an old woman, who left the circle of dancers and stood in the center of
the ring while singing it.
6. +Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n+
Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n, Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n,
Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n, Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n.
Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′, Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′,
Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′, Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′.
_Translation_
The whirlwind! The whirlwind!
The whirlwind! The whirlwind!
The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding;
The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding.
This song may possibly refer to the doctrine of the new earth, here
represented as white with snow, advancing swiftly, driven by a
whirlwind. Such an idea occurs several times in the Arapaho songs.
7. +Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′+
Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′,
Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′,
Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′.
Kai′-va wûmbi′ndomä′,
Kai′-va wûmbi′ndomä′,
Kai′-va wûmbi′ndomä′.
_Translation_
There is dust from the whirlwind,
There is dust from the whirlwind,
There is dust from the whirlwind.
The whirlwind on the mountain,
The whirlwind on the mountain,
The whirlwind on the mountain.
8. +Dombi′na so′wina′+
Dombi′na so′wina′,
Dombi′na so′wina′,
Dombi′na so′wina′.
Kai′-va so′wina′,
Kai′-va so′wina′,
Kai′-va so′wina′.
_Translation_
The rocks are ringing,
The rocks are ringing,
The rocks are ringing.
They are ringing in the mountains,
They are ringing in the mountains,
They are ringing in the mountains.
This song was explained to refer to the roaring of a storm among the
rocks in the mountains.
9. +Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′+
Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′, Sû′ng-ä ro′yon,
Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′, Sû′ng-ä ro′yon,
Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′, Sû′ng-ä ro′yon.
Pu′i do′yonji′, Pu′i do′yon,
Pu′i do′yonji′, Pu′i do′yon,
Pu′i do′yonji′, Pu′i do′yon.
_Translation_
The cottonwoods are growing tall,
The cottonwoods are growing tall,
The cottonwoods are growing tall.
They are growing tall and verdant,
They are growing tall and verdant,
They are growing tall and verdant.
This song seems to refer to the return to spring. Throughout the arid
region of the west the cottonwood skirting the borders of the streams
is one of the most conspicuous features of the landscape. See Arapaho
song 13.
PAIUTE GLOSSARY
_Agai′h-tĭka′ra_—“fish eaters;” the distinctive name of the Paiute
of Walker lake, Nevada.
_Bai′-yo_—it is broken.
_Ba′wă_—going around in a circle.
_Dĕna_—for _Tĭ′na_.
_Do_—black.
_Dombi′na_—for _Tĭ′mbi_ or _Tübi_.
_Do′roni_—rolling on the ground, wallowing.
_Do′yon_ or _Do′yonji_—it is growing tall.
_Ga′yon_ or _Ga′yoni_—slender, tall and slender.
_Gosi′pa_—the Milky Way, the road of the dead. See Paiute song 1.
_Hävi′gĭnû_—it lies there, it lies there asleep; _hävi′kwă_, sleep.
_Hogăpä′goni_—“rush-arrow people;” the Shoshoni name for the
Paiute; from _hogăp_, a small water reed; _pägă_, arrow, and
_ni_, the tribal suffix.
_Hutsi_—the sage-hen (_Centrocercus urophasianus_).
_Ĭbidsi′ĭ_—“our mother;” the mythic maternal ancestor of the Paiute.
+Jack Wilson+—see _Wovoka_.
_Ka_—the root of the verb _sit_; _yä′nakatü′_, I am sitting down.
_Kai-va_—mountain.
_Kosi_—for _Kosi′ba_.
_Kosi′ba_—dust.
_Kotso′-tĭka′ra_—“buffalo eaters;” the Paiute name for the Bannock.
Compare _Ko′tso-tĕ′ka_, a Comanche division.
_Kura′ngwa_—“very high peak;” applied to Mount Grant, the sacred
mountain of the Paiute, west of Hawthorne and near the
southwestern end of Walker lake, Nevada.
_Kwohi′tsauq_ or _Ќwijau′h_—“big rumbling belly,” one of the names
assumed by Wovoka the messiah. It was originally the name of
his paternal grandfather.
_Nänigü′kwa_—the Paiute name of the Ghost dance. The word signifies
the “dance in a circle;” _nüka_, a dance.
_Noyo′ä_—to come gliding or creeping; the verb is applied to the
movement of a snake or of an object which progresses without
the aid of feet.
_Noyo′wana_—for _Noyo′ä_.
_Nümä_—“people,” or “Indians,” the name used to designate
themselves by the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche.
_Nümĭ′-naă′_—“our father;” the mythic ancestor of the Paiute.
_Nüvä_—for _Nüvä′bi_.
_Nüvä′bi_—snow.
_Nüvä′-ri′pă_—snowy earth, snow-covered earth (compound word); from
_nüvä′bi_, snow, and _ri′pă_ or _ti′pă_, earth.
_Pägü′nävä_—fog.
_Paiute_ or _Piu′te_—(_Pai-yu′t_) the name by which the _Nüma_ of
Nevada and the adjacent region are popularly and officially
known. It has been rendered as “true (_pai_) Ute” or “water
(_pä_) Ute.” They themselves pronounce the word in three
syllables, _Pai-u′-ti_.
+Pai-yu′chimŭ+—the Hopi name for the Paiute.
+Pai-yu′tsĭ+—the Navaho name for the Paiute.
+Palŭ+—the Washo name for the Paiute.
_Päsü′_—for _Päsü′bi_.
_Päsü′bi_—willow.
+Pavio′tso+—the proper tribal name of the Indians of Walker River
and Pyramid Lake reservations in Nevada, according to Powell,
who considers them distinct from the Paiute.
_Pu′i_—for _Pu′igai′-yu_.
_Pu′igai′-yu_—verdant, green (applied to growing plants).
_Ro′răni_—an unmeaning word used to fill out the measure of the
songs.
_Ro′yon_ or _Ro′yonji_—other forms of _Do′yon_.
+Snake Indians+—a name loosely applied to various northern bands
or tribes of Shoshonean stock, including Paiute, Bannock,
Shoshoni, and sometimes even the Comanche.
_Sowi′na_—ringing like a bell, roaring.
_Sû′ng-ä_—for _Sû′ng-äbi_.
_Sû′ng-äbi_—cottonwood.
_Taivo_—the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche name for a white man.
See _Tä′vibo_.
_Tăkwû′kwij_—lightning.
_Tä′vibo_—“white man,” the father of Wovoka the messiah. The word
has a connection with _täbi_ or _tävi_, the sun; _tävä′năgwăt_,
the east or sunrise place, and _tai′-vo_, the Shoshoni and
Comanche name for a white man.
_Tĭ′mbi_ or _Tĭ′mbin_—a rock; another form is _tübi_.
_Tĭ′na_—antelope.
_Tûngwü′kwiji_—for _Tăkwû′kwij_.
_Wai′va_—the sand grass or wild millet of Nevada (_Oryzopsis
membranacea_). In composition the word becomes _wai_. See
Paiute song 4.
+Wa′siu+—the name by which the Washo call themselves.
+Wĭ′kiup+—the popular name of the Paiute dwelling, made in conical
form, about 8 or 10 feet high, and open at the top, of tulé
rushes woven over a framework of poles. The word is of
uncertain origin.
_Wĭ′noghän_—shaken by the wind, waving in the wind.
_Wo′voka_ or _Wü′voka_—“the cutter,” the proper name of the Paiute
messiah, known to the whites as Jack Wilson. A few years ago he
assumed also the name of _Kwohi′tsauq_, “big rumbling belly,”
from his paternal grandfather. See chapter +IX+ _ante_.
_Wûbi′doma_—whirlwind, hurricane. _Hi′gwă_, wind;
_pitä′nägwă-higwă′_, the south wind.
_Wûmbe′doma_—for _Wûbi′doma_.
_Wûmbĭ′ndomän_—for _Wûbi′doma_.
THE SIOUX
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
_Chahrarat_—Pawnee name (Grinnell).
_Dakota_, _Nakota_, or _Lakota_—proper tribal name, according
to dialect, “allies, friends;” sometimes also they speak of
themselves as _Oceti Sakowin_, the “seven council fires,” in
allusion to their seven great divisions.
_Itahatski_—Hidatsa name, “long arrows” (Matthews).
_K̔odalpä-K̔iñago_—Kiowa name, “necklace people,” perhaps a
misconception of neck-cutting people, i. e., beheaders.
_Maranshobishgo_—Cheyenne name, “cut-throats” (Long). The name is
plainly incorrect, as the Cheyenne language has no _r_.
_Nadowesi_ or _Nadowesiu_—“little snakes” or “little enemies,”
_Nadowe_, “snake” and figuratively “enemy,” being the common
Algonquian term for all tribes of alien lineage. The Ojibwa
and others designated the Iroquois, living east of them,
as _Nadowe_, while the Sioux, living to the west, were
distinguished as _Nadowesi_ or _Nadowesiu_, whence come
Nadouessioux and Sioux.
_Natnihina_ or _Natni_—Arapaho name; Hayden gives the form as
_Natenehina_, which he renders “cut-throats or beheaders,” but
it may be derived from _Nadowe_, as explained above.
_Niake′tsikûtk_—Kichai name.
_Pambizimina_—Shoshoni name, “beheaders.”
_Papitsinima_—Comanche name, “beheaders,” from _papitsi_,
signifying to behead, and _nĭma_ or _nüma_, people.
_Shahañ_—Osage, Kansa, Oto, etc, name (Dorsey).
_Sioux_—popular name, abbreviated from Nadouessioux, the French
form of their Ojibwa name.
_Tsaba′kosh_—Caddo name, “cut-throats.”
TRIBAL SIGN
A sweeping pass of the right hand in front of the neck, commonly
rendered “cut-throats” or “beheaders,” but claimed by the Kiowa to
refer to a kind of shell necklace formerly peculiar to the Sioux.
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE
The Sioux constitute the largest tribe in the United States, and are
too well known to need an extended description here. Although now
thought of chiefly as a prairie tribe, their emergence upon the plains
is comparatively recent, and within the historic period their range
extended as far eastward as central Wisconsin, from which, and most of
Minnesota, they have been driven out by the westward advance of the
Ojibwa. There is ground for believing that the true home of the whole
Siouan stock is not in the west, or even in the central region, but
along the south Atlantic slope. (See the author’s _Siouan Tribes of the
East_.)
The Sioux language has three well-marked dialects—the eastern or
Santee, the middle or Yankton (including the Asiniboin in the north),
and the western or Teton. The tribe consists of seven great divisions,
each of which again has or had subdivisions. Dorsey enumerates over one
hundred in all. Each grand division had its own camping circle, and
when two or more such divisions camped together they usually camped
in concentric circles. (_Dorsey._) The seven great divisions are: 1.
_Mde-wakañ-toñwañ_ (Medewacanton), “village of the Spirit lake;” 2.
_Waqpekute_ (Wahpacoota), “leaf shooters;” 3. _Waqpetoñwañ_ (Wahpeton),
“leaf village;” 4. _Sisitoñwañ_ (Sisseton), variously rendered “slimy
village” or “swamp village;” 5. _Ihanktoñwañ_ (Yankton), “end village;”
6. _Ihanktoñwañna_ (Yanktonais), “upper end village;” 7. _Titoñwañ_
(Teton), “prairie village.”
The first four divisions collectively are known as Isañati or Santee
Sioux. The name is supposed to be derived from _isañ_, the dialectic
word for “knife.” They formerly held Mississippi, Minnesota, and upper
Red rivers in Minnesota and were afterward gathered on reservations
at Devils lake, North Dakota; Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency) and
Flandreau, South Dakota; and Santee agency, Nebraska. Those at Lake
Traverse and Flandreau have now taken allotments as citizens.
The Yankton and Yanktonais, together speaking the middle dialect,
occupied chiefly the country of James river, east of the Missouri, in
North Dakota and South Dakota and extending into Iowa. They are now
on Yankton and Crow Creek reservations in South Dakota, and Fort Peck
reservation, Montana.
The Teton constitute more than two-thirds of the whole Sioux tribe, and
held nearly the whole country southwest of the Missouri from Cannonball
river to the South Platte, extending westward beyond the Black hills.
They are all now on reservations in South and North Dakota. They
are again subdivided into seven principal divisions: 1. _Sichañgu_,
“burnt thighs” (Brulés), now on Rosebud reservation; 2. _Ogalala_,
referring to “scattering” of dust in the face (Clark), now on Pine
Ridge reservation, under the celebrated chief Red Cloud (_Maqpe-Luta_);
3. _Hunkpapa_, “those who camp at the end (or opening) of the camping
circle” (Clark), on Standing Rock reservation; 4. _Minikañzu_,
“those who plant by the water,” on Cheyenne River reservation; 5.
_Itazipko_, “without bows” (Sans Arcs), on Cheyenne River reservation;
6. _Sihasapa_, “black feet” (not to be confounded with the Blackfoot
tribe), on Cheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations; 7.
_Ohenoñpa_, “two kettles,” on Cheyenne River and Rosebud reservations.
According to the official report for 1893, the Sioux within the United
States number about 23,410, which, with 600 permanently settled in
Manitoba, make the whole population about 24,000 souls.
The Sioux, under the name of Nadouessi, are mentioned by the Jesuit
missionaries as early as 1632. They made their first treaties with
our government in 1815. The most prominent events in their history
since that date have been the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825,
which defined their eastern boundary and stopped the westward advance
of the Ojibwa; the Minnesota massacre of 1862, which resulted in the
expulsion of the Sioux from Minnesota; the Sioux war of 1876–77,
largely consequent on the unauthorized invasion of the Black hills by
miners, and the chief incident of which was the defeat and massacre
of an entire detachment under General Custer; the treaty by which the
great reservation was broken up in 1889, and the outbreak of 1890, with
the massacre of Wounded Knee.
By reason of their superior numbers the Sioux have always assumed,
if not exercised, the lordship over all the neighboring tribes with
the exception of the Ojibwa, who, having acquired firearms before the
Sioux, were enabled to drive the latter from the headwaters of the
Mississippi, and were steadily pressing them westward when stopped by
the intervention of the United States government. The Sioux in turn
drove the Cheyenne, Crow, Kiowa, and others before them and forced
them into the mountains or down into the southern prairies. The
eastern bands were sedentary and largely agricultural, but the Teton
were solely and preeminently wandering buffalo hunters. All dwelt in
_tipis_—the word is from the Sioux language—which were of bark in
the timber country and of buffalo skins on the plains. In warlike
character they are probably second only to the Cheyenne, and have an
air of proud superiority rather unusual with Indians. Clark says of
them, “In mental, moral, and physical qualities I consider the Sioux
a little lower but still nearly equal to the Cheyenne, and the Teton
are the superior branch of the family.” (_Indian Sign Language_, 345.)
The eastern Sioux are now far advanced toward civilization through the
efforts of teachers and missionaries for over a generation, and the
same is true in a less degree of the Yankton, while the majority of the
Teton are still nearly in their original condition.
I found the Sioux very difficult to approach on the subject of the
Ghost dance. This was natural, in view of the trouble that had
resulted to them in consequence of it. When I was first at Pine Ridge,
the troops still camped there served as a reminder of the conflict,
while in the little cemetery at the agency were the fresh graves of
the slain soldiers, and only a few miles away was the Wounded Knee
battlefield and the trench where the bodies of nearly three hundred
of their people had been thrown. To my questions the answer almost
invariably was, “The dance was our religion, but the government sent
soldiers to kill us on account of it. We will not talk any more about
it.” Another reason for their unwillingness was the fact that most
of the interpreters were from the eastern or Santee portion of the
tribe, and looked with contempt on the beliefs and customs of their
more primitive western brethren, between whom and themselves there was
in consequence but little friendly feeling. On one occasion, while
endeavoring to break the ice with one of the initiates of the dance, I
told him how willingly the Arapaho had given me information and even
invited me to join in the dance. “Then,” said he, “don’t you find that
the religion of the Ghost dance is better than the religion of the
churches?” I could not well say yes, and hesitated a moment to frame an
answer. He noticed it at once and said very deliberately, “Well, then,
if you have not learned that you have not learned anything about it,”
and refused to continue the conversation.
[Illustration: +Fig. 102+—Native drawings of Ghost dance—A, Comanche;
B, Sioux]
The Sioux ghost songs are all in the dialect of the Teton, who took the
most active interest in the dance, which was hardly known among the
bands east of the Missouri. The vocalic character of the language, and
the frequent liquid _l_ of this dialect, renders these songs peculiarly
musical, while for beauty of idea and expression they are second only
to those of the Arapaho.
SONGS OF THE SIOUX
1. +A′te he′ye e′yayo+
_Opening song_
A′te he′ye e′yayo!
A′te he′ye e′yayo!
A′te he′ye lo,
A′te he′ye lo.
Nitu′ñkañshi′la wa′ñyegala′ke—kta′ e′yayo′!
Nitu′ñkañshi′la wa′ñyegala′ke—kta′ e′yayo′!
A′te he′ye lo,
A′te he′ye lo.
Ni′takuye wañye′găla′ke—kta e′yayo′!
Ni′takuye wañye′găla′ke—kta e′yayo′!
A′te he′ye lo,
A′te he′ye lo.
_Translation_
The father says so—_E′yayo!_
The father says so—_E′yayo!_
The father says so,
The father says so.
You shall see your grandfather—_E′yayo′!_
You shall see your grandfather—_E′yayo′!_
The father says so,
The father says so.
You shall see your kindred—_E′yayo′!_
You shall see your kindred—_E′yayo′!_
The father says so,
The father says so.
This is the opening song of the dance. While singing it, all the
dancers stand motionless with hands stretched out toward the west, the
country of the messiah and the quarter whence the new spirit world is
to come. When it is ended, all cry together, after which they join
hands and begin to circle around to the left. “Grandfather,” as well as
“father,” is a reverential term applied to the messiah.
2. +Mi′chĭ′nkshi nañpe+
Michĭ′nkshi nañpe ma′yuzaye,
Michĭ′nkshi nañpe ma′yuzaye,
A′te he′ye lo,
A′te he′ye lo.
Ini′chaghe-kte,
Ini′chaghe-kte,
A′te he′ye lo,
A′te he′ye lo.
Chăno′ñpa wa′ñ chi′cha-u′pi,
Chăno′ñpa wa′ñ chi′cha-u′pi,
A′te he′ye lo′,
A′te he′he lo′.
Cha′-yani′pi-kta′,
Cha′-yani′pi-kta′,
A′te he′ye lo′,
A′te he′ye lo′.
_Translation_
My son, let me grasp your hand,
My son, let me grasp your hand,
Says the father,
Says the father.
You shall live,
You shall live,
Says the father,
Says the father.
I bring you a pipe,
I bring you a pipe,
Says the father,
Says the father.
By means of it you shall live,
By means of it you shall live,
Says the father,
Says the father.
This song refers to the sacred pipe which, according to the Sioux
tradition, was brought to them by a mysterious young woman from the
spirit world. The story, as outlined by Captain J. M. Lee, is as
follows: In the old times the Sioux were always at war, not only with
other tribes, but also among themselves. On one occasion two young men
were out hunting when they saw a young woman approaching them with
folded arms. Seeing that she was not of their own tribe, one proposed
to the other that they kill her, but he refused and urged that they
wait until they learned what she wanted. The first speaker, however,
was about to kill her as she drew near, when she suddenly stooped down
and took from around her ankle something resembling an anklet, which
she waved about her head. The motion was so rapid that it seemed as
though a cloud encircled her for a few moments, when she ceased, and
the snake which she had taken from off her ankle glided away through
the grass. But the young warrior who had thought to kill her had
disappeared, swept from the face of the earth.
Turning now to his companion, she said, “To you I come as a friend and
helper. Your people have been killing each other. I bring you a pipe,
which is a token of peace,” and she held out a pipe as she spoke. “When
you smoke it your thoughts will be of peace, and no murderer (i. e., no
one who kills a member of his own tribe) must be allowed to smoke it.”
She returned with him to his village, where the women prepared for her
reception a large tipi, to which the chiefs of the tribe came to listen
to her instructions. She taught them to be at peace with one another,
if they would be happy, and when they listened to her words and
accepted her teachings, she gave them the sacred medicine pipe to smoke
thenceforth in their councils as a perpetual reminder of the peace
covenant of the Lakota. Her mission now ended, she said she must leave
them, and although they begged her earnestly to stay with them, she
could not tarry longer, but disappeared as suddenly and mysteriously as
she had come.
A variant of this legend is given by Colonel Mallery in his paper
in the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, where it is
illustrated by a colored plate from a picture by the Indian story
teller. According to this version, the pipe maiden was the mysterious
white Buffalo Cow, and brought, with the pipe, a package of four
grains of maize of different colors. This corn sprang from the milk
which dropped from her udder, and was thus, with the flesh of the
buffalo itself, appointed from the beginning to be the food of all
the red tribes. The seeming snakes about her waist and ankles were
really blades of grass (corn?). She taught the people to call her
“grandmother,” a reverential title among Indians, and after leading
them to her relatives, the buffalo, she faded from their sight as they
stood gazing at her.
The pipe holds an important part in the mythology and ritual of almost
all our tribes, east and west, and no great ceremony is complete and
no treaty was ever ratified without it. It is generally symbolic of
peace and truth. As a peace emblem, it was formerly carried by every
bearer of a friendly message from one tribe to another and was smoked
in solemn ratification of treaties, the act of smoking being itself
in the nature of an oath. Among the prairie tribes an individual
accused of crime is offered the sacred pipe, and if he accepts it and
smokes he is declared innocent, as no Indian would dare to smoke it if
guilty. The ordinary ceremonial pipe of the prairie tribes is made of
the red stone, known as catlinite, from the famous pipestone quarry
in Minnesota in the old country of the Sioux. The peace pipe of the
Cherokee was made of a white stone, somewhat resembling talc, from a
quarry near Knoxville, Tennessee. It is said to have had seven stem
holes, emblematic of the seven clans of the Cherokee, and was smoked
by seven counselors at the same time. In every case the tribe has a
legend to account for the origin of the pipe. A flat pipe is the tribal
“medicine” of the Arapaho, and is still preserved with the northern
band in Wyoming. (See Arapaho songs 1 and 2.) Besides the stone pipe,
there are also in use pipes of clay or bone, as well as cigarettes,
but as a rule no ceremonial character attaches to these. In ceremonial
smoking the pipe is passed around the circle of councilors, each of
whom takes only a few whiffs and then hands it to his neighbor. Each
one as he receives the pipe offers it first to the sun, holding the
bowl up toward the sky and saying, “Grandfather, smoke;” then to the
earth, the fire, and perhaps also to each of the four cardinal points
and to one or another of their mythologic heroes. Among the Kiowa I
have seen a man hold up the pipe to the sky, saying, “Smoke, Sinti”
(Sinti being their great mythologic trickster), and then in the same
way, “Smoke, Jesus.”
In the Ghost dance at Rosebud and Pine Ridge, as usually performed,
a young woman stood in the center of the circle holding out a pipe
toward the messiah in the west, and remained thus throughout the dance.
Another young woman usually stood beside her holding out a _bäqati_
wheel (see Arapaho song 49) in the same way. This feature of the dance
is said to have been introduced by Short Bull.
3. +He tuwe′cha he+
He tuwe′cha he u echa′ni hwo?
He tuwe′cha he u echa′ni hwo?
Huñku oki′le chaya he u hwo?
Huñku oki′le chaya he u hwo?
A′te-ye he′ye lo,
A′te-ye he′ye lo.
_Translation_
Who think you comes there?
Who think you comes there?
Is it someone looking for his mother?
Is it someone looking for his mother?
Says the father,
Says the father.
In this the singer tells how he was greeted by his former friend upon
entering the spirit world, to which he had gone in search of his mother.
4. +Wana′yañ ma′niye+
Wana′yañ ma′niye,
Wana′yañ ma′niye.
Tata′ñka wañ ma′niye,
Tata′ñka wañ ma′niye,
A′te he′ye lo,
A′te he′ye lo.
_Translation_
Now he is walking,
Now he is walking.
There is a buffalo bull walking,
There is a buffalo bull walking,
Says the father,
Says the father.