they deem a merit in the eyes of the Divinity, all stoically bear
up against the pain which they experience with apparent gaiety.
If, however, some of them fall under their sufferings, they throw
themselves into the arms of their confrères, but without a complaint or
the least sign of pain. Some minutes after this, the sheikh walks round
the hall, visits each one of the performers in turn, breathes upon
their wounds, rubs them with saliva, recites prayers over them, and
promises them speedy cures. It is said that twenty-four hours afterward
nothing is to be seen of their wounds. (Pages 218–222.)
* * * * *
There was no regularity in their dancing, but each seemed to be
performing the antics of a madman; now moving his body up and down;
the next moment turning round, then using odd gesticulations with his
arms, next jumping, and sometimes screaming; in short, if a stranger
observing them was not told that this was the involuntary effect of
enthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these Durweeshes
were merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon. (Page
260.)
* * * * *
+The fit.+—After this preface, the performers began the Zikr. Sitting
in the manner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, _Lá iláha
illa ’lláh_ (there is no deity but God), to the following air: _Lá i-lá
hailla-lláh. Lá i-lá-ha-illa-l-lá-h. Lá i-lá ha illa-l-láh._ Bowing the
head twice on each repetition of “_Lá iláha illa ’lláh_.” Thus they
continued about a quarter of an hour, and then, for about the same
space of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, but in a
quicker measure, and with correspondingly quicker motion....
They next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had
been sitting, repeated the same words to another air. During this
stage of their performance they were joined by a tall, well-dressed,
black slave, whose appearance induced me to inquire who he was. I was
informed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the basha. The Zikkeers,
still standing, next repeated the same words in a very deep and hoarse
tone, laying the principal emphasis upon the word “Lá,” and the first
syllable of the last word, Allah, and uttering, apparently with a
considerable effort. The sound much resembled that which is produced
by beating the rim of a tambourine. Each Zikkeer turned his head
alternately to the right and left at each repetition of “_Lá iláha illa
’lláh_.” The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the Zikr,
became what is termed _melboos_, or “possessed.” Throwing his arms
about, and looking up with a very wild expression of countenance, he
exclaimed, in a very high tone and with great vehemence and rapidity,
_Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la!
la! la! la! láh! Yá‛ammee! Yá‛ammee! Yá‛ammee! Ashmáwee! Yá Ashmáwee!
Yá Ashmáwee!_ (_Yá‛ammee_ signifies O, my uncle!) His voice gradually
became faint, and when he had uttered those words, though he was held
by a Durweesh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the
mouth, his eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched
over his thumbs. It was an epileptic fit. No one could see it and
believe it to be the effect of feigned emotions; it was undoubtedly the
result of a high state of religious excitement. Nobody seemed surprised
at it, for occurrences of this kind at Zikrs are not uncommon. All the
performers now appeared much excited, repeating their ejaculations
with greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the
whole body at the same time, some of them jumping. The eunuch became
_melboos_ again several times, and I generally remarked that his
fits happened after one of the Moonshids had sung a line or two, and
exerted himself more than usually to excite his hearers. The singing
was, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Toward the close of the Zikr
a private soldier, who had joined through the whole performance, also
seemed several times to be _melboos_, growling in a horrible manner and
violently shaking his head from side to side. The contrast presented
by the vehement and distressing exertions of the performers at the
close of the Zikr, and their calm gravity and solemnity of manner at
the commencement, was particularly striking. Money was collected during
the performance for the Moonshid. The Zikkeers receive no pay. (Pages
252–255.)
THE SONGS
INTRODUCTORY
The Ghost-dance songs are of the utmost importance in connection with
the study of the messiah religion, as we find embodied in them much
of the doctrine itself, with more of the special tribal mythologies,
together with such innumerable references to old-time customs,
ceremonies, and modes of life long since obsolete as make up a regular
symposium of aboriginal thought and practice. There is no limit to
the number of these songs, as every trance at every dance produces a
new one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness embodying
his experience in the spirit world in the form of a song, which is
sung at the next dance and succeeding performances until superseded
by other songs originating in the same way. Thus, a single dance may
easily result in twenty or thirty new songs. While songs are thus born
and die, certain ones which appeal especially to the Indian heart, on
account of their mythology, pathos, or peculiar sweetness, live and
are perpetuated. There are also with each tribe certain songs which
are a regular part of the ceremonial, as the opening song and the
closing song, which are repeated at every dance. Of these the closing
song is the most important and permanent. In some cases certain songs
constitute a regular series, detailing the experiences of the same
person in successive trance visions. First in importance, for number,
richness of reference, beauty of sentiment, and rhythm of language, are
the songs of the Arapaho.
THE ARAPAHO
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
_Ähyä′to_—Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum
by the same name.
_Ano′s-anyotskano_—Kichai name.
_Ärä′păho_—popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as
Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee word _tirapihu_ or _larapĭhu_,
“he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly
been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others
on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the
southwest (_Grinnell letter_).
_Äräpăkata_—Crow name, from word Arapaho.
_Bĕtidĕĕ_—Kiowa Apache name.
_Detseka′yaa_—Caddo name, “dog eaters.”
_Hitäniwo′ĭv_—Cheyenne name, “cloud men.”
_Inûna-ina_—proper tribal name, “our people,” Or “people of our
kind.”
_Kaninahoic_ or _Kanină′vish_—Ojibwa name; meaning unknown.
_Komse′ka-K̔iñahyup_—former Kiowa name; “men of the worn-out
leggings;” from _komse′_, “smoky, soiled, worn out;” _kati_,
“leggings;” _k̔̔iñahyup_, “men.”
_Maqpi′ăto_—Sioux name, “blue cloud,” i. e., clear sky; reason
unknown.
_Niă′rharĭ′s-kûrikiwă′s-hûski_—Wichita name.
_Sani′ti′ka_—Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.
_Särĕtĭka_—Comanche and Shoshoni name, “dog eaters,” in allusion to
their special liking for dog flesh.
_Sarĕtika_—Wichita name, from the Comanche name.
TRIBAL SIGNS
Southern Arapaho, “_rub noses_;” northern Arapaho, “_mother
people_;” Gros Ventres of the Prairie, “_belly people_.”
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE
The Arapaho, with their subtribe, the Gros Ventres, are one of the
westernmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. According to
their oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minnesota
and moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that time
lived on the Cheyenne fork of Red river. From the earliest period the
two tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they have
no recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the westward
migration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward the
country of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly
westward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on
the southern side of the river, while the Gros Ventres went up the
northern bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom
they have ever since been closely associated, although they have on
several occasions made long visits, extending sometimes over several
years, to their southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded
as a part of the “Inûna-ina.” The others continued on to the great
divide between the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia,
then turning southward along the mountains, separated finally into two
main divisions, the northern Arapaho continuing to occupy the head
streams of the Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming,
while the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte,
the Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states,
frequently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into
Mexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations,
they have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but
have generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern
Arapaho and Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche,
Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache.
They recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having a
different dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance:
1. _Na′kasinĕ′na_, _Ba′achinĕna_ or _Northern Arapaho_. Nakasinĕna,
“sagebrush men,” is the original name of this portion of the tribe
and the divisional name used by themselves. The name Baachinĕna, by
which they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is more
modern and may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or possibly
“blood-pudding men,” the latter meaning said to have been an allusion
to a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly
known as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large
division living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as
Tägyä′ko, “sagebrush people,” a translation of their proper name,
Baachinĕna. Although not the largest division, the Baachinĕna claim to
be the “mother people” of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping the
grand medicine of the tribe, the sĕicha or sacred pipe.
2. _Na′wunĕna_, “southern men,” or _Southern Arapaho_, called
_Nawathi′nĕha_, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho. This latter
is said to be the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in
Oklahoma, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate
in the tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their
everyday dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words
of which approximate closely to Cheyenne.
3. _Aä′ninĕna_, _Hitu′nĕna_, or _Gros Ventres of the Prairie_. The
first name, said to mean “white clay people” (from _aäti_, “white
clay”), is that by which they call themselves. Hitunĕna or Hitunĕnina,
“begging men,” “beggars,” or, more exactly, “spongers,” is the name by
which they are called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter
claim, of their propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of
someone else. The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal
sign, which signifies “belly people,” not “big bellies” (Gros Ventres),
as rendered by the French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them
Bot-k̔iñ′ago, “belly men.” By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as
Sä′pani, “bellies,” while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, “gut people.”
The Ojibwa call them Bahwetegow-ēninnewug, “fall people,” according
to Tanner, whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or
Rapid Indians, from their former residence about the rapids of the
Saskatchewan. To the Sioux they are known as Sku′tani. Lewis and Clark
improperly call them “Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie.” The Hidatsa or
Minitari are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri.
4. _Bä′sawunĕ′na_, “wood lodge men,” or, according to another
authority, “big lodge people.” These were formerly a distinct tribe and
at war with the other Arapaho. They are represented as having been a
very foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told
of them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling
conquered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorporated with the
northern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to
the statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said to
have differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects. There
are still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern Arapaho,
and perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions. Weasel
Bear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the Bäsawunĕna.
5. _Ha’nahawunĕna_ or _Aanû’hawă_ (meaning unknown). These, like the
Bäsawunĕna, lived with the northern Arapaho, but are now practically
extinct.
* * * * *
There seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among
the Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa,
and Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the clan
system, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas in
the western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among
the prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied
the Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no
clans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result
of personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Cheyenne
half-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his
tribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed
from the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile system
is so much a part of their daily life that it is one of the first
things to attract the attention of the observer.
In regard to the tribal camping circle, common to most of the prairie
tribes, the Arapaho state that on account of their living in three
main divisions they have had no common camping circle within their
recollection, but that each of these three divisions constituted a
single circle when encamped in one place.
Among the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gathering,
the sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi in the center of the
circle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the
signal to the rest of the camp to prepare to move. On the occasion of a
visit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and Comanche
at Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting tribes camped
in a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening of the circle,
like the door of each tipi, always faces the east.
Under the name of Kanenăvish the Arapaho proper are mentioned by Lewis
and Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills. As a tribe
they have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and took no
part in the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche in 1874. At
present they are in three main divisions. First come the Gros Ventres,
numbering 718 in 1892, associated with the Asiniboin on Fort Belknap
reservation in Montana. There are probably others of this band with
the Blackfeet on the British side of the line. Next come the northern
Arapaho, numbering 829, associated with the Shoshoni on Wind River
reservation in Wyoming. They were placed on this reservation in 1876,
after having made peace with the Shoshoni, their hereditary enemy,
in 1869. They are divided into three bands, the “Forks of the River
Men” under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole division; the “Bad
Pipes” under Short Nose, and the “Greasy Faces” under Spotted Horse.
The third division, the southern Arapaho, associated with the Cheyenne
in Oklahoma, constitute the main body of the tribe and numbered 1,091
in 1892. They have five bands: 1, Wa′quithi, “bad faces,” the principal
band and the one to which the head chief, Left Hand, belongs; 2,
Aqa′thinĕ′na, “pleasant men;” 3, Gawunĕ′na or Ga′wunĕhäna (Kawinahan,
“black people”—_Hayden_), “Blackfeet,” so called because said to be
of part Blackfoot blood, the same name being applied to the Blackfoot
tribe; 4, Ha′qihana, “wolves,” because they had a wolf (not coyote)
for medicine; 5, Säsa′bä-ithi, “looking up,” or according to another
authority, “looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts.” Under the
treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867, they and the southern Cheyenne were
placed on the reservation which they sold in 1890 to take allotments
and become citizens. Their present chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who
succeeded the celebrated Little Raven (Hosa) a few years ago. The whole
number of the Arapaho and Gros Ventres, including a few in eastern
schools, is about 2,700.
[Illustration: +Fig. 88+—Arapaho tipi and windbreak.]
Until very recently the Arapaho have been a typical prairie tribe,
living in skin tipis and following the buffalo in its migrations, yet
they retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are
of a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative,
without the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their
confederates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves
brave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than
the prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable
of civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of
it. Their religious nature has led them to take a more active interest
in the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of
their language, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the
tribes of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among
the Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One
visit was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent
with the southern branch of the tribe.
SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO
1. +Opening Song—Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na.+
[Music]
Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,
Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,
Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!
Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!
Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!
Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!
Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!
Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!
_Translation_
O, my children! O, my children!
Here is another of your pipes—_He′eye′!_
Here is another of your pipes—_He′eye′!_
Look! thus I shouted—_He′eye′!_
Look! thus I shouted—_He′eye′!_
When I moved the earth—_He′eye′!_
When I moved the earth—_He′eye′!_
This opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the
northern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern branch
of the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By “another
pipe” is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah, the pipe
being an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and all their
previous religious tradition, having centered about the sĕicha or flat
pipe, to be described hereafter. The pipe, however, was not commonly
carried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this song, as
in many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah, _Hesûna′nin_,
is supposed to be addressing “my children,” _nänisa′na_. The tune
is particularly soft and pleasing, and the song remains a standard
favorite. The second reference is to the new earth which is supposed to
be already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take the place of
this old and worn-out creation.
2. +Sĕ′icha hei′ta′wuni′na+
Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye,
Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye.
He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′,
He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′.
Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′,
Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′.
He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye,
He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye.
_Translation_
The sacred pipe tells me—_E′yahe′eye!_
The sacred pipe tells me—_E′yahe′eye!_
Our father—_Yahe′eye′!_
Our father—_Yahe′eye′!_
We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—_E′yahe′eye!_
We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—_E′yahe′eye!_
Our father—_E′yahe′eye!_
Our father—_E′yahe′eye!_
The sĕicha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho.
According to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning
of the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the
water. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered
swimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land.
At the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes
all the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture
when they came out upon the buffalo plains, but the sacred pipe the
Turtle long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also
transformed to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great
medicine. The pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the
northern Arapaho in Wyoming, who claim to be the “mother people” of the
tribe. They are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from
generation to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se′hiwûq,
“Weasel Bear” (from _sea_, weasel, and _wûq_, bear; the name has also
been rendered “Gray Bear,” from _se_, gray, and _wûq_, bear), of the
Bäsawunĕ′na division.
The three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins,
and are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipi
and in the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this
opportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which
they most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as
apparently made in double, one part being laid over the other like
the bark of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of
the regular red pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white
stone. The stem is only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large
and heavy, with the characteristic projection for resting the end
upon the ground. Both bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange
of perhaps an inch in width along each side of the stem and up along
the bowl. From this comes its name of sĕicha, or “flat pipe.” When
exposed on such occasions, the devotees sit around the fire in a
circle, when the bundle is opened upon the ground so that all may see
the sacred objects. The medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after
taking one or two whiffs passes it to the one next him, who takes a
single whiff and passes it on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?)
around the circle. In taking the sĕicha the devotees do not grasp the
stem, as when smoking on other occasions, but receive it upon the
outstretched palm of the right hand, smoke, and pass it on around the
circle. The flanges along the side of the pipe allow it to rest flat
upon the hand. After all have smoked, the priest recites the genesis
myth of the origin of the land, and the manner in which the pipe and
the corn were given to their ancestors. The corresponding myth of the
Cheyenne occupies “four smokes” (i. e., four consecutive nights) in
the delivery, but I am unable to state whether or not this is the case
with the Arapaho. So sacred is this tradition held that no one but the
priest of the pipe dares to recite it, for fear of divine punishment
should the slightest error be made in the narration. At the close of
the recital the devotees send up their prayers for the blessings of
which they stand most in need, after which the priest again carefully
wraps up the sacred objects in the skins. Before leaving the lodge the
worshipers cover the bundle with their offerings of blankets or other
valuables, which are taken by the medicine keeper as his fee.