Sitting Bull was called on for his statement. He told how he had
visited the messiah a year before and what the messiah had said
to him. The two versions were widely different, and there can be
little question that Wovoka made claims and prophecies, supported
by hypnotic performances, from which he afterward receded when he
found that the excitement had gone beyond his control and resulted
in an Indian outbreak. Sitting Bull insisted on the truth of his own
representations, and when accused by Ä′piatañ of deceiving the Indians
in order to obtain their property he replied that he had never asked
them for the ponies which they had given him, and that if they did not
believe what he had told them they could come and take their ponies
again. Ä′piatañ replied that that was not the Kiowa road; what had once
been given was not taken back. Sitting Bull spoke in a low musical
voice, and the soft Arapaho syllables contrasted pleasantly with the
choking sounds of the Kiowa and the boisterous loudness of the Wichita.
I could not help a feeling of pity for him when at the close of the
council he drew his blanket around him and went out from the gathering
to cross the river to the Caddo camp, attended only by his faithful
Arapahos. For his services in reporting against the dance Ä′piatañ
received a medal from President Harrison.
This was for some time the end of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, for
while some few of the tribes were disposed to doubt the honesty or
correctness of the report, the majority accepted it as final, and from
that time the dance became a mere amusement for children. The other
tribes, however—the Caddo, Wichita, and their allies—refused to accept
the report, claiming that Ä′piatañ had been hired by white men to lie
to the Indians, and that he had never really seen the messiah, as he
claimed. Even the Apache, although in close tribal connection with the
Kiowa, continued to hold to the doctrine and the dance.
* * * * *
+Note.+—Since the above was written and while awaiting publication
there has been a revival of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, brought
about chiefly through the efforts of Bi′äñk̔i, Pa′tadal, and others
of its former priests. After several times dispersing the dancers and
threatening them with severe penalties if they persisted, the agent
was finally obliged to give permission, on the earnest request of a
delegation of chiefs and head men of the tribe, with the result that
in September, 1894, the Kiowa publicly revived the ceremony in a great
dance on the Washita, which lasted four days and was attended by
several thousand Indians from all the surrounding tribes.
[Illustration: PL. CIX
GHOST DANCE PAINTING ON BUCKSKIN]
EXPLANATION OF PLATE CIX.
The original of this picture was drawn in colored inks on buckskin
by Yellow Nose, a Ute captive among the Cheyenne, in 1891. It
was obtained from him by the author and is now deposited in the
National Museum at Washington. Besides being a particularly fine
specimen of Indian pictography, it gives an excellent idea of the
ghost dance as it was at that time among the Cheyenne and Arapaho.
The dancers are in full costume, with paint and feathers. The women
of the two tribes are plainly distinguished by the arrangement
of their hair, the Cheyenne women having the hair braided at the
side, while the Arapaho women wear it hanging loosely. Two of the
women carry children on their backs. One of the men carries the
_bä′qati_ wheel, another a shinny stick, and a woman holds out
the sacred crow, while several wave handkerchiefs which aid in
producing the hypnotic effect. In the center are several persons
with arms outstretched and rigid, while at one side is seen the
medicine-man hypnotizing a subject who stretches out toward him
a blue handkerchief. The spotted object on the ground behind the
medicine-man is a shawl which has fallen from the shoulders of the
woman standing near.
+Chapter XV+
THE CEREMONY OF THE GHOST DANCE
In chapter +XI+ we have spoken of the Ghost dance as it existed among
the Paiute, Shoshoni, Walapai, and Cohonino, west of the mountains. We
shall now give a more detailed account of the ceremony and connected
ritual among the prairie tribes.
AMONG THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE
According to Dr Grinnell the Ghost dance among the northern Cheyenne
had several features not found in the south. Four fires were built
outside of the dance circle and about 20 yards back from it, toward
each of the cardinal points. These fires were built of long poles set
up on end, so as to form a rude cone, much as the poles of a tipi are
erected. The fires were lighted at the bottom, and thus made high
bonfires, which were kept up as long as the dance continued. (_J. F.
L., 5._)
AMONG THE SIOUX
Perhaps the most important feature in connection with the dance among
the Sioux was the “ghost shirt,” already noticed and to be described
more fully hereafter. On account of the scarcity of buckskin, these
shirts were almost always made of white cloth cut and figured in the
Indian fashion. The Sioux wore no metal of any kind in the dance,
differing in this respect from the southern tribes, who wore on such
occasions all their finery of German silver ornaments. The Sioux also
began the dance sometimes in the morning, as well as in the afternoon
or evening. Another important feature not found among the southern
tribes, excepting the Kiowa, was the tree planted in the center of the
circle and decorated with feathers, stuffed animals, and strips of
cloth.
At a Ghost dance at No Water’s camp, near Pine Ridge, as described by
J. F. Asay, formerly a trader at the agency, the dancers first stood
in line facing the sun, while the leader, standing facing them, made a
prayer and waved over their heads the “ghost stick,” a staff about 6
feet long, trimmed with red cloth and feathers of the same color. After
thus waving the stick over them, he faced the sun and made another
prayer, after which the line closed up to form a circle around the
tree and the dance began. During the prayer a woman standing near the
tree held out a pipe toward the sun, while another beside her held
out several (four?) arrows from which the points had been removed.
On another occasion, at a Ghost dance at the same camp, four arrows,
headed with bone in the olden fashion, were shot up into the air from
the center of the circle and afterward gathered up and hung upon the
tree, together with the bow, a gaming wheel and sticks, and a staff
of peculiar shape (ghost stick?). See plate +CXI+. The ceremonies of
fasting, painting, and the sweat-bath in connection with the Ghost
dance among the Sioux have been already described.
The best account of the dance itself and of the ghost shirt is given by
Mrs Z. A. Parker, at that time a teacher on the Pine Ridge reservation,
writing of a Ghost dance observed by her on White Clay creek, on June
20, 1890. We quote at length from her description:
We drove to this spot about 10.30 oclock on a delightful October
day. We came upon tents scattered here and there in low, sheltered
places long before reaching the dance ground. Presently we saw
over three hundred tents placed in a circle, with a large pine
tree in the center, which was covered with strips of cloth of
various colors, eagle feathers, stuffed birds, claws, and horns—all
offerings to the Great Spirit. The ceremonies had just begun. In
the center, around the tree, were gathered their medicine-men; also
those who had been so fortunate as to have had visions and in them
had seen and talked with friends who had died. A company of fifteen
had started a chant and were marching abreast, others coming in
behind as they marched. After marching around the circle of tents
they turned to the center, where many had gathered and were seated
on the ground.
I think they wore the ghost shirt or ghost dress for the first
time that day. I noticed that these were all new and were worn
by about seventy men and forty women. The wife of a man called
Return-from-scout had seen in a vision that her friends all wore a
similar robe, and on reviving from her trance she called the women
together and they made a great number of the sacred garments. They
were of white cotton cloth. The women’s dress was cut like their
ordinary dress, a loose robe with wide, flowing sleeves, painted
blue in the neck, in the shape of a three-cornered handkerchief,
with moon, stars, birds, etc, interspersed with real feathers,
painted on the waist and sleeves. While dancing they wound their
shawls about their waists, letting them fall to within 3 inches
of the ground, the fringe at the bottom. In the hair, near the
crown, a feather was tied. I noticed an absence of any manner of
bead ornaments, and, as I knew their vanity and fondness for them,
wondered why it was. Upon making inquiries I found they discarded
everything they could which was made by white men.
The ghost shirt for the men was made of the same material—shirts
and leggings painted in red. Some of the leggings were painted
in stripes running up and down, others running around. The shirt
was painted blue around the neck, and the whole garment was
fantastically sprinkled with figures of birds, bows and arrows,
sun, moon, and stars, and everything they saw in nature. Down the
outside of the sleeve were rows of feathers tied by the quill ends
and left to fly in the breeze, and also a row around the neck and
up and down the outside of the leggings. I noticed that a number
had stuffed birds, squirrel heads, etc, tied in their long hair.
The faces of all were painted red with a black half-moon on the
forehead or on one cheek.
As the crowd gathered about the tree the high priest, or master of
ceremonies, began his address, giving them directions as to the
chant and other matters. After he had spoken for about fifteen
minutes they arose and formed in a circle. As nearly as I could
count, there were between three and four hundred persons. One stood
directly behind another, each with his hands on his neighbor’s
shoulders. After walking about a few times, chanting, “Father, I
come,” they stopped marching, but remained in the circle, and
set up the most fearful, heart-piercing wails I ever heard—crying,
moaning, groaning, and shrieking out their grief, and naming over
their departed friends and relatives, at the same time taking up
handfuls of dust at their feet, washing their hands in it, and
throwing it over their heads. Finally, they raised their eyes to
heaven, their hands clasped high above their heads, and stood
straight and perfectly still, invoking the power of the Great
Spirit to allow them to see and talk with their people who had
died. This ceremony lasted about fifteen minutes, when they all
sat down where they were and listened to another address, which I
did not understand, but which I afterwards learned were words of
encouragement and assurance of the coming messiah.
[Illustration: PL. CX
SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE]
When they arose again, they enlarged the circle by facing toward
the center, taking hold of hands, and moving around in the manner
of school children in their play of “needle’s eye.” And now the
most intense excitement began. They would go as fast as they could,
their hands moving from side to side, their bodies swaying, their
arms, with hands gripped tightly in their neighbors’, swinging
back and forth with all their might. If one, more weak and frail,
came near falling, he would be jerked up and into position until
tired nature gave way. The ground had been worked and worn by many
feet, until the fine, flour-like dust lay light and loose to the
depth of two or three inches. The wind, which had increased, would
sometimes take it up, enveloping the dancers and hiding them from
view. In the ring were men, women, and children; the strong and the
robust, the weak consumptive, and those near to death’s door. They
believed those who were sick would be cured by joining in the dance
and losing consciousness. From the beginning they chanted, to a
monotonous tune, the words—
Father, I come;
Mother, I come;
Brother, I come;
Father, give us back our arrows.
All of which they would repeat over and over again until first one
and then another would break from the ring and stagger away and
fall down. One woman fell a few feet from me. She came toward us,
her hair flying over her face, which was purple, looking as if
the blood would burst through; her hands and arms moving wildly;
every breath a pant and a groan; and she fell on her back, and went
down like a log. I stepped up to her as she lay there motionless,
but with every muscle twitching and quivering. She seemed to be
perfectly unconscious. Some of the men and a few of the women would
run, stepping high and pawing the air in a frightful manner. Some
told me afterwards that they had a sensation as if the ground were
rising toward them and would strike them in the face. Others would
drop where they stood. One woman fell directly into the ring, and
her husband stepped out and stood over her to prevent them from
trampling upon her. No one ever disturbed those who fell or took
any notice of them except to keep the crowd away.
They kept up dancing until fully 100 persons were lying
unconscious. Then they stopped and seated themselves in a circle,
and as each one recovered from his trance he was brought to the
center of the ring to relate his experience. Each told his story
to the medicine-man and he shouted it to the crowd. Not one in ten
claimed that he saw anything. I asked one Indian—a tall, strong
fellow, straight as an arrow—what his experience was. He said he
saw an eagle coming toward him. It flew round and round, drawing
nearer and nearer until he put out his hand to take it, when it was
gone. I asked him what he thought of it. “Big lie,” he replied. I
found by talking to them that not one in twenty believed it. After
resting for a time they would go through the same performance,
perhaps three times a day. They practiced fasting, and every
morning those who joined in the dance were obliged to immerse
themselves in the creek. (_Comr., 44._)
SONG REHEARSALS
As with church choirs, the leaders, both men and women, frequently
assembled privately in a tipi to rehearse the new or old songs for
the next dance. During the first winter spent among the Arapaho I had
frequent opportunity of being present at these rehearsals, as for a
long time the snow was too deep to permit dancing outside. After having
obtained their confidence the Arapaho police invited me to come up to
their camp at night to hear them practice the songs in anticipation of
better weather for dancing. Thenceforth rehearsals were held in Black
Coyote’s tipi almost every night until the snow melted, each session
usually lasting about three hours.
On these occasions from eight to twelve persons were present, sitting
in a circle on the low beds around the fire in the center. Black
Coyote acted as master of ceremonies and opened proceedings by filling
and lighting the redstone pipe, offering the first whiff to the sun,
then reversing the stem in offering to the earth, next presenting
the pipe to the fire, and then to each of the four cardinal points.
He then took a few puffs himself, after which he passed the pipe to
his next neighbor, who went through the same preliminaries before
smoking, and thus the pipe went round the circle, each one taking only
a few puffs before passing it on. The pipe was then put back into its
pouch, and Black Coyote, standing with his face toward the northwest,
the messiah’s country, with eyes closed and arms outstretched, made
a fervent prayer for help and prosperity to his tribe, closing with
an earnest petition to the messiah to hasten his coming. The others
listened in silence with bowed heads. The prayer ended, they consulted
as to the song to be sung first, which Black Coyote then started in a
clear musical bass, the others joining. From time to time explanations
were made where the meaning of the song was not clear. They invited
me to call for whatever songs I wished to hear, and these songs were
repeated over and over again to give me an opportunity to write them
down, but they waived extended discussion until another time. Usually
the men alone were the singers, but sometimes Black Coyote’s wives or
other women who were present joined in the songs. It was noticeable
that even in these rehearsals the women easily fell under the
excitement of the dance. Finally, about 10 oclock, all rose together
and sang the closing song, _Ni′ninitubi′na Huhu_, “The Crow has given
the signal,” and the rehearsal was at an end. On one occasion, before
I had obtained this song, I called for it in order that I might write
it down, but they explained that we must wait awhile, as it was the
closing song, and if they sung it then they must quit for the night.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE DANCE
On several occasions the dance ground was consecrated before the
performance, one of the leaders going all about the place, sprinkling
some kind of sacred powder over the ground and praying the while.
[Illustration: PL. CXI
SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE
_a_, Staff; _b_, _c_, Bow and bone-head arrows; _d_, Gaming wheel
and sticks]
Frequently in the dance one or more of the leaders while sitting within
the circle would beat upon the earth with his extended palm, then lay
his hand upon his head, afterward blow into his hand, and then repeat
the operation, praying all the time. Sometimes the hypnotist would beat
the ground in the same way and then lay his hand on the head of the
subject (plate +CXV+). No satisfactory explanation of this ceremony
was obtained beyond the general idea that the earth, like the sun, the
fire, and the water, is sacred.
GIVING THE FEATHER
The ceremony of “giving the feather” has been already noticed. This was
an official ordination of the priests in the dance, conferred on them
by the apostle who first brought the ceremony to the tribe. Among the
Arapaho, Caddo, Kiowa, and adjoining tribes in the south the feather
was conferred by Sitting Bull himself. The feather was thus given
to seven leaders, or sometimes to fourteen, that is, seven men and
seven women, the number seven being sacred with most tribes and more
particularly in the Ghost dance. The feather, which was worn upon the
head of the dancers, was either that of the crow, the sacred bird of
the Ghost dance, or of the eagle, sacred in all Indian religions. If
from the crow, two feathers were used, being attached at a slight angle
to a small stick which was thrust into the hair. (See Arapaho song 8.)
The feathers were previously consecrated by the priest with prayer and
ceremony. The chosen ones usually reciprocated with presents of ponies,
blankets, or other property. After having thus received the feather
the tribe began to make songs of its own, having previously used those
taught them by the apostle from his own language.
Besides the seven leaders who wear the sacred crow feathers as emblems
of their leadership, nearly all the dancers wear feathers variously
painted and ornamented, and the preparation of these is a matter of
much concern. The dancer who desires instruction on this point usually
takes with him six friends, so as to make up the sacred number of
seven, and goes with them to one who has been in a trance and has thus
learned the exact method in vogue in the spirit world. At their request
this man prepares for each one a feather, according to what he has seen
in some trance vision, for which they return thanks, usually with a
small present. The feathers are painted in several colors, each larger
feather usually being tipped with a small down feather painted in a
different color. On certain occasions a special day is set apart for
publicly painting and preparing the feathers for all the dancers, the
work being done by the appointed leaders of the ceremony.
THE PAINTING OF THE DANCERS
The painting of the dancers is done with the same ceremonial exactness
of detail, each design being an inspiration from a trance vision.
Usually the dancer adopts the particular style of painting which,
while in the trance, he has seen worn by some departed relative. If he
has not yet been in a trance, the design is suggested by a vision of
one who does the painting. In making the request the dancer lays his
hands upon the head of the leader and says, “My father, I have come to
be painted, so that I may see my friends; have pity on me and paint
me,” the sacred paint being held to sharpen the spiritual vision as
well as to be conducive to physical health. The painting consists of
elaborate designs in red, yellow, green, and blue upon the face, with
a red or yellow line along the parting of the hair. Suns, crescents,
stars, crosses, and birds (crows) are the designs in most common use.
THE CEREMONY
The dance commonly begins about the middle of the afternoon or later,
after sundown. When it begins in the afternoon, there is always an
intermission of an hour or two for supper. The announcement is made
by the criers, old men who assume this office apparently by tacit
understanding, who go about the camp shouting in a loud voice to the
people to prepare for the dance. The preliminary painting and dressing
is usually a work of about two hours. When all is ready, the leaders
walk out to the dance place, and facing inward, join hands so as to
form a small circle. Then, without moving from their places they sing
the opening song, according to previous agreement, in a soft undertone.
Having sung it through once they raise their voices to their full
strength and repeat it, this time slowly circling around in the dance.
The step is different from that of most other Indian dances, but very
simple, the dancers moving from right to left, following the course
of the sun, advancing the left foot and following it with the right,
hardly lifting the feet from the ground. For this reason it is called
by the Shoshoni the “dragging dance.” All the songs are adapted to
the simple measure of the dance step. As the song rises and swells
the people come singly and in groups from the several tipis, and one
after another joins the circle until any number from fifty to five
hundred men, women, and children are in the dance. When the circle is
small, each song is repeated through a number of circuits. If large,
it is repeated only through one circuit, measured by the return of the
leaders to the starting point. Each song is started in the same manner,
first in an undertone while the singers stand still in their places,
and then with full voice as they begin to circle around. At intervals
between the songs, more especially after the trances have begun, the
dancers unclasp hands and sit down to smoke or talk for a few minutes.
At such times the leaders sometimes deliver short addresses or sermons,
or relate the recent trance experience of the dancer. In holding each
other’s hands the dancers usually intertwine the fingers instead of
grasping the hand as with us. Only an Indian could keep the blanket
in place as they do under such circumstances. Old people hobbling
along with sticks, and little children hardly past the toddling period
sometimes form a part of the circle, the more vigorous dancers
accommodating the movement to their weakness. Frequently a woman will
be seen to join the circle with an infant upon her back and dance
with the others, but should she show the least sign of approaching
excitement watchful friends lead her away that no harm may come to the
child. Dogs are driven off from the neighborhood of the circle lest
they should run against any of those who have fallen into a trance and
thus awaken them. The dancers themselves are careful not to disturb the
trance subjects while their souls are in the spirit world. Full Indian
dress is worn, with buckskin, paint, and feathers, but among the Sioux
the women discarded the belts ornamented with disks of German silver,
because the metal had come from the white man. Among the southern
tribes, on the contrary, hats were sometimes worn in the dance,
although this was not considered in strict accordance with the doctrine.
[Illustration: PL. CXII
THE GHOST DANCE—SMALL CIRCLE]