[1] 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnology, Part 2.
[2] Called by the Navaho, Beshbito, Piped Water; from a metallic pipe
at the spring.
[3] 8th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnology, 1886–’87 (1901).
[4] An able discussion of the pueblo problems is found in the
excellent compilation of Fritz Krause, Die Pueblo-Indianer, Eine
historish-ethnographische Studie. Nova Acta Kaiserl. Leop. Carol.
Deutschen Akademie der Naturforschern. Vol. 87, No. 1, 1907.
[5] The specialized symbolism so elaborately shown on Sikyatki pottery
is regarded as a local development and for that reason can not be
expected elsewhere even in the ancestral homes of the clans whose later
members lived at Hopi.
[6] The Prehistoric Ruins of the San Juan Watershed in Utah, Arizona,
Colorado and New Mexico. Amer. Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. 5, p. 280.
[7] This ruin has been added to the National Monument known as the
Chaco group.
The name Kin-a-a seems to have been applied by the Navaho to at least
two ruins. This particular Kin-a-a is possibly the ruin described by
Chas. F. Lummis to which Bandelier refers.
[8] A Prehistoric Mesa Verde Pueblo and its People, Smithsonian Report
for 1916.
[9] At certain times in Hopi ceremonies a thin layer of sand is
sprinkled over the kiva roof, and on this sand are drawn in meal four
rain-cloud figures, around which are performed certain secret rites.
[10] A two or three storied kiva like that of the Crown Point ruin is
mentioned by Jackson in his description of Chettro Kettle ruin of the
Chaco group, and is one of those features possibly existing in the
tower kivas which are now extinct.
[11] Although the author has observed several towers with fallen rock
about their bases, he has not been able to trace three concentric walls
with connecting partitions.
[12] The circular kivas of the two ruins near Crown Point are enclosed
by four standing walls forming sides of a rectangle, a feature they
share with some of these chambers in the Chaco and San Juan region. The
intention of the builders was to secure the prescribed subterranean
feature by construction of a rectangular building about the circular
room rather than by depression below the level of the site. This type
is now extinct, but belongs to the most advanced stage of pueblo
architecture before its decline.
[13] The Navaho are not a pottery making people, but often use bowls
and vases they find in prehistoric ruins.
[14] Although prehistoric, the author regards all the Chaco Canyon
group of ruins as later in construction than those of the Mesa Verde
and San Juan, with which they are morphologically connected.
[15] 4th Ann. Rep. of the Director of the Bur. Amer. Ethnol.; also 22d
Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 124, 125.
[16] This account is taken from a report of an Exploring Expedition
from Santa Fé, New Mexico, in 1859, under command of Capt. Macomb;
published in 1876 by the Engineers Department, U. S. A.
[17] Prehistoric Man in Utah. The Archæologist, Nov., 1894, pp. 335–342.
[18] We have in Hill Canyon ruins a good illustration of an all but
universal custom, among prehistoric people, of dual types of rooms,
one ceremonial, the other domiciliary, each constructed on different
architectural lines.
[19] 28th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 198, 199.
[20] A complete discussion of these prehistoric towers would lead to
a morphological comparison with the Chulpas of Peru, the Nauregs of
Sardinia, Irish and other similar religious structures.
[21] A more extended discussion of towers is reserved for a monograph,
now in preparation, on “Prehistoric Towers of the Southwest.” The
author has made several new observations on these structures some of
which differ considerably from those of his predecessors.
Morgan, “Houses and House Life of the American Aborigines” (Contr. to
Amer. Ethnol., Vol. IV), has pointed out, page 191, that the round
tower at the base of Ute Mountain must have been entered through
the roof, as no lateral doorways were visible, and Montgomery’s
observations on towers in Nine Mile Canyon point the same way.
These facts tell in favor of the theory that towers and kivas are
morphologically identical, as Morgan indicates. An absence of pilasters
on the inner walls of towers indicates that the roof was not vaulted,
as in most Mesa Verde cliff dwellings and in the pueblo, Far View
House, of the Mummy Lake group. Towers belong to what I have designated
the second type of kivas, or those with flat roofs, and are less
abundant in the San Juan area.
[22] _Op. cit._, also, The Circular Kiva of Small Ruins in the San Juan
Watershed. Amer. Anthr. Jan.–March, 1914.
[23] The intra-rectangular kivas of such pueblos as Zuñi are
comparatively modern, but their position is explained in a
very different way from that of the intra-mural circular kivas
characteristic of the ruins of the San Juan.
Transcriber’s Notes:
- Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
- Blank pages have been removed.
- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.