But the victory at New Orleans and the treaty of peace with England

did not mean the end of fighting for Jackson. There were still several

odd jobs to be done. During the war a British colonel named Nicholls

had been sent on a secret mission to Florida in an attempt to incite

the Seminoles, the fugitive Creeks, and the runaway negroes who

infested the northern part of the province to harass the borders of the

United States. While in Florida he built a fort on the Appalachicola

River, not far above its mouth and well within Spanish territory, and

collected there a large store of arms and ammunition. When the war

ended and Colonel Nicholls was recalled, he turned the fort over to

the Seminoles in the hope that it would prove a thorn in the side of

the United States. From the Seminoles the place passed into the hands

of the negro refugees and quickly became a source of anxiety to the

American military authorities on our southern border. But, though it

was garrisoned by escaped slaves and was a constant menace to the

peace of the frontier, the Americans were powerless--according to

international law, at least--because it was built on Spanish soil. But

when the matter was referred to Jackson he showed how much he cared for

international law by writing to General Gaines that the “Negro Fort,”

as it was called, “ought to be blown up, regardless of the ground on

which it stands.” That was all the hint that Gaines needed, and in

July, 1816, he ordered an expedition under Colonel Duncan Clinch to

ascend the river and destroy the fort. As the flotilla approached, a

boat’s crew which had been sent forward to reconnoitre was fired upon,

whereupon the gunboats were warped up-stream until they were within

range. The bombardment was of short duration, for scarcely had the

gunboats opened fire before a red-hot shot struck the magazine of the

fort, where eight hundred barrels of gunpowder were stored. In the

explosion that followed, the fort vanished from the earth, and for

some moments it fairly rained negroes--or parts of them. Of the three

hundred and thirty-four inmates of the fort, two hundred and seventy

were blown to kingdom come, and of the sixty-four left alive, all but

three were so terribly injured that they died--which was just as well,

perhaps, in view of what happened to two out of the three survivors.

These, an Indian chief and Garçon, the negro commander, were handed

over to some friendly Seminoles to be put to death in the ingenious

Indian fashion in retaliation for the death by torture of one of the

American sailors, who had been taken prisoner a few days before. From

all accounts, the Seminoles performed their task well but slowly.

The destruction of the Negro Fort, though unimportant in itself,

served to stir up the uneasiness and discontent which prevailed along

the Florida border and which was shared in by Creeks, Seminoles,

Spaniards, and Americans. By March, 1817, several thousand whites had

settled on the rich lands that Jackson had taken from the Creeks, and

the friction which quickly developed between the new owners and the

old ones, now fugitives in Florida, resulted in a series of defiances

and depredations. While relations with the Indians were thus strained

almost to the breaking point there again sprang up the historic

irritation against Spain, whom the American settlers accused, rightly

or wrongly, of inciting the Indians against them. Meanwhile President

Monroe was negotiating for the purchase of Florida, for he fully

realized that there could be no permanent peace along the border

as long as that province remained in Spanish hands. Doubtful of his

success, however, he took care to see that an army under Jackson was

stationed within striking distance, for there is no doubt that the

government, now that the war with England was over, was determined to

take Florida by force if it could not be obtained by purchase. Nor

could anything give Jackson keener satisfaction than the prospect of

once more getting his hands on the rich prize which he had joyfully

held for a brief moment in 1814. Indeed, he frankly expressed his

attitude when he wrote to President Monroe: “Let it be signified to

me, through any channel, that the possession of the Floridas would

be desirable to the United States, and in sixty days it will be

accomplished.” In other words, if the government wished to seize the

province but lacked the courage to take the responsibility, Jackson was

ready to do the job himself.

But suddenly a new element was injected into the already complicated

situation. The series of revolts against Spanish rule in South America

had attracted thither European adventurers, freelances, and soldiers

of fortune of many nationalities, and these, when the revolutionary

business grew dull in other places, turned their eyes toward Florida.

It had a fertile soil, marvellous vegetation, a healthful climate,

a notoriously weak government, and, everything considered, seemed

to have been made to order for the filibusters. The first to make

the attempt to “free” Florida was a Scottish nobleman, Sir Gregor

MacGregor. No more picturesque character ever swaggered across the

pages of our history. He was a prototype of Kipling’s “The Man Who

Would Be King.” Resigning his commission in the British army, he went

to Caracas in 1811 and offered his services to the Venezuelans in their

struggle for independence. He became adjutant-general to Miranda and,

upon the capture of that ill-fated leader, repeatedly distinguished

himself in the renewed struggle under Bolivar. He led a handful of

Venezuelans from Ocumare to Barcelona in one of the most brilliant and

skilfully conducted retreats in history and, upon Venezuela achieving

her independence, was publicly thanked for his services by President

Bolivar, commissioned a general of division, and decorated with the

Order of Libertadores. But an ineradicable love of adventure ran in

his veins; so, when peace settled for a time on war-torn Venezuela

MacGregor looked elsewhere for excitement. Florida was still under the

obnoxious rule of Spain, and Florida, he decided, needed to be freed.

Early in 1817, therefore, he fitted out an expedition in Baltimore and

descended upon Fernandina, which, as I have previously remarked, is

built on the twenty-two-mile-long Amelia Island, off Florida’s upper

right-hand corner. MacGregor declared that as soon as he achieved the

independence of the province he intended to hand it over to the United

States, which was certainly thoughtful and considerate, seeing how much

the United States wanted it; but nobody seems to have believed him.

His intentions were of small consequence, however, for a few months

after he had seized the island and raised the green-cross flag, along

came another adventurer, an Englishman named Hubbard, and drove him

off. Disappointed in his Floridan ambitions, MacGregor re-entered the

service of Venezuela, and in 1819, organizing an expedition in Jamaica,

he eluded the vigilance of the British authorities and made a most

daring descent upon Puerto Bello, which he captured after a desperate

assault, though subsequently he was surprised by an overwhelming force

of Spaniards and was forced to flee. In 1821 he quitted the service of

Venezuela--then become a part of the Colombian Republic--and settled

among the Poyais Indians, a warlike tribe on the Mosquito Coast of

Nicaragua, where he obtained a grant of a tract of fertile land

and, making himself ruler of the region, assumed the title of “his

Highness the MacGregor, Cacique of Poyais.” He organized a government,

established an army, encouraged commerce and agriculture, built roads

and schools, cultivated plantations, and for nearly twenty years ruled

in middle America as an independent and enlightened sovereign. But

misfortune finally overtook him; Great Britain declared a protectorate

over his little kingdom, which was not abrogated until 1905, and its

late ruler retired to Caracas, where the Venezuelan Government granted

him a pension and restored him to his rank of general of division, and

where he died, generally respected, in the early forties.

Shortly after Hubbard had ejected MacGregor from Amelia Island, along

came one of the latter’s friends and companions in arms, Commodore

Louis de Aury, who, as I have related in “Adventurers All,” had himself

been ousted from Galveston Island by Lafitte, and kicked out Hubbard.

De Aury’s plan was to make Florida a free and independent republic,

such as her sister provinces in South America had become. But it was

not to be. The government at Washington, which had other plans for

Florida, now decided it was time to interfere, for it seemed probable

that Florida might soon be sold to the United States, provided the

spirit of revolution and independence which was rapidly stripping Spain

of her colonial possessions left her Florida to sell. Nothing was

further from the intention of the United States, therefore, than to let

these South American adventurers get a foothold in the province she had

so long had a covetous eye upon; so, in the autumn of 1817, General

Gaines was ordered to march on Fernandina and eject De Aury, while a

fleet under Commodore Henley went down the coast for the same purpose.

Henley reached there first and successfully accomplished the ejection,

and the green-cross flag of the filibusters came down for good and all.

About this time Indian depredations had recommenced along the Florida

frontier, and in November, 1817, General Gaines despatched a detachment

of troops to an Indian village called Fowltown, the headquarters of

the hostile Seminoles and Creeks. The troops approached the town at

dawn and were fired upon, the village was taken and burned, and the

United States had another Indian war upon its hands. Jackson was

immediately ordered to take command of the operations. He jumped at

the chance, for was this not the very opportunity for which he had

been longing and praying? The Indians caused him no concern, mind you;

it was the Spaniards--and Florida--that he was after. Disregarding

his instructions to raise his command from the militia of the border

States, he recruited a volunteer force from the Tennesseeans who had

served under him at the Horseshoe Bend and New Orleans and whom he

could count on to follow him anywhere, and with these veterans at his

back straightway crossed the Florida border. On the site of the Negro

Fort he built and garrisoned another, which he called Fort Gadsden--all

this in Spanish territory, mind you, though the United States was

(officially, at least) at peace with Spain. Easily dispersing the few

Seminoles who ventured to dispute his progress, he pushed southward to

St. Marks (the port of Tallahassee), where a war party of Indians, he

heard, had taken refuge. The fact that his information was incorrect

and that there were no Indians in the town did not disconcert him in

the least: he took the place, hauled down the Spanish colors, replaced

them with the stars and stripes, and left an American garrison in

occupation. Not only this, but he captured two Englishmen who had

taken refuge in the town. One was a well-known trader named Alexander

Arbuthnot, who had had commercial dealings of one sort and another with

the Indians; the other was a young officer of marines named Ambrister,

a nephew of the governor of the Bahamas, who had been suspended from

duty for a year for engaging in a duel and who had joined the Florida

Indians out of a boyish love for adventure. Though captured on Spanish

soil, Jackson ordered both men tried by court martial for inciting the

Indians to rebellion. Both were sentenced to death. Ambrister died

before a firing-party; Arbuthnot was hung from the yard-arm of one of

his own ships. Needlessly drastic and unquestionably illegal as these

executions were, they brought home to those who were plotting against

the United States that Spanish territory could not protect them.

From St. Marks Jackson struck across country to Suwanee, which was

the headquarters of the notorious Billy Bowlegs; but in the skirmish

that ensued that chieftain and his followers escaped, though, by means

of a ruse unworthy of a civilized commander, he captured two of the

most celebrated of the Seminole chieftains, Francis and Himollimico.

Seeing a vessel enter the harbor, the two chieftains, who had just

returned from a visit to England, rowed out and asked to be afforded

protection. They were courteously received, laid aside their weapons,

and went below to have a drink with the commander, when they were

seized, bound, and, upon protesting at this breach of hospitality,

were informed that they were prisoners on an American gunboat which

Jackson had despatched to patrol the coast in the hope of intercepting

fugitives. The next day the two prisoners, by orders of Jackson,

were summarily hung. By such ruthless methods as these did the grim

backwoodsman, who well deserved the title of “Old Hickory,” which his

soldiers bestowed upon him, impress on Indians and Spaniards alike

the fact that those who opposed him need expect no mercy. He had

reached Fort Gadsden on his return march when a protest against this

unwarranted invasion of Spanish territory was sent him by the governor

of Pensacola, the same place, you will remember, which he had captured

three years before. Jackson, who always carried a chip on his shoulder

and lived in hopes that some one would dare to knock it off, turned

back on the instant, occupied Pensacola for the second time, captured

the governor and his troops, deported them to Havana with a warning

never to return, and left an American garrison in occupation. He

regretted afterward, as he wrote to a friend, that he had not carried

the place by storm and hanged the governor out of hand.

In five months Jackson had broken the Indian power, established peace

along the border, and to all intents and purposes added Florida to

the Union. Though the Spanish minister at Washington (for after

the fall of Napoleon Spain resumed the foreign relations he had so

rudely interrupted) vigorously protested against this invasion of the

territory of his sovereign, he nevertheless hastened--whether it was

intended or not that his movements should be thus accelerated--to

negotiate a treaty ceding Florida to the United States in consideration

of our paying the claims held by American citizens against Spain to

the amount of five million dollars. Though the historians dismiss

the subject with the bald assertion that Florida was acquired by

purchase--which, no doubt, is technically correct--I think you will

agree with me that “conquest” is a more appropriate word and that its

conqueror was the backwoods soldier Andrew Jackson. No wonder that the

land he gave us yields so many oranges after having been fertilized

with so much blood. No wonder that it has restored so many sick men

after having swallowed up so many well ones.

THE FIGHT AT QUALLA BATTOO

THE FIGHT AT QUALLA BATTOO

It was so hot that the little group of sailors under the forward

awnings lay stretched upon the deck, panting like hunted rabbits, while

rivers of perspiration coursed down their naked chests and backs. The

unshaded portions of the deck were as hot to the touch as the top of a

stove; bubbles of pitch had formed along the seams between the planks,

and turpentine was exuding, like beads of sweat, from the spars. Though

occasional puffs of land-wind stirred the folds of the American flag

which drooped listlessly from the taffrail sufficiently to disclose

the legend _Friendship, of Salem_ in raised and gilded letters on the

stern, they brought about as much relief to the exhausted men as a

blast from an open furnace door. Even the naked Malays who were at work

under the direction of a profane and sweating first mate, transferring

innumerable sacks of pepper from a small boat to the vessel’s hold,

showed the effects of the suffocating atmosphere by performing their

task with more than ordinary listlessness and indolence.

Half a mile away the nipa-thatched huts of Qualla Battoo, built amid

a thicket of palms on the sandy shores of a cove where a mountain

torrent debouched into the sea, seemed to flicker like a scene on a

moving-picture screen in the shifting waves of heat. Immediately at

the back of the town rose the green wall of the Sumatran jungle, which

bordered the yellow beach in both directions as far as the eye could

reach. Behind this impenetrable screen of vegetation, over which the

miasma hung in wreathlike clouds, rose the purple peaks of the Bukit

Barisan Range, of which Mount Berapi, twelve thousand feet high, is

the grim and forbidding overlord. Upon this shore a mighty surf pounds

unceasingly. Farming far to seaward, the tremendous rollers come

booming in with the speed of an express train, gradually gathering

volume as they near the shore until they tower to a height of twenty

feet or more, when, striking the beach, they break upon the sands with

a roar which on still nights can be heard up-country for many miles. So

dangerous is the surf along this coast that when trading vessels drop

anchor off its towns to pick up cargoes of pepper, copra, or coffee,

they invariably send their boats ashore in charge of natives, who are

as familiar with this threatening, thunderous barrier of foam as is

a housewife with the cupboards in her kitchen. But even the Malays,

marvellously skilful boatmen as they are, can effect a landing only at

those places where the mountain streams, of which there are a great

number along the western coast of Sumatra, have melted comparatively

smooth channels through the angry surf to the open sea. The pepper,

which is one of the island’s chief articles of export, is grown on the

high table-lands in the interior and is brought down to the trading

stations on the coast by means of bamboo rafts, their navigation

through the cataracts and rapids which obstruct these mountain streams

being a perilous and hair-raising performance.

Thus it came about that while the New England merchantman rocked lazily

in the Indian Ocean swells on this scorching afternoon in February,

1831, her master, Mr. Endicott, her second mate, John Barry, and four

of her crew, were at the trading station, a short distance up the

river from Qualla Battoo, superintending the weighing of the pepper

and making sure that it was properly stowed away in the boats where

the water could not reach it, for, as Captain Endicott had learned

from many and painful experiences, the Malays are not to be trusted in

such things. Now, Captain Endicott had not traded along the coasts of

Malaysia for a dozen years without learning certain lessons by heart,

and one of them was that the lithe and sinewy brown men with whom he

was doing business were no less cruel and treacherous than the surf

that edged their shores. Hence his suspicions instantly became aroused

when he noticed that the first boat, after being loaded at the trading

station and starting for the river mouth instead of making straight for

the _Friendship_, as it should have done, stopped on its way through

the town and took aboard more men. Concluding, however, that the Malay

crew required additional oarsmen in order to negotiate the unusually

heavy surf, his suspicions were allayed and he turned again to the

business of weighing out pepper for the second boat-load, though he

took the precaution, nevertheless, of detailing two of his men to keep

their eyes on the boat and to instantly report anything which seemed

out of the ordinary.

Instead of taking on more oarsmen, as Captain Endicott had supposed,

the boat’s crew had exchanged places with double their number of

armed warriors, who, concealing their weapons, sent the boat smashing

through the wall of surf and then pulled leisurely out toward the

unsuspecting merchantman. Though the first mate, who was in charge

of the loading, remarked that the boat had an unusually large crew,

he drew the same conclusions as the captain and permitted it to come

alongside. No sooner was it made fast to the _Friendship’s_ side,

however, than the Malays, concealing their _krises_ in their scanty

clothing, began to scramble over the bulwarks, until a score or more

of them were gathered on the vessel’s decks. The mate, ever fearful

of treachery, ordered them back into their boat, but the Malays,

pretending not to understand him, scattered over the ship, staring at

the rigging and equipment with the open-mouthed curiosity of children.

So well did they play their parts, indeed, that the mate decided that

his suspicions were unfounded and turned again to the work of checking

up the bags of pepper as they came over the side. When the Malays had

satisfied themselves as to the strength and whereabouts of the crew,

whom they outnumbered three to one, they unostentatiously took the

positions their leader assigned to them. Then, choosing a moment when

the mate was leaning over the side giving orders to the men in the

boat, one of their number, moving across the deck on naked feet with

the stealth and silence of a cat, drew back his arm and with a vicious

downward sweep buried his razor-edged _kris_ between the American’s

brawny shoulders. Though mortally wounded, the mate uttered a scream

of warning, whereupon five of the sailors who had been lounging under

the forward awning, snatching up belaying-pins and capstan-bars, ran

to his assistance. But the Malays were too many for them and too well

armed, and after a brief but desperate struggle two other Americans

lay dead upon the blood-stained deck, while the other three, less

fortunate, were prisoners with a fate too horrible for words in store

for them. The four remaining seamen, who had been below, aroused by the

noise of the struggle, had rushed on deck in time to witness the fate

of their comrades. Realizing the utter helplessness of their position

and appreciating that only butchery or torture awaited them if they

remained, they burst through the ring of natives who surrounded them

and dived into the sea. They quickly discovered, however, that the

shore held no greater safety than the ship, for whenever they were

lifted on the crest of a wave they could see that the beach was lined

with armed warriors, whooping and brandishing their spears. Seeing that

to land was but to invite death in one of its most unpleasant forms,

the four swimmers held a brief consultation and then, abruptly changing

their course, struck out for a rocky promontory several miles away,

which offered them at least temporary safety, as the Malays could not

readily reach them.

In the meantime, the two seamen who had been detailed by Captain

Endicott to keep watch of the boat, observing the confusion on the

_Friendship’s_ decks and seeing the sailors jumping overboard, summoned

their commander, who quickly surmised what had happened. Endicott

realized that there was not an instant to lose. Ordering his second

mate and the four seamen into the boat which was then being loaded,

they pulled madly for the mouth of the river. Nor were they a second

too soon, for, as they swung into that reach of the river which is

bordered on either bank by the huts of the town, the Qualla Battooans

ran out and attempted to intercept them. But the Americans, spurred on

by the knowledge that death awaited them if they were captured, bent

to their oars, and, amid a rain of bullets, spears, and arrows, the

boat swept through the town as a racing shell sweeps down the Hudson at

Poughkeepsie. Though they succeeded by something akin to a miracle in

reaching the mouth of the river unharmed, it now looked as though they

would perish in the mountain-high surf, for they were ignorant of the

channel and had none of the Malay skill for handling a boat in heavy

breakers. But at this crucial moment they saw a man’s head bobbing in

the water alongside, a familiar voice hailed them in English, and a

moment later a friendly Malay named Po Adam, the rajah of a neighboring

tribe which was on none too friendly terms with the Qualla Battooans,

drew himself into the boat.

“What on earth are you doing here, Adam?” exclaimed Endicott, when he

recognized his caller from the sea. “Are you coming with us?”

“Yes, cap’n,” said the Malay; “if they kill you they must kill me

first.” Po Adam, it seemed, had come to Qualla Battoo in his armed

coasting schooner, had witnessed the capture of the American vessel,

and, fearing that the attack might be extended to him because of his

known friendship for foreigners, he had swum to the American boat. With

him for a pilot they managed, with extreme difficulty, to negotiate the

breakers, though no sooner was this danger behind them than another one

appeared in front, for the Malays, foiled in their attempt to intercept

the Americans as they passed down the river, had put off in several war

canoes, which could easily overtake them on the sea. The Americans were

defenseless, for in their haste to embark they had left their weapons

behind them. Po Adam, however, had managed to cling to his scimitar

during his swim, and this he brandished so ferociously and uttered

such appalling threats of what his tribesmen would do to the Qualla

Battooans if he were molested that they sheered off without attacking.

Realizing that it was foolhardiness to attempt to retake the

_Friendship_ with half a dozen men, Captain Endicott, after touching at

the promontory to pick up the four sailors who had jumped overboard,

regretfully laid his course for Muckie, Po Adam’s capital, twenty miles

down the coast. As he departed there rang in his ears the exultant

shouts of the Malays who were looting his beloved vessel. Turning,

he shook his fist in the direction of Qualla Battoo. “I’ll come back

again, my fine fellows,” he muttered, “and when I do you’ll wish to

Heaven that you’d never touched Americans.”

The road to glory · 第 6 / 15 段