CHAPTER VII

THE DEMAND FOR PRIVACY AND INDIVIDUALITY

PRIVACY AND SOLITUDE. Although one of man's most powerful

tendencies, as has already been pointed out, is his desire to

be with his fellows, this desire is not unqualified. Just as men

can be satiated with too much eating, and irritated by too

much inactivity, so men become "fed up" with companionship.

The demand for solitude and privacy is thus fundamentally

a physiological demand, like the demand for rest.

"The world is too much with us," especially the human world.

Companionship, even of the most desirable kind, exhausts

nervous energy, and may become positively fatiguing and

painful. To crave solitude is thus not a sign of man's

unsociability, but a sign merely that sociability, like any other human

tendency, becomes annoying, if too long or too strenuously

indulged. Much of the neurasthenia of city life has been

attributed to the continual contact with other people, and the

total inability of most city dwellers to secure privacy for any

considerable length of time. In some people a lifelong habit

of close contact with large numbers of people makes them

abnormally gregarious, so that solitude, the normal method of

recuperation from companionship, becomes unbearable. Few

city dwellers have not felt after a period of isolation in some

remote country place the need for the social stimulus of the

city. But a normal human life demands a certain proportion

of solitude just as much as it demands the companionship of

others.

With the spread of education and the general enhancement

of the sense of personal selfhood and individuality among

large numbers of people, the demand for privacy has increased.

The modern reader is shocked to discover in the

literature of the Elizabethan period the amazing lack of a

sense of privacy there exhibited. In contemporary society

this sense and the possibility of its satisfaction are variously

displayed on different economic and social levels. In the

congested life of the tenements it is almost impossible, and many

social evils are to be traced to the promiscuous mingling of

large families (and sometimes additional boarders) in

congested quarters.

The demand for privacy and solitude becomes acute among

people who do a great deal of mental work. "Man," says

Nietzsche, "cannot think in a herd," and the thinker has

traditionally been pictured as a solitary man. This is because

quiet seems to be, for most men, an essential condition of

really creative thought. There are some men who find it

impossible to write when there is another person, even one of

whom they are fond, in the same room. "No man," writes

Mr. Graham Wallas, "is likely to produce creative thoughts

(either consciously or subconsciously) if he is constantly

interrupted by irregular noises." Constant association with

other people means, moreover, continual distraction by

conversation which seriously interrupts a consecutive train of

thought. The insistence in public and college reading rooms

on absolute quiet is a device for securing as nearly as may

be privacy in intellectual work.

Privacy is again demanded as a matter of emotional protection

in individuals in whom there is a highly sensitive development

of personal selfhood. We like to keep our concerns to

ourselves, or to share them only with those with whom we

have a marked community of interest and feeling. Children

love to "have secrets they won't tell," and older people,

especially sensitive and intelligent ones, feel a peculiar sense of

irritation at having their personal affairs and feelings publicly

displayed. Nearly everyone must recall occasions where he

was vividly communicative and loquacious with a friend, only

to relapse into a clam-like silence on the entry of a third person.

This is primarily due to the fact that while men are by

nature gregarious, their gregariousness early becomes specialized

and aroused exclusively by people for whom they develop

a sense of personal affection and common sympathy. Any

intrusion from without this circle becomes an intrusion upon

privacy.

SATISFACTION IN PERSONAL POSSESSION: THE ACQUISITIVE INSTINCT.

An almost universal human trait of considerable social consequence

is the satisfaction men experience in having objects

that are their own. Both animals and humans, apart from

training, display a tendency to get and hold objects. This

tendency may take extreme forms, as in the case of miserliness

or kleptomania. It is evidenced in special ways in the

collections that children, and some grown-ups, make of

miscellaneous objects without any particular use, and with no

particular æsthetic value.

The objects which satisfy this instinct of possession may

include material goods, family, or larger groups. In primitive

tribes under the patriarchal system, the patriarch practically

owns the tribe. Our laws not so long ago recognized

the marriage relation as a state in which the wife is

possessed or owned by the husband.

Possession gives the owner various kinds of satisfaction.

The instinctive satisfaction in possession itself may be quite

irrespective of the values of the objects owned, and deprivation

may be fiercely resisted out of all proportion to the value

of the objects. Especially will this be the case if the object

possessed has become surrounded with other emotional

attachments, so that an individual may be as bitterly chagrined

and piqued by being deprived of some slight memoir or keepsake

as of a large sum of money. In the same way the fighting

spirit of a whole tribe or nation may be aroused by the

invasion or seizure of a small and unimportant bit of land, or by

the chance of its possession.

The instinctive sense of satisfaction, as in the last mentioned

case is enhanced by the sense of importance which

comes from possession, and which enhances one's own individuality

and personality. A man's vast holdings in wealth,

land, factories, machinery, or private estates is, in a sense,

regarded by him as an extension of his personality. He is

confirmed in this impression because it is so regarded by his

neighbors and the whole social group. A great landowner is

a celebrity throughout the countryside, and, as Mr. Veblen

points out, a large part of the luxurious display and expenditure

of the leisure classes is their way of publicly and conspicuously

indicating the amount of their possessions.

As in the case of any other strong native tendency, interference

with the instinct of acquisition, whether displayed by

the individual or the group, provokes often fierce anger and

bitter combat. The history of wars of aggrandizement

throughout the history of Europe are testimonies to the

efficacy of this instinct at least in the initiation of war.

The progress of civilization beyond its earliest states is

held, by some sociologists and economists, to be ascribed to

the power of the acquisitive instinct. The acquisition of

material wealth or capital, the development of the institution

of private property with its concomitant individual development

of land and natural resources is maintained by Lester

Ward to be of paramount importance in social advance:

... Objects of desire multiplied themselves and their possession

became an end of effort. Slowly the notion of property came into

being and in acquiring this, as history shows, the larger share of all

human energy has been absorbed. The ruling passion has for a

time long anterior to any recorded annals always been proprietary

acquisition.... Both the passion and the means of satisfying it were

conditions to the development of society itself, and rightly viewed

they have also been leading factors in civilization.[1]

[Footnote 1: Lester Ward: _The Psychic Factors of Civilization_, p. 156.]

There are many other motives to activity than acquisition,

but there are many evidences of its intense operation even in

modern society. Many men go on working long after they have

money enough to enable them to live in comfort, merely

for the further satisfaction of this impulse. "While in the

course of satisfaction of most other desires, the point of satiety

is soon reached, the demands of this one grow greater without

limit, so that it knows no satiety."[1]

[Footnote 1: McDougall: _loc. cit._, p. 323.]

The power of this tendency to personal acquisition and

possession seems an obstacle to all thoroughly communistic

forms of political and social organization. The conception of

a state where nobody owns anything, but where all is owned

in common--an idea which has been repeated in many modern

forms of socialism and communism, fails to note this powerful

human difficulty. Many socialist writers, it must be

noted, however, point out that they wish social ownership of

the means of production rather than of every item of personal

property, such as books, clothing, and the like.

INDIVIDUALITY IN OPINION AND BELIEF. Men frequently

display with regard to their opinions and beliefs the same passionate

attachment that they exhibit with regard to their

physical possessions. Like the latter, these come to be regarded

as an extension of the individual's personality, and

the same tenacious defense may be made of them as of a house,

land, or money.

Individual opinions and beliefs are not themselves possessions,

from a social point of view, so much as is the right to

express them. A man's private opinion may influence his

own conduct; his conduct itself may be an expression of

opinion. But unless an opinion is communicated, it cannot

influence any one else's conduct, and society has never been

much concerned about opinions that an individual harbored

strictly in his own bosom. Silence, socially, is as good as

assent. The insistence on the right to one's own opinions

becomes, therefore, an insistence on the right or the freedom to

express them.[2] This right is cherished in varying degrees by

different individuals in different ages. It becomes pronounced

in persons in whom there is marked development

of individuality, and, in general, where, as in Anglo-Saxon

countries, a social and political tradition of liberty and

individuality has become very powerful.

[Footnote 2: Beliefs and opinions may come to be regarded as

important personal possessions in themselves, as in the case

of rival claimants to some theory or idea, as in the case of

Leibnitz's and Newton's dispute over the calculus.]

Individuality in opinion and belief becomes critical chiefly

when the opinions and beliefs expressed are at variance with

those generally current among the group. For reasons already

discussed in connection with man's instinctive gregariousness

and the emotional sway which habits of thought have

over men, dissent is regarded with suspicion. Especially is

this the case where the dissenting opinions have to do with

new social organization and custom. The psychological

causes of this opposition are various, but include among other

things a positive feeling of fear.

It is only recently that men have been abandoning the belief that

the welfare of a state depends on rigid stability and on the

preservation of its traditions and institutions unchanged. Wherever that

belief prevails, novel opinions are felt to be dangerous as well as

annoying, and any one who asks inconvenient questions about the

why and the wherefore of accepted principles is considered a pestilent

person.[1]

[Footnote 1: Bury: _History of Freedom of Thought_, p. 9.]

Throughout history there has been a long struggle for

freedom of thought and discussion, and there have been great

landmarks in the degree with which freedom was attained,

and the fields wherein it was permitted. For a long time in

the history of Europe, dissent from the prevailing opinion on

religious matters was regarded both as abominable and socially

dangerous, and was severely punished. Since the middle

of the nineteenth century there has been no legal punishment

provided for dissent from established opinions in

religion, although penalties for heterodoxy in countries where

religious opinion is strong and fairly unanimous may be

exerted in other ways. In social matters also, there has

practically ceased to be legal coercion of opinion.[2] The argument

for the suppression of individual opinion has been tersely

summarized by the author above quoted:

[Footnote 2: Except in the recent period of excitement and stress

during the Great War, when suppression of opinion was, for better

or for worse, taken as a measure of national defense.]

Those who have the responsibility of governing a society can argue

that it is incumbent on them to prohibit the circulation of pernicious

opinions as to prohibit any anti-social actions. They can argue that

a man may do far more harm by propagating anti-social doctrines

than by stealing his neighbor's horse or making love to his neighbor's

wife. They are responsible for the welfare of the State, and if they

are convinced that an opinion is dangerous... it is their duty to

protect society against it as against any other danger.[1]

[Footnote 1: Bury: _loc. cit._, p. 13.]

THE SOCIAL IMPORTANCE OF INDIVIDUALITY IN OPINION. There

have been many notable documents in support of the belief

that society is the gainer and not the loser by permitting and

encouraging individuality in thought and belief. The following,

taken from one of the most famous of these, John Stuart

Mill's _Essay on Liberty_, was written to illustrate the fatal

results of prohibiting dissenting opinions merely because most

people think or call them immoral:

Mankind can hardly be too often reminded that there was once a

man named Socrates, between whom and the legal authorities and

public opinion of his time there took place a memorable collision.

Born in an age and country abounding in individual greatness, this

man has been handed down to us by those who best knew both him

and the age, as the most virtuous man in it.... This acknowledged

master of all the eminent thinkers who have since lived--whose

fame, still growing after two thousand years, all but outweighs the

whole remainder of the names which make his native city illustrious--was

put to death by his countrymen, after a judicial conviction,

for impiety and immorality. Impiety, in denying the gods recognized

by the State.... Immorality, in being, by his doctrines and

instructions, a "corrupter of youth." Of these charges the tribunal,

there is every ground for believing, honestly found him guilty, and

condemned the man who probably of all then born had deserved best

of mankind to be put to death as a criminal.[2]

[Footnote 2: J. S. Mill: _Essay on Liberty_, chap. II.]

Every important step in human progress has been a variation

from the normal or accustomed, something new. Most

advances in science have been departures from older and

accustomed ways of thinking. Through the permission and

encouragement of individual variation in opinion we may

discover in the first place that accepted beliefs are wrong.

Galileo thought differently from the accepted Ptolemaic

astronomy of his day, and the demonstration of his diverging

belief proved the Ptolemaic astronomy to be wrong. The

evolutionary theory, bitterly attacked in its day, replaced

Cuvier's doctrine of the forms of life upon earth coming about

through a series of successive catastrophes. Lyell, in the face

of the whole scientific world of his day, insisted on the gradual

and uniform development of the earth's surface. Half the

scientific doctrines now accepted as axiomatic were bitterly

denounced when they were first suggested by an inquiring

minority.

Milton in his famous _Areopagitica_, an address to Parliament

written in 1644, protesting against the censorship of

printing, stressed the importance of permitting liberty for the

securing and developing of new ideas:

What should ye do then, should ye suppress all this flowery crop

of knowledge and new light sprung up and yet springing daily in this

city? Should ye set an oligarchy of twenty engrossers [censors] over

it, to bring a famine upon our minds again, when we shall know nothing

but what is measured us by their bushel? ... That our hearts

are now more capacious, our thoughts more erected to the search and

expectation of greatest and exactest things, is the issue of your own

virtue propagated in us; ye cannot suppress that unless ye reënforce

an abrogated and merciless law.... Give me the liberty to know, to

utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties.[1]

[Footnote 1: Milton: _Areopagitica_.]

Even if the currently accepted doctrines prove to be true,

there is, as Mill pointed out, a vast social utility in permitting

the expression of contrary opinion though it be an error.

New ideas, however extreme, "may and commonly do possess

some portion of truth"; they bring to light and emphasize

some aspect or point of view which prevailing theories fail to

note. Thus the possible over-emphasis of certain contemporary

writers on the socialization of man's life is a valuable

corrective to the equal over-emphasis on individualism which

was current among so many thinkers during the nineteenth

century. The insistence with which present-day psychologists

call our attention to the power of instinct, though it may

possibly be over-emphasized, counterbalances that tendency

exhibited by such earlier authors as Bentham to picture man

as a purely rational being, whose every action was determined

by sheer logic.

Finally, unless doctrines are subjected to criticism and

inquiry, no matter how beneficial they are to society, they

will become merely futile and empty formulæ with very little

beyond a mechanical influence on people's lives. The maxims

of conventional morality and religion which everybody

believes and few practice are solemnly bandied about with

little comprehension of their meaning and no tendency to act

upon them. A belief becomes, as Mill pointed out, living,

vital, and influential in the clash of controversy. Whether

novel and dissenting doctrines are true or false, therefore, the

encouragement of their expression provides vitality and

variation without which progress is not possible.

The social appreciation of persons who display marked individual

opinions varies in different ages toward the same

individual. The martyr stoned to death by one generation

becomes the hero and prophet of the next. One has but to

look back at the contemporary vilification and ridicule to

which Lincoln was subjected to find an illustration. Or, on

a more monumental scale:

The event which took place on Calvary rather more than eighteen

hundred years ago. The man who left on the memory of those who

witnessed his life and conversation such an impression of his moral

grandeur that eighteen subsequent centuries have done homage to

him as the Almighty in person, was ignominiously put to death, as

what? As a blasphemer.[1]

[Footnote 1: Mill: _Essay on Liberty_, chap. II.]

One would suppose that men would have learned not only

to tolerate and be receptive to novelty in belief after these

repeatedly tardy recognitions of greatness. There are dozens

of instances in the history of religious, social, and political

belief, of men and women who, suppressed with the bitterest

cruelty in one generation, have been in effect, and sometimes

in fact, canonized by posterity. And a certain degree of tolerance

and receptiveness has come to be the result. But

while we no longer burn religious and social heretics,

condemnation is still meted out in some form of ostracism.

Prejudice, custom, and special interest frequently move men

to suppress in milder ways extremists, expression of whose

opinions seems to them, as unusual opinions have frequently

seemed, fraught only with the greatest of harm.

Human Traits and their Social Significance · 第 7 / 14 章