Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′,_The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890

Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′,

Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Da‛chä′-ihi′na he′sûna′nĭn,

Da‛chä′-ihi′na he′sûna′nĭn—Ih! Ih!

_Translation_

I use the yellow (paint),

Says the father,

In order to please me, the father,

In order to please me, the father—_Ih! Ih!_

The meaning of this song is somewhat obscure. It seems to be a message

from the messiah to the effect that he paints himself with yellow

paint, because it pleases him, the inference being that it would please

him to have his children do the same. Those who take part in the sun

dance are usually painted yellow, that being the color of the sun. This

song is peculiar in having at the end two sharp yelps, in the style of

the ordinary songs of the warrior dances.

54. +Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu+

A′-näni′sa′na, a′-näni′sa′na,

Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu,

A′-tini′chi′ni′na nä′nisa′na,

Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn.

_Translation_

My children, my children,

I am flying about the earth,

I am flying about the earth.

I am a bird, my children,

Says the father,

Says the father.

In this song the messiah, addressing his children, is represented as a

bird (crow?) flying about the whole earth, symbolic of his omniscience.

The song has one or two variants.

55. +I′nita′ta′-usä′na+

I′nita′ta′-usä′na,

I′nita′ta′-usä′na.

Hä′tini′tubibä′ hu′hu,

Hä′tini′tubibä′ hu′hu.

Hä′tina′ha′wa′bä hu′hu,

Hä′tina′ha′wa′bä hu′hu.

_Translation_

Stand ready,

Stand ready.

(So that when) the crow calls you,

(So that when) the crow calls you.

You will see him,

You will see him.

This song was composed by Little Raven, one of the delegation of seven

from the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne which visited the messiah in

Nevada in August, 1891. It is a message to the believers to be ready

for the near coming of the new earth. The first line is sometimes sung

_I′nita′ta-u′sä-hu′na_.

56. +Wa′wäthä′bi+

Nä′nisa′na-ŭ′, nä′nisa′na-ŭ′,

Wa′wäthä′bichä′chinĭ′nabä′nagu′wa-u′i′naga′thi—He′e′ye′!

Häthi′na ne′nahu′,

Häthi′na ne′nahu′.

_Translation_

My children, my children,

I have given you magpie feathers again to wear on your heads—_He′e′ye′!_

Thus says our mother,

Thus says our mother.

This song affords a good specimen of the possibilities of Indian word

building. The second word might serve as a companion piece to Mark

Twain’s picture of a complete word in German. It consists of seventeen

syllables, all so interwoven to complete the sense of the word sentence

that no part can be separated from the rest without destroying the

whole. The verbal part proper indicates that “I have given you (plural)

a headdress again.” The final syllables, _wa-u′i-naga′thi_, show that

the headdress consists of the tail feathers (_wagathi_) of the magpie

(_wa-u-i_). The syllable _cha_ implies repetition or return of action,

this being probably not the first time that the messiah had given

magpie feathers to his visitors.

The magpie (_Pica hudsonica_ or _mittalii_) of the Rocky mountains

and Sierra Nevada and the intermediate region of Nevada and Utah is

perhaps the most conspicuous bird in the Paiute country. It bears a

general resemblance to a crow or blackbird, being about the size of

the latter, and jet black, with the exception of the breast, which

is white, and a white spot on each wing. In its tail are two long

feathers with beautiful changeable metallic luster. It is a home bird,

frequenting the neighborhood of the Paiute camps in small flocks. It

is held sacred among the Paiute, by whom the long tail feathers are

as highly prized for decorative purposes as eagle feathers are among

the tribes of the plains. The standard price for such feathers in 1891

was 25 cents a pair. The delegates who crossed the mountains to visit

the messiah brought back with them quantities of these feathers, which

thenceforth filled an important place in the ceremonial of the Ghost

dance. In fact they were so eagerly sought after that the traders

undertook to meet the demand, at first by importing genuine magpie

feathers from the mountains, but later by fraudulently substituting

selected crow feathers from the east at the same price.

The song is also peculiar in referring to the messiah as “my mother”

(_nena_) instead of “our father” (_hesûnanin_), as usual.

57. +Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na+

Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na,

Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na.

Hatăna′wunăni′na hesûna′nĭn,

Hatăna′wunăni′na hesûna′nĭn.

Ha′tăni′ni′ahu′hi′na he′sûna′nĭn,

Ha′tăni′ni′ahu′hi′na he′sûna′nĭn.

_Translation_

My father, I am poor,

My father, I am poor.

Our father is about to take pity on me,

Our father is about to take pity on me.

Our father is about to make me fly around.

This song refers to the present impoverished condition of the Indians,

and to their hope that he is now about to take pity on them and remove

them from this dying world to the new earth above; the feathers worn

on their heads in the dance being expected to act as wings, as already

explained, to enable them to fly to the upper regions.

58. +Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na+

Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

Hi′bithi′ni′na gasi′tu—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

_Translation_

The seven crows—_Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!_

They are flying about the carrion—_Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!_

In this song the dreamer tells of his trance visit to the spirit world,

where he found his friends busily engaged cutting up the meat after

a successful buffalo hunt, while the crows were hovering about the

carrion. Four and seven are the constant sacred numbers of the Ghost

dance, as of Indian ritual and story generally.

59. +Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn+

Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn—

Ni′tabä′tani′ bäta′hina′ni,

Ha′kă hä′sabini′na he′sûna′nĭn,

Ha′kă hä′sabini′na he′sûna′nĭn.

_Translation_

There is our father—

We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance,

Because our father has so commanded us,

Because our father has so commanded us.

The literal meaning of the last line is “because our father has given

it to us,” the prairie idiom for directing or commanding being to “give

a road” or to “make a road” for the one thus commanded. To disobey is

to “break the road” and to depart from the former custom is to “make a

new road.” The idea is expressed in the same way both in the various

spoken languages and in the sign language.

60. +Ga′awa′hu+

Ga′awa′hu, ga′awa′hu,

Ni′hii′nä gu′shi′nä,

Ni′hii′nä gu′shi′nä.

A′tanä′tähinä′na,

A′tanä′tähinä′na.

_Translation_

The ball, the ball—

You must throw it swiftly,

You must throw it swiftly.

I want to win,

I want to win.

The author of this song was a woman who in her trance vision saw her

girl friends in the other world playing the ball game, as described in

song number 7. In this case, however, her partner is urged to _throw_

the ball, instead of to strike it.

61. +Ahu′ ni′higa′hu+

Ahu′ ni′higa′hu,

Ahu′ ni′higa′hu.

Ha′tani′ni′tani′na,

Ha′tani′ni′tani′na.

_Translation_

The Crow is running,

The Crow is running.

He will hear me.

This song implies that the Crow (messiah) is quick to hear the prayer

of the dancer and comes swiftly to listen to his petition.

62. +Ya′thä-yû′na ta′na-u′qahe′na+

Ne′sûna′—He′e′ye′!

Ya′thä-yûna ta′na-u′qahe′na—He′e′ye′!

Ta′bini′na hi′ticha′ni—He′e′ye′!

Bi′taa′wu ta′thi′aku′tawa′—He′e′ye′!

_Translation_

My father—_He′e′ye′!_

He put me in five places—_He′e′ye′!_

I stood upon the earth—_He′e′ye′!_

The author of this song tells how in his trance he went up to the other

world, where he stood upon the new earth and saw the messiah, who took

him around to five different places and gave him a pipe. The number

five may here have some deeper mythic meaning besides that indicated in

the bare narrative.

63. +Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti+

Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti,

Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti.

Ha′-ina′tä be′yi thi′äya′na,

Ha′-ina′tä be′yi thi′äya′na.

_Translation_

I am going around the sweat-house,

I am going around the sweat-house.

The shell lies upon the mound,

The shell lies upon the mound.

The maker of this song saw in his vision a sweat-house with a white

shell lying upon the mound in front, where a buffalo skull is usually

placed. The song evidently refers to some interesting religious

ceremony, but was heard only once, and from a young man who could

give no fuller explanation. I have never seen a shell used in this

connection. It may be, as suggested by Reverend H. R. Voth, that the

word shell is really a figurative expression for skull. In the old

days the whole buffalo head was used, instead of the mere skull.

64. +Hise′hi, hise′hi+

Hise′hi, hise′hi,

Hä′tine′bäku′tha′na,

Häti′ta-u′seta′na,

Häti′ta-u′seta′na.

_Translation_

My comrade, my comrade,

Let us play the awl game,

Let us play the dice game,

Let us play the dice game.

The woman who composed this song tells how, on waking up in the spirit

world, she met there a party of her former girl companions and sat down

with them to play the two games universally popular with the women of

all the prairie tribes.

[Illustration: +Fig. 95+—Diagram of awl game.]

The first is called _nĕ′bäku′thana_ by the Arapaho and _tsoñä_ or

“awl game” (from _tsoñ_, an awl) by the Kiowa, on account of an awl,

the Indian woman’s substitute for a needle, being used to keep record

of the score. The game is becoming obsolete in the north, but is the

everyday summer amusement of the women among the Kiowa, Comanche, and

Apache in the southern plains. It is very amusing on account of the

unforeseen “rivers” and “whips” that are constantly turning up to

disappoint the expectant winner, and a party of women will frequently

sit around the blanket for half a day at a time, with a constant ripple

of laughter and good-humored jokes as they follow the chances of the

play. It would make a very pretty picnic game, or could readily be

adapted to the parlor of civilization.

The players sit upon the ground around a blanket marked in charcoal

with lines and dots, and quadrants in the corners, as shown in figure

95. In the center is a stone upon which the sticks are thrown. Each

dot, excepting those between the parallels, counts a point, making

twenty-four points for dots. Each of the parallel lines, and each

end of the curved lines in the corners, also counts a point, making

sixteen points for the lines or forty points in all. The players start

from the bottom, opposing players moving in opposite directions, and

with each throw of the sticks the thrower moves her awl forward and

sticks it into the blanket at the dot or line to which her throw

carries her. The parallels on each of the four sides are called

“rivers,” and the dots within these parallels do not count in the

game. The rivers at the top and bottom are “dangerous” and can not be

crossed, and when the player is so unlucky as to score a throw which

brings her upon the edge of the river (i. e., upon the first line of

either of these pairs of parallels), she “falls into the river” and

must lose all she has hitherto gained, and begin again at the start.

In the same way, when a player moving around in one direction makes

a throw which brings her awl to the place occupied by the awl of her

opponent coming around from the other side, the said opponent is

“whipped back” to the starting point and must begin all over again.

Thus there is a constant succession of unforeseen accidents which

furnish endless amusement to the players.

[Illustration: +Fig. 96+—Sticks used in awl game.]

[Illustration: +Fig. 97+—Trump sticks used in awl game.]

The game is played with four sticks, each from 6 to 10 inches long,

flat on one side and round on the other (figure 96). One of these is

the trump stick and is marked in a distinctive manner in the center on

both sides, and is also distinguished by having a green line along the

flat side (figure 97), while the others have each a red line. The Kiowa

call this trump stick _sahe_, “green,” on account of the green stripe,

while the others are called _guadal_, “red.” There are also a number of

small green sticks, about the size of lead pencils, for keeping tally.

Each player in turn takes up the four sticks together in her hand and

throws them down on end upon the stone in the center. The number of

points depends on the number of flat or round sides which turn up. A

lucky throw with the green or trump stick generally gives the thrower

another trial in addition. The formula is:

One flat side up counts 1

One flat side (if _sahe_) counts 1 and another throw.

Two flat sides up, with or without _sahe_, count 2

Three flat sides up count 3

Three flat sides up, including _sahe_, count 3 and another throw.

All four flat sides up count 6 and another throw.

All four round sides up count 10 and another throw.

[Illustration: +Fig. 98+—Baskets used in dice game.]

Only the flat sides count except when all the sticks turn round side

up. This is the best throw of all, as it counts ten points and another

throw. On completing one round of forty points the player takes one

of the small green tally sticks from the pile and she who first gets

the number of tally sticks previously agreed on wins the game. Two,

four, or any even number of persons may play the game, half on each

side. When two or more play on a side, all the partners move up the

same number of points at each throw, but only the lucky thrower gets a

second trial in case of a trump throw.

The other woman’s game mentioned, the dice game, is called

_ta-u′sĕta′tina_ (literally, “striking,” or “throwing against”

something) by the Arapaho, and _mo′nshimûnh_ by the Cheyenne, the same

name being now given to the modern card games. It was practically

universal among all the tribes east and west, and under the name of

“hub-bub” is described by a New England writer as far back as 1634,

almost precisely as it exists today among the prairie tribes. The only

difference seems to have been that in the east it was played also by

the men, and to the accompaniment of a song such as is used in the hand

games of the western tribes.

[Illustration: +Fig. 99+—Dice used in dice game.]

The requisites are a small wicker bowl or basket (_hatĕchi′na_), five

dice made of bone or of plum stones, and a pile of tally sticks such

as are used in the awl game. The bowl is 6 or 8 inches in diameter

and about 2 inches deep, and is woven in basket fashion of the tough

fibers of the yucca (figure 98). The dice may be round, elliptical,

or diamond-shape and are variously marked on one side with lines and

figures, the turtle being a favorite design among the Arapaho (figure

99). Two of the five must be alike in shape and marking. The other

three are marked with another design and may also be of another shape.

Any number of women or girls may play, each throwing in turn, and

sometimes one set of partners playing against another. The players toss

up the dice from the basket, letting them drop again into it, and score

points according to the way the dice turn up in the basket. The first

throw by each player is made from the hand instead of from the basket.

One hundred points usually count a game, and stakes are wagered on the

result as in almost every other Indian contest of skill or chance.

For the purpose of explanation, we shall designate two of the five as

“rounds” and the other three as “diamonds,” it being understood that

only the marked side counts in the game, excepting when the throw

happens to turn up the three diamonds blank while the other two show

the marked side, or, as sometimes happens, when all five dice turn up

blank. In every case all of one kind at least must turn up to score a

point. A successful throw entitles the player to another throw, while a

failure obliges her to pass the basket to some one else. The formula is:

1 only of either kind 0

2 rounds 3

3 diamonds (both rounds with blank side up) 3

3 diamonds blank (both rounds with marked side up) 3

4 marked sides up 1

5 (all) blank sides up 1

5 (all) marked sides up 8

A game similar in principle, but played with six dice instead of

five, is also played by the Arapaho women, as well as by those of the

Comanche and probably also of other tribes.

65. +Na′tu′wani′sa+

Nänisa′na, nänisa′na,

Na′tu′wani′sa, na′tu′wani′sa—

Hä′nätä′hĭ′näti′,

Hä′nätä′hĭ′näti′.

_Translation_

My children, my children,

My top, my top—

It will win the game,

It will win the game.

The man who made this song when he entered the spirit world in his

vision met there one of his boy friends who had died long years before,

and once more spun tops with him as in childhood.

Tops are used by all Indian boys, and are made of wood or bone. They

are not thrown or spun with a string, but are kept in motion by

whipping with a small quirt or whip of buckskin. In winter they are

spun upon the ice. The younger children make tops to twirl with the

fingers by running a stick through a small seed berry.

66. +He′na′ga′nawa′nen+

He′na′ga′nawa′nen näa′wu′nani′nä bi′gushi′shi He′sûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Nithi′na hesûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′!

_Translation_

When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on

us—_Ahe′e′ye′!_

When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on

us—_Ahe′e′ye′!_

The father says so—_Ahe′e′ye′!_

With the Arapaho, as with many other tribes, the moon is masculine,

and the sun is feminine. In mythology the two are brother and sister.

There are various myths to account for the spots on the moon’s surface,

some discerning in them a large frog, while to others they bear a

likeness to a kettle hung over the fire. The Arapaho name for the moon,

_bi′gushish_, means literally “night sun,” the sun itself being called

_hishinishish_, “day sun.” A similar nomenclature exists among most

other tribes.

67. +Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′+

[Music]

A′näni′sa′na, a′näni′sa′na,

Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′,

Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′;

Ti′naha′thihu′ nä′nisa′na,

Häthi′na He′sûna′nĭn,

Häthi′na He′sûna′nĭn.

_Translation_

My children, my children,

It is I who wear the morning star on my head.

It is I who wear the morning star on my head;

I show it to my children,

Says the father,

Says the father.

This beautiful song originated among the northern Arapaho, and is

a favorite north and south. In it the messiah is supposed to be

addressing his children. There is a rhythmic swing to the vocalic

syllables that makes the tune particularly pleasing, and the imagery of

thought expressed is poetry itself. The same idea occurs in European

ballad and legend, and has a parallel in the angel of the evangelist,

“clothed with a cloud, and a rainbow upon his head.”

68. +A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na+

A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na nĕ′tĭqta′wa′hu′,

A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na nĕ′tĭqta′wa′hu′.

Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu,

Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu.

Tahu′naha′thihi′na nä′nisa′na,

Tahu′naha′thihi′na nä′nisa′na.

_Translation_

My mother gave me my _tĭ′qtawa_ stick,

My mother gave me my _tĭ′qtawa_ stick.

I fly around with it,

To make me see my children,

To make me see my children.

This song was composed by a woman of the southern Arapaho. The

reference is not entirely clear, but it is probable that in her trance

vision she saw her children in the other world playing the game

mentioned, and that afterward she made the game sticks and carried them

in the dance, hoping by this means to obtain another vision of the

spirit world, where she could again talk with her children who had gone

before her to the shadow land. In one Ghost dance seven different women

carried these game sticks.

The _băti′qtûba_ (abbreviated _ti′qtûp_) game of the Arapaho and other

prairie tribes somewhat resembles the Iroquois game of the “snow

snake,” and is played by children or grown persons of both sexes. It

is a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding the

sticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two persons

or two parties play against each other, boys sometimes playing against

girls or men against women. It is, however, more especially a girl’s

game. The game sticks (_bătĭqta′wa_) are slender willow rods about 4

feet long, peeled and painted and tipped with a point of buffalo horn

to enable them to slide more easily along the ground. In throwing, the

player holds the stick at the upper end with the thumb and fingers,

and, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it out with a sweeping motion.

Young men throw arrows about in the same way, and small boys sometimes

throw ordinary reeds or weed stalks. Among the Omaha, according to

Dorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or ice in

the same manner.

69. +Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′+

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′,

Hä′nänä′hi′gutha′-u ga′qaä′-hu′hu′,

Hä′nänä′hi′gutha′-u ga′qaä′-hu′hu′.

_Translation_

_Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′_,

I throw the “button,”

I throw the “button.”

In his trance vision the author of this song entered a tipi and found

it filled with a circle of his old friends playing the _ga′qutit_,

or “hunt the button” game. This is a favorite winter game with the

prairie tribes, and was probably more or less general throughout the

country. It is played both by men and women, but never by the two

sexes together. It is the regular game in the long winter nights after

the scattered families have abandoned their exposed summer positions

on the open prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter

of the timber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus

camped together, the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song

resound nightly through the air. To the stranger there is a fascination

about such a camp at night, with the conical tipis scattered about

under the trees, the firelight from within shining through the white

canvas and distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figures of the

occupants making merry inside with jest and story, while from half a

dozen different directions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or

the weird chorus of the gaming songs. Frequently there will be a party

of twenty to thirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their

voices can be heard far out from the camp, while from another tipi a

few rods away comes a shrill chorus from a group of women engaged in

another game of the same kind.