
diminished by some accident before my death, leave a considerable estate
among my descendants and relations. The above observation is made merely
as some apology to my family for my making bequests that do not appear
to have any immediate relation to their advantage.
"I was born in Boston, New-England, and owe my first instructions in
literature to the free grammar-schools established there. I have,
therefore, already considered those schools in my will. But I am also
under obligations to the state of Massachusetts for having, unasked,
appointed me formerly their agent in England, with a handsome salary,
which continued some years; and although I accidentally lost in their
service, by transmitting Governor Hutchinson's letters, much more than
the amount of what they gave me, I do not think that ought in the least
to diminish my gratitude. I have considered that among artisans, good
apprentices are most likely to make good citizens; and having myself
been bred to a manual art, printing, in my native town, and afterward
assisted to set up my business in Philadelphia by kind loans of money
from two friends there, which was the foundation of my fortune, and of
all the utility in life that may be ascribed to me, I wish to be useful,
even after my death, if possible, in forming and advancing other young
men, that may be serviceable to their country in both these towns. To
this end I devote two thousand pounds sterling, which I give, one
thousand thereof to the inhabitants of the town of Boston, in
Massachusetts, and the other thousand to the inhabitants of the city of
Philadelphia, in trust, to and for the uses, intents, and purposes
herein after mentioned and declared. The said sum of one thousand pounds
sterling, if accepted by the inhabitants of the town of Boston, shall be
managed under the direction of the selectmen, united with the ministers
of the oldest Episcopalian, Congregational, and Presbyterian churches in
that town, who are to let out the same upon interest at five per cent.
per annum, to such young married artificers, under the age of
twenty-five years, as have served an apprenticeship in the said town,
and faithfully fulfilled the duties required in their indentures, so as
to obtain a good moral character from at least two respectable citizens,
who are willing to become their sureties in a bond, with the applicants,
for the repayment of the money so lent, with interest, according to the
terms hereinafter prescribed; all which bonds are to be taken for
Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof in current gold coin: and
the managers shall keep a bound book or books, wherein shall be entered
the names of those who shall apply for and receive the benefit of this
institution, and of their sureties, together with the sums lent, the
dates, and other necessary and proper records respecting the business
and concerns of this institution: and as these loans are intended to
assist young married artificers in setting up their business, they are
to be proportioned by the discretion of the managers, so as not to
exceed sixty pounds sterling to one person, nor to be less than fifteen
pounds. And if the number of appliers so entitled should be so large as
that the sum will not suffice to afford to each as much as might
otherwise not be improper, the proportion to each shall be diminished,
so as to afford every one some assistance. These aids may, therefore, be
small at first; but as the capital increases by the accumulated
interest, they will be more ample. And in order to serve as many as
possible in their turn, as well as to make the repayment of the
principal borrowed more easy, each borrower shall be obliged to pay,
with the yearly interest, one tenth part of the principal; which sums of
principal and interest so paid in shall be again let out to fresh
borrowers. And as it is presumed that there will always be found in
Boston virtuous and benevolent citizens willing to bestow a part of
their time in doing good to the rising generation, by superintending and
managing this institution gratis, it is hoped that no part of the money
will at any time be dead or diverted to other purposes, but be
continually augmenting by the interest, in which case there may, in
time, be more than the occasion in Boston shall require: and then some
may be spared to the neighbouring or other towns in the said state of
Massachusetts, which may desire to have it, such towns engaging to pay
punctually the interest, and the proportions of the principal annually
to the inhabitants of the town of Boston. If this plan is executed, and
succeeds, as is projected, without interruption for one hundred years,
the sum will then be one hundred and thirty-one thousand pounds, of
which I would have the managers of the donation to the town of Boston
then lay out, at their discretion, one hundred thousand pounds in public
works, which may be judged of most general utility to the inhabitants,
such as fortifications, bridges, aqueducts, public buildings, baths,
pavements, or whatever may make living in the town more convenient to
its people, and render it more agreeable to strangers resorting thither
for health or a temporary residence. The remaining thirty-one thousand
pounds I would have continued to be let out on interest, in the manner
above directed, for another hundred years; as I hope it will have been
found that the institution has had a good effect on the conduct of
youth, and been of service to many worthy characters and useful
citizens. At the end of this second term, if no unfortunate accident has
prevented the operation, the sum will be four millions and sixty-one
thousand pounds sterling, of which I leave one million and sixty-one
thousand pounds to the disposition and management of the inhabitants of
the town of Boston, and three millions to the disposition of the
government of the state, not presuming to carry my views farther.
"All the directions herein given respecting the disposition and
management of the donation to the inhabitants of Boston, I would have
observed respecting that to the inhabitants of Philadelphia; only, as
Philadelphia is incorporated, I request the corporation of that city to
undertake the management agreeably to the said directions, and I do
hereby vest them with full and ample powers for that purpose. And having
considered that the covering its ground-plat with buildings and
pavements, which carry off most of the rain, and prevent its soaking
into the earth, and renewing and purifying the springs, whence the water
of the wells must gradually grow worse, and, in time, be unfit for use,
as I find has happened in all old cities, I recommend that, at the end
of the first hundred years, if not done before, the corporation of the
city employ a part of the hundred thousand pounds in bringing by pipes
the water of Wissahiccon Creek into the town, so as to supply the
inhabitants, which I apprehend may be done without great difficulty, the
level of that creek being much above that of the city, and may be made
higher by a dam. I also recommend making the Schuylkill completely
navigable. At the end of the second hundred years, I would have the
disposition of the four millions and sixty-one thousand pounds divided
between the inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia and the government
of Pennsylvania, in the same manner as herein directed with respect to
that of the inhabitants of Boston and the government of Massachusetts.
It is my desire that this institution should take place and begin to
operate within one year after my decease; for which purpose due notice
should be publicly given previous to the expiration of that year, that
those for whose benefit this establishment is intended may make their
respective applications; and I hereby direct my executor, the survivers
or surviver of them, within six months after my decease, to pay over the
said sum of two thousand pounds sterling to such persons as shall be
duly appointed by the selectmen of Boston and the corporation of
Philadelphia to receive and take charge of their respective sums of one
thousand pounds each for the purposes aforesaid. Considering the
accidents to which all human affairs and projects are subject in such a
length of time, I have, perhaps, too much flattered myself with a vain
fancy that these dispositions, if carried into execution, will be
continued without interruption, and have the effects proposed; I hope,
however, that if the inhabitants of the two cities should not think fit
to undertake the execution, they will at least accept the offer of these
donations as a mark of my good-will, a token of my gratitude, and a
testimony of my earnest desire to be useful to them even after my
departure. I wish, indeed, that they may both undertake to endeavour the
execution of the project, because I think that, though unforeseen
difficulties may arise, expedients will be found to remove them, and the
scheme be found practicable. If one of them accepts the money with the
conditions and the other refuses, my will then is that both sums be
given to the inhabitants of the city accepting, the whole to be applied
to the same purpose and under the same regulations directed for the
separate parts; and if both refuse, the money remains, of course, in the
mass of my estate, and it is to be disposed of therewith, according to
my will made the seventeenth day of July, 1788. I wish to be buried by
the side of my wife, if it may be, and that a marble stone, to be made
by Chambers, six feet long, four feet wide, plain, with only a small
moulding round the upper edge, and this inscription,
Benjamin}
and } Franklin,
Deborah }
178-, be placed over us both.
"My fine crabtree walking-stick, with a gold head, curiously wrought in
the form of the Cap of Liberty, I give to my friend and the friend of
mankind, General Washington. If it were a sceptre, he has merited it,
and would become it. It was a present to me from that excellent woman
Madame de Forbach, the Dowager Duchess of Deux Ponts, connected with
some verses which should go with it.
* * * * *
"Philadelphia, 23d June, 1789."
The following epitaph was written by Dr. Franklin for himself when he
was only _twenty-three years of age_, as appears by the original (with
various corrections), found among his papers, and from which this is a
faithful copy:
[_Epitaph, written 1728._]
"THE BODY
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
PRINTER,
(like the cover of an old book,
its contents torn out,
and stripped of its lettering and gilding),
lies here food for worms;
yet the work itself shall not be lost,
for it will (as he believed) appear once more
in a new and more elegant edition,
revised and corrected
by
THE AUTHOR."
FOOTNOTES:
[15] Dr. Stuber was born in Philadelphia, of German parents. He was sent
at an early age to the university, where his genius, diligence, and
amiable temper soon acquired him the particular notice and favour of
those under whose immediate direction he was placed. After passing
through the common course of study in a much shorter time than usual, he
left the university at the age of sixteen, with great reputation. Not
long after, he entered on the study of physic; and the zeal with which
he pursued it, and the advances he made, gave his friends reason to form
the most flattering prospects of his future eminence and usefulness in
the profession. As Dr. Stuber's circumstances were very moderate, he did
not think this pursuit well calculated to answer them. He therefore
relinquished it after he had obtained a degree in the profession, and
qualified himself to practice with credit and success, and immediately
entered on the study of the law. While in the pursuit of the
last-mentioned object, he was prevented, by a premature death, from
reaping the fruit of those talents with which he was endowed, and of a
youth spent in the ardent and successful pursuit of useful and elegant
literature.
[16] Three days previous to his decease, he desired his daughter, Mrs.
Sarah Bache, to have his bed made, "_in order that he might die in a
decent manner_," as was his expression: an idea probably suggested by an
acquaintance with the custom of the ancients. Mrs. Bache having replied
that she hoped he would recover, and live many years longer, he
instantly rejoined, "_I hope not_."
[17] The Congress of the United States thus expressed their sentiments
in return.
RESOLVED, _by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled_, That the President of
the United States be requested to cause to be communicated to the
National Assembly of France, the peculiar sensibility of Congress
to the tribute paid to the memory of Benjamin Franklin by the
enlightened and free representatives of a great nation, in their
decree of the eleventh June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
Signed,
FRED. AUG. MUHLENBERG,
_Speaker of the House of Representatives_.
JOHN ADAMS,
_Vice-President of the United States
and President of the Senate_.
Approved, March the 2d, 1791.
Signed,
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
_President of the United States_.
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN.
_The Examination of Dr. Franklin before the British House of Commons,
relative to the Repeal of the American Stamp-act._[18]
1766, Feb. 3. Benjamin Franklin, Esq., and a number of other persons,
were "ordered to attend the committee of the whole House of Commons, to
whom it was referred to consider farther the several papers relative to
America, which were presented to the House by Mr. Secretary Conway,
&c."
_Q._ What is your name and place of abode?
_A._ Franklin, of Philadelphia.
_Q._ Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among themselves?
_A._ Certainly, many, and very heavy taxes.
_Q._ What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the laws of the
colony?
_A._ There are taxes on all estates, real and personal; a poll tax; a
tax on all offices, professions, trades, and businesses, according to
their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and other spirits; and a duty
of ten pounds per head on all negroes imported, with some other duties.
_Q._ For what purposes are those taxes laid?
_A._ For the support of the civil and military establishments of the
country, and to discharge the heavy debt contracted in the last war.
_Q._ How long are those taxes to continue?
_A._ Those for discharging the debt are to continue till 1772, and
longer if the debt should not be then all discharged. The others must
always continue.
_Q._ Was it not expected that the debt would have been sooner
discharged?
_A._ It was, when the peace was made with France and Spain. But a fresh
war breaking out with the Indians, a fresh load of debt was incurred;
and the taxes, of course, continued longer by a new law.
_Q._ Are not all the people very able to pay those taxes?
_A._ No. The frontier counties all along the continent having been
frequently ravaged by the enemy, and greatly impoverished, are able to
pay very little tax. And therefore, in consideration of their
distresses, our late tax laws do expressly favour those counties,
excusing the sufferers; and I suppose the same is done in other
governments.
_Q._ Are not you concerned in the management of the _postoffice_ in
America?
_A._ Yes. I am deputy postmaster-general of North America.
_Q._ Don't you think the distribution of stamps _by post_ to all the
inhabitants very practicable, if there was no opposition?
_A._ The posts only go along the seacoasts; they do not, except in a few
instances, go back into the country; and if they did, sending for stamps
by post would occasion an expense of postage, amounting, in many cases,
to much more than that of the stamps themselves. * * * *
_Q._ From the thinness of the back settlements, would not the stamp-act
be extremely inconvenient to the inhabitants, if executed?
_A._ To be sure it would; as many of the inhabitants could not get
stamps when they had occasion for them, without taking long journeys,
and spending perhaps three or four pounds, that the crown might get
sixpence.
_Q._ Are not the colonies, from their circumstances, very able to pay
the stamp duty?
_A._ In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough in the colonies
to pay the stamp duty for one year.
_Q._ Don't you know that the money arising from the stamps was all to be
laid out in America?
_A._ I know it is appropriated by the act to the American service; but
it will be spent in the conquered colonies, where the soldiers are; not
in the colonies that pay it.
_Q._ Is there not a balance of trade due from the colonies where the
troops are posted, that will bring back the money to the old colonies?
_A._ I think not. I believe very little would come back. I know of no
trade likely to bring it back. I think it would come from the colonies
where it was spent directly to England; for I have always observed, that
in every colony, the more plenty the means of remittance to England, the
more goods are sent for and the more trade with England carried on.
_Q._ What number of white inhabitants do you think there are in
Pennsylvania?
_A._ I suppose there may be about one hundred and sixty thousand?
_Q._ What number of them are Quakers?
_A._ Perhaps a third.
_Q._ What number of Germans?
_A._ Perhaps another third; but I cannot speak with certainty.
_Q._ Have any number of the Germans seen service as soldiers in Europe?
_A._ Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America.
_Q._ Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp duty as the English?
_A._ Yes, and more; and with reason, as their stamps are, in many cases,
to be double.
_Q._ How many white men do you suppose there are in North America?
_A._ About three hundred thousand, from sixteen to sixty years of age?
_Q._ What may be the amount of one year's imports into Pennsylvania from
Britain?
_A._ I have been informed that our merchants compute the imports from
Britain to be above L500,000.
_Q._ What may be the amount of the produce of your province exported to
Britain?
_A._ It must be small, as we produce little that is wanted in Britain. I
suppose it cannot exceed L40,000.
_Q._ How, then, do you pay the balance?
_A._ The balance is paid by our produce carried to the West Indies (and
sold in our own islands, or to the French, Spaniards, Danes, and Dutch);
by the same produce carried to other colonies in North America (as to
New-England, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia); by the
same, carried to different parts of Europe (as Spain, Portugal, and
Italy). In all which places we receive either money, bills of exchange,
or commodities that suit for remittance to Britain; which, together with
all the profits on the industry of our merchants and mariners, arising
in those circuitous voyages, and the freights made by their ships,
centre finally to Britain to discharge the balance, and pay for British
manufactures continually used in the provinces, or sold to foreigners by
our traders.
_Q._ Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on the Spanish
trade?
_A._ Yes, I have heard that it has been greatly obstructed by some new
regulations, and by the English men-of-war and cutters stationed all
along the coast in America.
_Q._ Do you think it right that America should be protected by this
country, and pay no part of the expense?
_A._ That is not the case. The colonies raised, clothed, and paid,
during the last war, near twenty-five thousand men, and spent many
millions.
_Q._ Were you not reimbursed by Parliament?
_A._ We were only reimbursed what, in your opinion, we had advanced
beyond our proportion, or beyond what might reasonably be expected from
us; and it was a very small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania, in
particular, disbursed about L500,000; and the reimbursements, in the
whole, did not exceed L60,000.
_Q._ You have said that you pay heavy taxes in Pennsylvania; what do
they amount to in the pound?
_A._ The tax on all estates, real and personal, is eighteen pence in
the pound, fully rated; and the tax on the profits of trades and
professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose, make full half a crown in
the pound.
_Q._ Do you know anything of the _rate of exchange_ in Pennsylvania, and
whether it has fallen lately?
_A._ It is commonly from one hundred and seventy to one hundred and
seventy-five. I have heard that it has fallen lately from one hundred
and seventy-five to one hundred and sixty-two and a half, owing, I
suppose, to their lessening their orders for goods; and when their debts
to this country are paid, I think the exchange will probably be at par.
_Q._ Do not you think the people of America would submit to pay the
stamp duty if it was moderated?
_A._ No, never, unless compelled by force of arms. * * * *
_Q._ What was the temper of America towards Great Britain _before the
year_ 1763?
_A._ The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government
of the crown, and paid in their courts obedience to acts of Parliament.
Numerous as the people are in the several old provinces, they cost you
nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them in
subjection. They were governed by this country at the expense only of a
little pen, ink, and paper: they were led by a thread. They had not only
a respect, but an affection for Great Britain; for its laws, its
customs, and manners; and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly
increased the commerce. Natives of Britain were always treated with
particular regard; to be an _Old England-man_ was, of itself, a
character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us.
_Q._ And what is their temper now?