The author of this song saw her children in the other world playing

with the _hätiku′tha_, or hummer. On going home after awaking from

her trance, she made the toy and carried it with her to the next dance

and twirled it in the air while singing the song. The _hätiku′tha_,

or hummer, is used by the boys of the prairie tribes as our boys use

the “cut-water,” a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passed

through holes in the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to

produce a humming sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each

other and allowing them to untwist again. One of these which I examined

consists of a bone from a buffalo hoof, painted in different colors,

with four buckskin strings tied around the middle and running out on

each side and fastened at each end to a small peg, so as to be more

firmly grasped by the fingers. It was carried in the dance in 1890

by an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his possession

for twenty years. Another specimen, shown in figure 93, _a_, now in

possession of the National Museum, is similar in construction, but with

only one string on each side.

A kindred toy—it can hardly be considered a musical instrument—is that

known among the whites as the “bull-roarer.” It is found among most of

the western tribes, as well as among our own children and primitive

peoples all over the world. It is usually a simple flat piece of wood,

about 6 inches long, sometimes notched on the edges and fancifully

painted, attached to a sinew or buckskin string of convenient length.

It is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidly in the air produces

a sound not unlike the roaring of a bull or of distant thunder. With

most tribes it is simply a child’s toy, but among the Hopi, according

to Fewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it has a sacred use to

assist the prayers of the medicine-man in bringing on the storm clouds

and the rain.

26. +A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg+

A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg—I′yehe′eye′!

A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg—I′yehe′eye′!

Nii′te′gu be′na nĕ′chäi′hit—I′yehe′eye′!

Bi′taa′wuu—I′yahe′eye′!

Nii′te′gu be′na nĕ′chäi′hit—I′yehe′eye′!

Bi′taa′wuu—I′yahe′eye′!

De′tawu′ni′na ni′sa′na′—Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!

De′tawu′ni′na ni′sa′na′—Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!

_Translation_

At the beginning of human existence—_I′yehe′eye′!_

At the beginning of human existence—_I′yehe′eye′!_

It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me—

The earth—_I′yehe′eye′!_

It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me—

The earth—_I′yehe′eye′!_

(Thus) my father told me—_Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!_

(Thus) my father told me—_Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!_

In the mythology of many primitive nations, from the ancient Hindu to

our own Indian tribes, the turtle or tortoise is the supporter of the

earth, the Atlas on whose back rests the burden of the whole living

universe. A reason for this is found in the amphibious character of the

turtle, which renders it equally at home on land and in the water, and

in its peculiar shape, which was held to be typical of the world, the

world itself being conceived as a huge turtle swimming in a limitless

ocean, the dome of the sky being its upper shell, and the flat surface

of the earth being the bony breastplate of the animal, while inclosed

between them was the living body, the human, animal, and vegetal

creation. In Hindu mythology, when the gods are ready to destroy

mankind, the turtle will grow weary and sink under his load and then

the waters will rise and a deluge will overwhelm the earth. (_Fiske._)

The belief in the turtle as the upholder of the earth was common to

all the Algonquian tribes, to which belong the Arapaho and Cheyenne,

and to the northern Iroquoian tribes. Earthquakes were caused by his

shifting his position from time to time. In their pictographs the

turtle was frequently the symbol of the earth, and in their prayers it

was sometimes addressed as mother. The most honored clan was the Turtle

clan; the most sacred spot in the Algonquian territory was Mackinaw,

the “Island of the Great Turtle;” the favorite medicine bowl of their

doctors is the shell of a turtle; the turtle is pictured on the

ghost shirts of the Arapaho, and farther south in Oklahoma it is the

recognized stock brand by which it is known that a horse or cow belongs

to one of the historic Delaware tribe.

27. +Tahu′na′änä′nia′huna+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Nä′näni′na ta′hu′na′änä′nia′hună′,

Tahu′na′änä′nia′huna,

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Nä′näni′na ta′hĕti′nia′hună′,

Ta′hĕti′nia′hună′.

_Translation_

My children, my children,

It is I who make the thunder as I circle about—

The thunder as I circle about.

My children, my children,

It is I who make the loud thunder as I circle about—

The loud thunder as I circle about.

This song evidently refers to the Thunderbird. It is one of the old

favorites from the north, and is sung to a sprightly tune in quick

time. It differs from the others in having only a part instead of all

of the line repeated.

28. +Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′+

[Music]

Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′,

Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′;

Awa′wa biqăna′kaye′na,

Awa′wa biqăna′kaye′na;

Iyahu′h ni′bithi′ti,

Iyahu′h ni′bithi′ti.

_Translation_

Father, have pity on me,

Father, have pity on me;

I am crying for thirst,

I am crying for thirst;

All is gone—I have nothing to eat,

All is gone—I have nothing to eat.

This is the most pathetic of the Ghost-dance songs. It is sung to a

plaintive tune, sometimes with tears rolling down the cheeks of the

dancers as the words would bring up thoughts of their present miserable

and dependent condition. It may be considered the Indian paraphrase of

the Lord’s prayer.

29. +A-ni′niha′niahu′na+

A-ni′niha′niahu′na,

A-ni′niha′niahu′na,

Yeni′s-iti′na ku′niahu′na,

Yeni′s-iti′na ku′niahu′na,

Hi′chäbä′i—He′e′e′!

Hi′chäbä′i—He′e′e′!

_Translation_

I fly around yellow,

I fly around yellow,

I fly with the wild rose on my head,

I fly with the wild rose on my head,

On high—_He′e′e′!_

On high—_He′e′e′!_

The meaning of this song is not clear. It may refer to the Thunderbird

or to the Crow, the sacred bird of the Ghost dance. The _ye′nis_ or

wild rose is much esteemed among the prairie tribes for its red seed

berries, which are pounded into a paste and dried for food. It is

frequently mentioned in the ghost songs, and is sometimes pictured

on the ghost shirts. Although rather insipid, the berries possess

nutritive qualities. They are gathered in winter, and are sometimes

eaten raw, but more generally are first boiled and strained to get rid

of the seeds. This dough-like substance is sometimes mixed with marrow

from broken bones and pasted around sticks and thus roasted before the

fire. It is never packed away for future use. The Cherokee call the

same plant by a name which means “rabbit food,” on account of this

animal’s fondness for the berries.

30. +Niha′nata′yeche′ti+

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

Niha′nata′yeche′ti, na′naga′qanĕ′tihi,

Wa′waga′thänŭhu,

Wa′waga′thänŭhu,

Wa′wa ne′hawa′wŭna′nahu′,

Wa′wa ne′hawa′wŭna′nahu′.

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

_Translation_

_He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!_

The yellow-hide, the white-skin (man).

I have now put him aside—

I have now put him aside—

I have no more sympathy with him,

I have no more sympathy with him.

_He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!_

This is another song about the whites, who are spoken of as “yellow

hides” or “white skins.” The proper Arapaho name for a white man is

_Nia′tha_, “skillful.” A great many names are applied to the whites by

the different Indian tribes. By the Comanche, Shoshoni, and Paiute they

are called _Tai′vo_, “easterners;” by the Hopi, of the same stock as

the three tribes mentioned, they are known as _Paha′na_, “eastern water

people;” by the Kiowa they are called _Be′dălpago_, “hairy mouths,” or

_Ta‛ka′-i_, “standing ears.” It is very doubtful if the “pale face” of

romance ever existed in the Indian mind.

31. +A-bää′thina′hu+

A-bää′thina′hu, a-bää′thina′hu,

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,

Ha′-bätä′nani′hi,

Ha′-bätä′nani′hi.

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na.

_Translation_

The cedar tree, the cedar tree,

We have it in the center,

We have it in the center

When we dance,

When we dance.

We have it in the center,

We have it in the center.

The Kiowa, the Sioux, and perhaps some other tribes performed the Ghost

dance around a tree set up in the center of the circle. With the Kiowa

this tree was a cedar, and such was probably the case with the other

tribes, whenever a cedar could be obtained, as it is always a sacred

tree in Indian belief and ceremonial. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne

never had a tree in connection with the Ghost dance, so that this song

could not have originated among them. The cedar is held sacred for its

evergreen foliage, its fragrant smell, its red heart wood, and the

durable character of its timber. On account of its fine grain, and

enduring qualities the prairie tribes make their tipi poles of its

wood, which will not warp through heat or moisture. Their flageolets or

flutes are also made of cedar, and in the mescal and other ceremonies

its dried and crumbled foliage is thrown upon the fire as incense. In

Cherokee and Yuchi myth the red color of the wood comes from the blood

of a wizard who was killed and decapitated by a hero, and whose head

was hung in the top of several trees in succession, but continued to

live until, by the advice of a medicine-man, the people hung it in the

topmost branches of a cedar tree, where it finally died. The blood of

the severed head trickled down the trunk of the tree and thus the wood

was stained.

32. +Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti waku′hu,

Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti waku′hu.

Hi′yu nä′nii′bä′-i,

Hi′yu nä′nii′bä′-i.

Hä′tä-i′naku′ni häthi′na nisû′nahu,

Hä′tä-i′naku′ni häthi′na nisû′nahu.

_Translation_

My children, my children,

Now I am waving an eagle feather,

Now I am waving an eagle feather.

Here is a spotted feather for you,

Here is a spotted feather for you.

You may have it, said my father,

You may have it, said my father.

While singing this song the author of it waved in his right hand an

eagle feather prepared for wearing in the hair, while he carried a

spotted hawk feather in the other hand. In his trance vision he had

received such a spotted feather from the messiah.

33. +A-ni′qana′ga+

A-ni′qana′ga,

A-ni′qana′ga,

Ha′tăni′i′na′danĕ′na,

Ha′tăni′i′na′danĕ′na.

_Translation_

There is a solitary bull,

There is a solitary bull—

I am going to use him to “make medicine,”

I am going to use him to “make medicine.”

From the buffalo they had food, fuel, dress, shelter, and domestic

furniture, shields for defense, points for their arrows, and strings

for their bows. As the old Spanish chronicles of Coronado put it: “To

be short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as

many as suffice them in the use of this life.”

Among Indians the professions of medicine and religion are inseparable.

The doctor is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor.

Hence, to the whites in the Indian country the Indian priest-doctor

has come to be known as the “medicine-man,” and anything sacred,

mysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief

is designated as “medicine,” this term being the nearest equivalent of

the aboriginal expression in the various languages. To “make medicine”

is to perform some sacred ceremony, from the curing of a sick child

to the consecration of the sun-dance lodge. Among the prairie tribes

the great annual tribal ceremony was commonly known as the “medicine

dance,” and the special guardian deity of every warrior was spoken of

as his “medicine.”

The buffalo was to the nomad hunters of the plains what corn was to the

more sedentary tribes of the east and south—the living, visible symbol

of their support and existence; the greatest gift of a higher being to

his children. Something of the buffalo entered into every important

ceremony. In the medicine dance—or sun dance, as it is frequently

called—the head and skin of a buffalo hung from the center pole of the

lodge, and in the fearful torture that accompanied this dance among

some tribes, the dancers dragged around the circle buffalo skulls

tied to ropes which were fastened to skewers driven through holes cut

in their bodies and limbs. A buffalo skull is placed in front of the

sacred sweat-lodge, and on the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have seen

buffalo skulls and plates of dried meat placed at the head of the

graves. The buffalo was the sign of the Creator on earth as the sun

was his glorious manifestation in the heavens. The hair of the buffalo

was an important element in the preparation of “medicine,” whether for

war, hunting, love, or medicine proper, and for such purpose the

Indian generally selected a tuft taken from the breast close under the

shoulder of the animal. When the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache delegates

visited Washington in the spring of 1894, they made an earnest and

successful request for some buffalo hair from the animals in the

Zoological Park, together with some branches from the cedars in the

grounds of the Agricultural Department, to take home with them for use

in their sacred ceremonies.

[Illustration: PL. CXXI

THE SWEAT-LODGE—KIOWA CAMP ON THE WASHITA]

34. +A-nĕä′thibiwă′hană+

A′-nĕä′thibiwă′hană,

A′-nĕä′thibiwă′hană—

Thi′äya′nĕ,

Thi′äya′nĕ.

_Translation_

The place where crying begins,

The place where crying begins—

The _thi′äya_,

The _thi′äya_.

This song refers to the sweat-lodge already described in treating of

the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In preparing the sweat-lodge a small

hole, perhaps a foot deep, is dug out in the center of the floor space,

to serve as a receptacle for the heated stones over which the water

is poured to produce the steam. The earth thus dug out is piled in a

small hillock a few feet in front of the entrance to the sweat-lodge,

which always faces the east. This small mound is called _thi′äya_ in

the Arapaho language, the same name being also applied to a memorial

stone heap or to a stone monument. It is always surmounted by a buffalo

skull, or in these days by the skull of a steer, placed so as to face

the doorway of the lodge. The _thi′äya_ is mentioned in several of the

Ghost-dance songs, and usually, as here, in connection with crying or

lamentation, as though the sight of these things in the trance vision

brings up sad recollections.

35. +Thi′äya he′năă′awă′+

Thi′äya′ he′năă′awă′—

Thi′äya′ he′năă′awă′,

Nä′hibiwa′huna′,

Nä′hibiwa′huna′.

_Translation_

When I see the _thi′äya_—

When I see the _thi′äya_,

Then I begin to lament,

Then I begin to lament.

This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer saw a

sweat-lodge, with the _thi′äya_, or mound, as described in the

preceding song.

36. +A-hu′hu ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu+

A-hu′hu ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu,

Ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu.

Hä′nisti′ti,

Hä′nisti′ti.

Hi′nisa′nă,

Hi′nisa′nă—

Ne′a-i′qaha′ti,

Ne′a-i′qaha′ti.

_Translation_

The crow is making a road,

He is making a road.

He has finished it,

He has finished it.

His children,

His children—

Then he collected them,

Then he collected them (i. e., on the farther side).

The crow (_ho_) is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, being revered

as the messenger from the spirit world because its color is symbolic

of death and the shadow land. The raven, which is practically a larger

crow, and which lives in the mountains, but occasionally comes down

into the plains, is also held sacred and regarded as a bringer of omens

by the prairie tribes, as well as by the Tlinkit and others of the

northwest coast and by the Cherokee in the east. The crow is depicted

on the shirts, leggings, and moccasins of the Ghost dancers, and its

feathers are worn on their heads, and whenever it is possible to kill

one, the skin is stuffed as in life and carried in the dance, as shown

in the picture of Black Coyote (plate +CV+). At one time the dancers

in Left Hand’s camp had a crow which it was claimed had the power of

speech and prophetic utterance, and its hoarse inarticulate cries were

interpreted as inspired messages from the spirit world. Unfortunately

the bird did not thrive in confinement, and soon took its departure

for the land of spirits, leaving the Arapaho once more dependent on

the guidance of the trance revelations. The eagle, the magpie, and

the sage-hen are also sacred in the Ghost dance, the first being held

in veneration by Indians, as well as by other peoples throughout

the world, while the magpie and the sage-hen are revered for their

connection with the country of the messiah and the mythology of his

tribe.

The crow was probably held sacred by all the tribes of the Algonquian

race. Roger Williams, speaking of the New England tribes, says that

although the crows sometimes did damage to the corn, yet hardly one

Indian in a hundred would kill one, because it was their tradition that

this bird had brought them their first grain and vegetables, carrying

a grain of corn in one ear and a bean in the other, from the field of

their great god Cautantouwit in Sowwani′u, the southwest, the happy

spirit world where dwelt the gods and the souls of the great and good.

The souls of the wicked were not permitted to enter this elysium after

death, but were doomed to wander without rest or home. (_Williams, Key

into the Language of America, 1643._)

In Arapaho belief, the spirit world is in the west, not on the same

level with this earth of ours, but higher up, and separated also from

it by a body of water. In their statement of the Ghost-dance mythology

referred to in this song, the crow, as the messenger and leader of

the spirits who had gone before, collected their armies on the other

side and advanced at their head to the hither limit of the shadow

land. Then, looking over, they saw far below them a sea, and far out

beyond it toward the east was the boundary of the earth, where lived

the friends they were marching to rejoin. Taking up a pebble in his

beak, the crow then dropped it into the water and it became a mountain

towering up to the land of the dead. Down its rocky slope he brought

his army until they halted at the edge of the water. Then, taking some

dust in his bill, the crow flew out and dropped it into the water as

he flew, and it became a solid arm of land stretching from the spirit

world to the earth. He returned and flew out again, this time with some

blades of grass, which he dropped upon the land thus made, and at once

it was covered with a green sod. Again he returned, and again flew out,

this time with some twigs in his bill, and dropping these also upon

the new land, at once it was covered with a forest of trees. Again

he flew back to the base of the mountain, and is now, for the fourth

time, coming on at the head of all the countless spirit host which has

already passed over the sea and is marshaling on the western boundary

of the earth.

37. +Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′+

Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′,

Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′—

Nû′nagûna′-ua′ti hu′hu′,

Nû′nagûna′-ua′ti hu′hu′—

A′hene′heni′ă′ă′! A′he′yene′hene′!

_Translation_

The earth—the crow,

The earth—the crow—

The crow brought it with him,

The crow brought it with him—

_A′hene′heni′ă′ă′! A′he′yene′hene′!_

The reference in this song is explained under the song immediately

preceding.

38. +Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′—I+

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′,

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′.

Nana′thina′ni hu′hu′,

Nana′thina′ni hu′hu′.

Ni′nita′naû,

Ni′nita′naû.

_Translation_

The crow has called me,

The crow has called me.

When the crow came for me,

When the crow came for me,

I heard him,

I heard him.

The reference in this song is explained under number 36. The song is

somewhat like the former closing song, number 52.

39. +Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′—I+

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′,

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′.

Da‛chi′nathi′na hu′hu′,

Da‛chi′nathi′na hu′hu′.

_Translation_

The crow is circling above me,

The crow is circling above me,

The crow having come for me,

The crow having come for me.

The author of this song, in his trance vision, saw circling above his

head a crow, the messenger from the spirit world, to conduct him to

his friends who had gone before. The song is a favorite one, and is

sung with a quick forcible tune when the excitement begins to grow

more intense, in order to hasten the trances, the idea conveyed to the

dancers being that their spirit friends are close at hand.

40. +I′yu hä′thäbĕ′nawa′+

Ä′näni′sa′na—E′e′ye′!

Ä′näni′sa′na—E′e′ye′!

I′yu hä′thäbĕ′nawa′.

Bi′taa′wu—E′e′ye′!

Bi′taa′wu—E′e′ye′!

_Translation_

My children—_E′e′ye′!_

My children—_E′e′ye′!_

Here it is, I hand it to you.

The earth—_E′e′ye′!_

The earth—_E′e′ye′!_

In this song the father speaks to his children and gives them the new

earth.

41. +Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na+

Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na—

Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na—

Să′niya′gu′nawa′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Să′niya′gu′nawa′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Nä′yu hä′nina′ta i′tha′q,

Nä′yu hä′nina′ta i′tha′q.

_Translation_

Little boy, the coyote gun—

Little boy, the coyote gun—

I have uncovered it—_Ahe′e′ye′!_

I have uncovered it—_Ahe′e′ye′!_

There is the sheath lying there,

There is the sheath lying there.

This song was composed by Nakash, or “Sage,” one of the northern

Arapaho delegates to the messiah. It evidently refers to one of

his trance experiences in the other world, and has to do with an

interesting feature in the sociology of the Arapaho and other prairie

tribes. The _ga′ahinĕ′na_ or _gaahi′na_, “coyote men,” were an order of

men of middle age who acted as pickets or lookouts for the camp. When

the band encamped in some convenient situation for hunting or other

business, it was the duty of these men, usually four or six in a band,

to take their stations on the nearest hills to keep watch and give

timely warning in case of the approach of an enemy. It was an office of

danger and responsibility, but was held in corresponding respect. When

on duty, the _gaahi′nĕn_ wore a white buffalo robe and had his face

painted with white clay and carried in his hand the _ya′haga′ahi′na_

or “coyote gun,” a club decorated with feathers and other ornaments

and usually covered with a sheath of bear gut (_i′tha′q_). He must

be unmarried and remain so while in office, finally choosing his

own successor and delivering to him the “coyote gun” as a staff of

authority. They were never all off duty at the same time, but at least

half were always on guard, one or more coming down at a time to the

village to eat or sleep. They built no shelter on the hills, but slept

there in their buffalo robes, or sometimes came down in turn and slept

in their own tipis. They usually, however, preferred to sleep alone

upon the hills in order to receive inspiration in dreams. If attacked

or surprised by the enemy, they were expected to fight. The watcher

was sometimes called _higa′ahi′na-ĭt_, “the man with the coyote gun.”

The corresponding officer among the Cheyenne carried a bow and arrows

instead of a club.

42. +He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi+

He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi,

He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi.

Ni′itu′qawigû′niĕ′,

Ni′itu′qawigû′niĕ′.

_Translation_

The father showed me,

The father showed me.

Where they were coming down,

Where they were coming down.

In his trance vision the author of this song saw the spirit hosts

descending from the upper shadow land to the earth, along the mountain

raised up by the crow, as already described in song number 36. The song

comes from the northern Arapaho.

43. +Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′+

Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′,

Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′—

Ni′nahawa′na,

Ni′nahawa′na.

Nibäi′naku′nithi—

Nibäi′naku′nithi—

Ä-bäna′änahu′u′,

Ä-bäna′änahu′u′.

Nä′hibi′wahuna′na,

Nä′hibi′wahuna′na.

_Translation_

The seven venerable _Chĭ′nachichi′bät_ priests,

The seven venerable _Chĭ′nachichi′bät_ priests—

We see them,

We see them.

They all wear it on their heads—

They all wear it on their heads—

The Thunderbird,

The Thunderbird.

Then I wept,

Then I wept.

The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 · 第 40 / 58 段