_Humanizing War. Morillo's Withdrawal_
(1820)
Meanwhile, in Spain, a great expedition was being prepared to come to
America, an expedition which was intended to surpass even the army of
Morillo. Fernando VII was determined to reëstablish his absolute power, not
only in Spain but in the colonies. Morillo, in Venezuela, was asking for
reinforcements. In his pleas for more men he stated that he wanted them to
conquer Bolívar, "an indomitable soul, whom a single victory, the smallest,
is enough to make master of 500 leagues of territory." Fernando VII was
very willing to send this expedition, not merely to support his authority,
but also to get rid of many officers who were accused of liberal
principles. The army, gathered in Cádiz, was very soon undermined by
subversive ideas. An officer named Rafael Riego led the insurrection, and
on New Year's Day, 1820, instead of being on its way to America, the army
was in revolt in the name of constitutional freedom. The ultimate result
of this was that the expedition did not sail, and that Fernando VII had
frankly to accept a constitutional program. Although Morillo endeavored to
convey the idea that the events in Cádiz had little importance, the news
which reached Bolívar after some delay strengthened his hope, for it seemed
evident that Spanish soldiers were unwilling to come to America to fight
against the insurgents.
In January, 1820, Bolívar again crossed the plains, where Páez was in
command, and journeyed towards Bogotá, with the object of publishing the
law establishing the Republic of Colombia. It was proclaimed there with
solemnity by Santander, who, on communicating the event to the President,
praised the latter with the following words: "Colombia is the only child of
the immortal Bolívar." In March Bolívar was in Bogotá, where he gave the
final orders for the various military operations to be conducted in the
North and South.
In his absence, the Congress of Angostura decreed that he should use the
official title _Libertador_ before the word _Presidente_, and consider
this title as his own on all occasions of his life. Many other honors were
conferred upon him and his men. Grateful at heart, Bolívar devoted his
attention to the stupendous task of organizing the country.
Meanwhile, Morillo, waiting for the Spanish reinforcements which never
arrived, distributed his armies on the plains and in the southwest, in
order to be in a position to fight Bolívar whenever the opportunity
occurred. There were still nearly 15,000 men under Morillo, besides those
who were in Nueva Granada occupying Cartagena and other smaller places, and
those in possession of Quito. Bolívar organized another army, determined to
try his forces once more against those of his powerful foe.
As a result of the revolution in Spain, Morillo had to proclaim and swear
to the Spanish constitution in the provinces that he governed. This fact
wrought a marked change in the position of the contending armies. The
representative government established certain rights for provinces, and
at the same time created the hope among the Spaniards that the revolution
would end by conferring the privilege of representation on the American
colonies.
The Spanish government initiated peace negotiations with the patriots, and
Morillo was made president of a commission which went to talk this matter
over with the heads of the Colombian revolution in July, 1820. A "Junta
Pacificadora," or assembly to establish peace, was set up by Morillo in
Caracas. Its first work was to send communications to the various generals
to suspend military operations for a month, while settlement was being
reached, and Bolívar was approached. On this occasion, Bolívar was
addressed as "His Excellency, the President of the Republic." He was no
longer the rebel, the insurgent or the bandit.
Bolívar was not to be deceived by any conciliatory attitude on the part of
the government. He decided that all his subordinate officers should furnish
every means for the conferences with the royalists, but always on the basis
of the independence of Colombia.
"It will never be humiliating," he wrote in a letter to one of his
officers, "to offer peace on the principles established in the declaration
of the Republic of Venezuela,[1] which ought to be the foundation of all
negotiations; first, because it is ordered by a law of the Republic,
and second, because it is necessary according to the nature and for the
salvation of Colombia."
[Footnote 1: That of November, 1818.]
Consequently, Congress answered the commissioners who came to deal with
Bolívar that the sovereign congress of Colombia would listen with pleasure
to all the propositions of the Spanish government, provided they were
founded on the acknowledgment of the sovereignty and independence of
Colombia, and that it would not admit any departure from this principle,
often proclaimed by the government and people of the republic.
Latorre, one of the most distinguished and gentlemanly of the Spanish
commanders, sent a personal note to Bolívar, in which he expressed the hope
that Bolívar would some day give him the pleasure of embracing him as his
brother. Bolívar answered accepting the armistice, but reiterated that he
would listen to no proposition not based on the independence of Colombia.
The proposal of the Spanish commanders was that the provinces should adopt
the political constitution of the Spanish monarchy; the King would permit
the present chieftains to retain command in the provinces they were then
occupying for an indefinite time, but subordinate either to the general of
the Spanish army or directly to the Spanish government. The representative
of Bolívar, for Bolívar did not attend the meeting through necessities of
the campaign, declined to accept the proposals, and added:
"The champions of justice and liberty, far from feeling flattered
by promises of unlimited command, feel insulted to see themselves
identified with the low element which prefers to oppress and be
powerful to the sublime glory of being the liberators of their
country."
Meanwhile, the diplomatic representatives of Colombia were strengthening
the credit of the country in London. The public debt was recognized and
a system of payment was decided on. Colombia, whose freedom was not yet
accepted by the world, had at the time better credit than that of some of
the European countries. On the other hand, some diplomatic movements were
badly conducted in Europe. The royalist system was so deeply rooted in
the spirits of men that many did not hesitate to take steps to establish
independent kingdoms in America, with European princes at their heads. As a
matter of fact, at that time, the Spanish colonies, with the exception of
Colombia, showed very marked monarchical tendencies.
Mexico had given indication of her desire for a Spanish prince, and at
last fell into the hands of Iturbide. In Buenos Aires also, a monarch was
wanted, and it is well known that San Martín, the hero of Argentina and
Chile, was very much in favor of the monarchical system. Colombia alone
continued to support Bolívar in his idea concerning the establishment and
the conservation of the Repúblican system. It is true that Bolívar wanted a
president for life and an hereditary senate, but these ideas were rejected
by his fellow citizens. He defended them with great vigor, and, if we are
to judge by the history of anarchy succeeded by long periods of tyranny
through which many countries of Spanish America have passed, we may believe
that Bolívar's ideas were based on a knowledge of all the weaknesses
characteristic of the Spanish American people of his time. He wanted
to live up to the lofty words of Henry Clay, who, in the House of
Representatives of the United States, proposed that Colombia should be
recognized as a free country, "worthy for many reasons to stand side by
side with the most illustrious peoples of the world," a solemn utterance
which had little weight at that time in the United States, but which showed
for the first time in a semi-official way that the United States was taking
notice of the important movement of the South.
Bolívar, after an expedition to inspect the military operations of his
army, sent a communication to Morillo, notifying him that he was ready
to communicate with him. In a later letter, he asked Morillo to give
instructions to his commanders to enter into a treaty to regularize the
war, the horrors and crimes of which up to that time had steeped Colombia
in tears and blood. The first arrangement made by the commanders of both
sides was the agreement to an armistice to last during six months, covering
all Colombia, and designating the lines where the contending armies should
stay. It was also agreed that a treaty would be drafted providing for the
continuance of war in accordance with international law and the usages
of civilized countries. The initiative for these improvements was due to
Bolívar, who was also the author of the basis of the treaty proposed by
the Colombian delegates. Among the clauses of this agreement were some
providing for the safety, good-treatment and exchange of prisoners; the
abolition of capital punishment against deserters apprehended in the ranks
of the enemy; the inviolability of lives and property in the sections
tentatively occupied by the troops of the two armies; and the burial or
incineration of the bodies of the dead on the field of battle. No treaty
of the same nature entered into before that time had been so advanced in
character. As Bolívar had previously said, the Venezuelans had nothing
to lose; they had lost everything already; but the new treaty prevented
further misfortune or abuse.
Subsequent to the signing of the treaty, Morillo expressed a desire to meet
Bolívar personally, and Bolívar agreed. The two met in a town called Santa
Ana, accompanied by a very few officers. Latorre also attended the meeting,
but the presence of officers particularly distasteful to Bolívar was
prevented by Morillo. Each of these two men represented in its noblest
aspect the cause which he defended. It is strange that neither of them
seemed to have been prepared by circumstances of early life for the role he
was playing. Morillo was born of humble parentage, and from the lowest
rung of the ladder he climbed to the highest place in the army, always in
defense of the monarchy, until he received the titles of Count of Cartagena
and Marquis of La Puerta; Bolívar, born in wealth, destined to become a
millionaire and to be the recipient of every honor if he remained on the
side of the oppressors of his country, sacrificed everything, lost his
personal property to the last penny, and shared privations of every kind
with his soldiers. When he had money, he gave it away; when he had no
money, he gave away his food and clothing. His generosity was unlimited. On
one occasion, when he learned that the man who had helped him to secure a
passport after the surrender of Miranda was in prison and his estate about
to be confiscated, Bolívar immediately asked that his own private property
be taken instead of that of his friend.
But both Bolívar and Morillo were very much above the common chieftains,
the bloodthirsty Boves, the ignorant Páez. They were the best
representatives of what was truest and loftiest in Spanish power and in
independent energy.
The interview was cordial. The two men embraced one another, had a long
friendly conversation, and parted with a high mutual regard. They decided
that a monument should be erected to commemorate their meeting. Bolívar's
toast at a dinner tendered him on that occasion indicated clearly how he
desired the war to be fought in the future. Lifting his glass, he said:
"To the heroic firmness of all the fighters of both armies; to their
constancy, endurance and matchless bravery; to the worthy men who
support and defend freedom in the face of ghastly penalties; to those
who have gloriously died defending their country and their government;
to the wounded men of both armies who have shown their intrepidity,
their dignity and their character ... eternal hatred to those who
desire blood and who shed it unjustly."
Morillo answered in these words:
"May Heaven punish those who are not inspired with the same feelings of
peace and friendship that animate us."
From that day on the correspondence between the two men was very respectful
and cordial.
Morillo knew well that he could not conquer the independent army, and he
decided to return to Spain before he had lost his reputation in Venezuela.
He asked to be recalled, and was succeeded by D. Manuel de Latorre, of whom
we have already made mention. Transfer of the command was effected on the
fourteenth of December, 1820.