_Bolivia's Birth. Bolívar's Triumph. The Monarchical Idea. From Honors to
Bitterness_
(1825-1827)
Immediately after Ayacucho, Bolívar ordered the cessation of conscription
and called a constitutional convention for February 8, 1825.
"The deplorable circumstances which forced Congress to create the
extraordinary office of dictatorship have disappeared," he said, "and
the Republic is now able to constitute and organize itself as it will."
Passing from national interests to his great idea of American union, he
issued a circular to all the governments of the continent to carry into
practice the assembly of plenipotentiaries of Latin America.
"It is now time," he wrote, "that the common interests uniting the
American republics had a fundamental basis to make permanent the
duration of their governments, if possible. The task of establishing
this system and affirming the power of this great political body must
rest upon that lofty authority which may direct the policies of our
governments and keep their principles of conduct uniform, an authority
whose name alone will calm our storms. So respectable an authority can
exist only in an assembly of plenipotentiaries, designated by each one
of our republics and united under the auspices of the victory obtained
by our armies against the Spanish government.... The day when our
plenipotentiaries exchange their powers will start an immortal epoch in
the diplomatic history of America. When, after one hundred centuries,
posterity seeks the beginning of our international law, it will
remember the agreements which affirmed its destiny and will gaze with
respect upon the conventions of the Isthmus. And then it will find the
plan of the first alliances showing the course of our relations with
the world. What will the Isthmus of Corinth then be, compared with the
Isthmus of Panamá?"
Bolívar now sent his resignation to Colombia, stating that since he had
fulfilled his mission and there were no more enemies in America, it was
time to carry out his promise. At this very time he was beginning to be
attacked by his enemies as an ambitious man who desired monarchial power!
These attacks, it was clear to him, would become more numerous, and even
foreigners would take part in the abuses. But there does not now exist one
document which warrants a single accusation against Bolívar for immoderate
aspirations.
When the War of Independence had practically come to a close Rodil was
holding Callao, and Upper Perú was still in the hands of the Spanish. Sucre
undertook to remedy this situation while Bolívar attended to the convening
of the constitutional congress in Perú. The Liberator remarked how
dangerous it was "to put into the hands of any one man a monstrous
authority which could not be placed without danger into the hands of Apollo
himself." Speaking to the delegates he said he desired:
"to compliment the people because they have been freed of that which is
most dreadful in the world, war, through the victory of Ayacucho, and
despotism, through my resignation. Proscribe forever, I pray you, such
enormous authority, which was the doom of Rome. It was praiseworthy,
undoubtedly, for Congress, in order to pass through the abyss and face
terrific storms, to substitute the bayonets of the liberating
for its laws, but now that the country has secured domestic peace and
political freedom, it should permit no rule but the rule of law."
The Perúvians insisted that Bolívar should retain the power, and passed a
decree conferring it on him, without, however, calling him dictator, so as
to respect his will. On the same day a decree ordered several honors to be
paid him and also that one million pesos (about $1,000,000) be distributed
among the officers and soldiers of the liberating army, and that another
million pesos be placed in the hands of the Liberator as a token of
gratitude of the country.
Bolívar was very much moved, and, to a certain extent, hurt by this
pecuniary reward. He declined to accept in the following words:
"I have never wanted to accept, even from my own country, any reward of
this kind. It would be a monstrous incongruity if I should receive from
the hands of Perú that which I refused to receive from the hands of my
country."
Congress finally asked Bolívar to take the million dollars and devote it to
charities in his own country and other parts of the republic of Colombia.
This Bolívar agreed to do.
Bolívar decided to remain in Perú until the convening of the following
congress, which was to assemble in 1826. He immediately bent all his energy
to the work of government, in which he was, if possible, more admirable
than he was as a soldier. Among the several measures of his administrative
work was the establishment of normal schools in the departments, tribunals
of justice, several educational institutions, mining bureaus, roads, public
charities and multitudinous other services.
On April 1, 1825, Sucre defeated the last Spanish troops in a place called
Tumusla.
Upon the completion of his work, Bolívar started to visit Cuzco and Upper
Perú. In the city of Arequipa, on May 16, he issued a decree proclaiming
the republic of Alto (Upper) Perú. In Cuzco he was received in triumph. A
thousand ladies offered him a beautiful crown set with pearls and diamonds.
The Liberator received it and immediately sent it to Marshal Sucre, saying:
"He is the conqueror of Ayacucho and the true liberator of this
republic."
From Cuzco, Bolívar went to La Paz, and there he was received in like
manner. The assembly of Alto Perù sent representatives to meet him. The
country had received the name of República Bolívar (now Bolivia). From
there he went to Potosí, where he remained several weeks, accepting the
homage and gratitude of the people. There he received several members of
the diplomatic corps and a committee sent by the government of Buenos Aires
with the purpose of complimenting him for the services he had rendered to
the cause of South American independence which, as they said, Bolívar had
made secure forever.
He gave Bolivia its first political organization, applying his favorite
ideas about the distribution of powers. Here he repeated what he had done
everywhere when in command. He established educational institutions;
ordered that the rivers be examined in order to study the feasibility of
changing their courses so as to furnish water to arid and sterile areas;
distributed land among the Indians; suppressed the duties on mining
machinery; ordered the planting of trees, and showed in a thousand ways his
untiring energy, all the while keeping in active diplomatic correspondence
and in constant communication with his friends and civil officers, in order
to give instructions in detail. He issued orders from Chuquisaca to have
the Venezuelan soldiers sent back to their country from Perú. He even went
so far as to entertain thoughts of the independence of Cuba and Porto Rico.
In January, 1826, he left Chuquisaca for the coast and from there he sailed
for Perú, and a month later reached Lima, where he rendered an account of
what he had done in Upper Perú and in the South. By that time the last
stronghold of the Spaniards, Callao, had fallen into the hands of the
Venezuelan general, Bartolomé Salom, a very distinguished officer who had
played a remarkable rôle under Bolívar during the War of Independence.
The resistance of Rodil in Callao is one of the best examples of Spanish
bravery. Rodil was a rough soldier, and often harsh and cruel in his
measures. In spite of hunger, illness and losses, he remained in Callao for
almost eleven months, not surrendering until January 23, 1826; he and
his men were the last representatives of the Spanish power to leave the
continent.
As soon as everything was well organized in Perú, Bolívar made ready to
return to Colombia. At that time some imprudent friends tried to convince
him that it was to the best interest of the now independent countries that
he should be made emperor of the Andes, which covered Colombia, Perú and
Bolivia. From Caracas, Páez proposed that he should return to Colombia and
set up a monarchy. Bolívar steadfastly refused to listen to any of these
seductions. To Páez he wrote:
"France had always been a kingdom. The Repúblican government
discredited itself and became more and more debased until it fell into
an abyss of hate. The ministers who led France were equally cruel and
inept. Napoleon was great, singular, and, besides that, extremely
ambitious. Nothing of the kind exists here. I am not Napoleon, no
I wish to be; neither do I want to imitate Caesar, and still less
Iturbide.... The magistrates of Colombia are neither Robespierre nor
Marat.... Colombia has never been a kingdom. A throne would produce
terror on account of its height as well as on account of its glamour."
To all his friends he declared his decided opposition to the monarchical
idea. In another letter, addressed to vice-president Santander, he wrote:
"I have fulfilled all my obligations, for I have done my duty as a
soldier, the only profession which I have followed since the first day
of the Republic.... I was not born to be a magistrate.... Even if a
soldier saves his country, he rarely proves a good executive.... You,
only, are a glorious exception to this rule."
One of the greatest rewards for his ambition, the one he valued the most
throughout the rest of his life, was received at that time. It consisted
of Washington's picture and a lock of his hair, sent as a present by
Washington's family from Mount Vernon through General Lafayette. In his
letter to Bolívar, Lafayette said:
"My religious and filial devotion to General Washington could not be
better recognized by his family than by honoring me with the commission
they have entrusted to me.... Of all men living, and even of all men in
history, Bolívar is the very one to whom my paternal friend w
have preferred to send this present. What else can I say to the great
citizen whom South America has honored with the name of Liberator,
confirmed in him by two worlds, a man endowed with an influence equal
to his self-denial, who carries in his heart the sole love of freedom
and of the republic?"
Bolívar answered:
"There are no words with which I can express how my heart appreciates
this gift.... Washington's family honors me beyond my greatest hopes,
because Washington's gift presented by Lafayette is the crown of all
human rewards."[1]
[Footnote 1: From that time until his death Bolívar preferred to any other
decoration, Washington's miniature picture, which often he wore on his
breast. Venezuela keeps with veneration this sacred relic in the _Museo
Boliviano_ of Caracas.]
While yet aglow with the great satisfaction he derived from this episode,
Bolívar was annoyed again by the movement to make him accept a crown.
Something still worse occurred at this time. In 1826 trouble broke out in
Venezuela because of the activities of Páez.
We have already mentioned that Venezuela was divided into three military
districts, governed by Bermúdez, Mariño and Páez. These three men had been
at times hostile to Bolívar, and, in order to satisfy their ambitions, he
had placed them in high commands. Páez was stationed in Caracas, where
his arbitrary rule was resented by the people. He intrigued against the
vice-president, Santander, executing his commands in such a way as to
produce ill-will, especially an order providing for the recruiting of
soldiers in Venezuela, which because of the manner of its execution, caused
much protest and resulted in complaints to the House of Representatives
against Páez. The House endorsed the accusation and submitted it to the
Senate, which suspended Páez from his post and summoned him to the capital.
Páez refused to appear, but at last was obliged to leave his command and
retire to Valencia as a private citizen. Once there, he instigated all
sorts of disturbances, and succeeded in creating an appearance of popular
clamor for his reinstatement in command of the department in order to avoid
anarchy. In this he was helped by his friends and partisans. A faction
asked him to accept the military command of the department, and Páez,
supported by the municipal council of Valencia, did so in disobedience to
Congress. He adopted the title of Military and Civil Chief of Venezuela. He
succeeded in enlisting the support of Mariño, but not that of Bermúdez, in
spite of all his flattering propositions. Thus started the endless chain of
civil revolutions in independent Latin America.
Santander wrote to the Libertador asking him to help save the country from
revolution. Páez also sent a communication to him, in which he complained
against vice-president Santander. Bolívar decided to return at once to his
country, but he met with strong opposition on the part of the Peruvian
authorities and people. After some hesitation, he concluded to return home,
thus ending the period which marks the height of his popularity. Soon his
glory was to be tarnished by ingratitude. He departed from Perú never to
return. "Whatever remains of that life is sorrow."[1]
[Footnote 1: Bolívar--J.E. Rodó.]
On the way to his country, Bolívar found that the southern provinces of
Colombia wanted him to be dictator, but he declared that it was his desire
that the constitutional regime should continue. He sent a proclamation to
the Colombians, once more offering his services as a brother.
"I do not want to know," he said, "who is at fault. I have never
forgotten that you are my brothers-in-blood and my fellow soldiers....
Let there be no more Cundinamarca; let us all be Colombians, or death
will cover the deserts left by anarchy."
He crossed at the foot of the lofty Chimborazo and arrived in Quito, where
he was again received with rejoicing, as he had been in all the towns
on his way home; and again he was urged to assume dictatorship. This he
steadfastly refused to do. In the middle of November he arrived in Bogotá,
where he exhorted the people to union and concord. He expressed much
satisfaction at the obedience to law on the part of the army, "because if
the armed force deliberates, freedom will be in danger, and the mighty
sacrifices of Colombia will be lost." For two days only he exercised the
executive power, but those days were sufficient to deepen the impression he
had left as a great organizer. He then continued on his way to Venezuela,
learning that Páez, who was openly opposed to the most cherished ideas
of Bolívar, had convoked a Venezuelan constitutional congress to meet in
Valencia on the 15th day of January, 1827. Appreciating the type of man
he was to face, Bolívar gathered a small army, to be prepared for
contingencies. On his way he learned that Puerto Cabello, which had
declared itself in favor of union, had been attacked by Páez and that
Venezuelan blood had been shed. Upon his arrival at Maracaibo, he published
a proclamation, resolved to make every effort at persuasion before
resorting to the sword. Páez had declared that Bolívar was coming to
Venezuela as a citizen to help with his advice and experience to perfect
the work of reform. From Coro, the Libertador wrote him, attempting to
convince him that his conduct was criminal and making him flattering offers
if he would desist. When the people of Caracas learned that Bolívar was
approaching, a reaction took place, to such an extent that Páez became
frightened. Some of the population openly declared themselves in Bolívar's
favor.
On the last day of 1826, Bolívar's mind passed through a crisis in an
effort to decide what steps would best reduce Páez to obedience, and, if
possible, avoid bloodshed. On the following day, the first of 1827, he
issued a decree, by virtue of his extraordinary powers, granting an
armistice to all those who had taken part in the so-called reform movement,
and ordering that his authority as President of the Republic be recognized
and obeyed. He also offered to convoke a national convention. Páez
hesitated no longer; he acknowledged the authority of Bolívar as President,
annulled the decree convoking a congress, and ordered that the President
should be honored in all the towns from Coro to Caracas. From Puerto
Cabello, Bolívar issued a beautiful proclamation in which he said:
"There are no longer any enemies at home.... Today peace triumphs....
Let us drown in the abyss of time the year 1826.... I have not known
what has happened. Colombians, forget whatever you know of the days of
sorrow."
Páez humiliated himself to the point of asking that he be tried, but
Bolívar would not permit it. He even praised Páez for his self-denial,
going so far in his generosity as to call him _savior of the country_. This
generosity was censured, especially by the people of Nueva Granada, and
was considered a weakness on the part of Bolívar. It was thought to be an
indication that he feared his authority would not be sufficiently strong
to carry him through the dangerous business of disciplining a man with
so large a following as Páez. But this was not so. Bolívar had, upon
the occasion of Piar's treachery, shown himself capable of decisive, if
difficult action; but his preference was always for justice tempered
with mercy. That he felt no weakening in personal power is shown by the
following incident: At a banquet where Páez and his partisans formed the
great majority of those present, a man started a debate which gave Bolívar
opportunity to make very energetic declarations, and even to utter the
following words:
"Here is no other authority and no other power than mine. Among all my
lieutenants I am like the sun; if they shine it is because of the light
I lend them."
Silence followed these words; everybody, including Páez, realized that
Bolívar could make himself respected whenever he wished.
His reception in Caracas surpassed any one that Bolívar had ever been
given. He could not walk because of the crowd. He had to listen to
addresses, hymns and eulogies, receive crowns, attend banquets and accept
all kinds of homage. His modesty was recognized by an inscription on one of
the banquet tables: "To conquer in the field of battle may be the work of
fortune; to conquer the pride of victory is the work of the conqueror."
Páez, who had been presented a sword by Bolívar, expressed his gratitude
in the warmest terms, and pledged himself to the service of his fellow
citizens.
"I should rather die a hundred times," he said, "and lose every drop of
my blood than to permit this sword to leave my hand, or ever attempt to
shed the blood which up to now it has set free.... Bolívar's sword is
in my hands. For you and for him I shall go with it to eternity. This
oath is inviolable."