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SIMÓN BOLÍVAR
(THE LIBERATOR)
_Patriot, Warrior, Statesman Father of Five Nations_
[Illustration: _STATUE OF THE LIBERATOR_ at the head of the Avenue of the
Americas, New York City.]
SIMÓN BOLÍVAR
(THE LIBERATOR)
Patriot, Warrior, Statesman Father of Five Nations
A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND HIS WORK
BY GUILLERMO A. SHERWELL
_Guillermo A. Sherwell (1878-1926)_ was the recipient of Doctorate
Degrees from the National University of Mexico and from the University
of Georgetown. Among the posts which he filled was that of Rector of the
National University of Mexico, Legal Counsellor of the Inter-American
Committee in Washington and Professor of History and of Hispano-American
literature. Sincerely interested in the heroes of Spanish-American
independence, he dedicated himself to the study of their lives and
especially to that of the Liberator. He also wrote a biography of Sucre.
This biography of Bolívar was first published in Washington in 1921. It was
again published in Baltimore in 1930. There have been two translations into
Spanish, that of Roberto Cortázar and that of R. Cansinos-Assens, published
respectively in Bogotá (1922 and 1930) and in Madrid (1922).
The Bolivarian Society of Venezuela has decided that in homage to the
memory of the Liberator on the occasion of the transfer of the statue in
New York to its new site at the head of the Avenue of the Americas, the
publication of another edition of this excellent work of Mr. Sherwell's
which gives in an excellent condensed form the historical significations of
Bolívar. The children of Mr. Sherwell have kindly given their consent to
the publication of this edition which is made under the auspices of the
Junta de Gobierno of the United States of Venezuela.
_Introduction_
In the history of peoples, the veneration of national heroes has been one
of the most powerful forces behind great deeds. National consciousness,
rather than a matter of frontiers, racial strain or community of customs,
is a feeling of attachment to one of those men who symbolize best the
higher thoughts and aspirations of the country and most deeply impress the
hearts of their fellow citizens. Despite efforts to write the history of
peoples exclusively from the social point of view, history has been, and
will continue to be, mainly a record of great names and great deeds of
national heroes.
The Greeks, for us and for themselves, are not so much the people who lived
in the various city-states of Hellas, nor the people dominated and more or
less influenced by the Romans and later the Mohammedan conquerors, nor
even the present population in which the old pure Hellenic element is in a
proportion much smaller than is generally thought. Greece is what she is,
lives in the life of men and shapes the minds and souls of peoples,
through her great heroes, through her various gods, which were nothing
but divinized heroes. Greece is for us Apollo, as a symbol of whatever
is filled with light, high, beautiful and noble; Heracles for what is
strength, energy, organization, life as it should be lived by human beings.
Leonidas stands for us as a symbol of heroic deeds; Demosthenes as a symbol
of the convincing powers of oratory and Pericles as the crystallization of
Grecian life in its totality of beauty, learning and social and civic life.
Greece is a type, is an attitude, is a protest against oppression, is an
aspiration towards beauty, is an inspiration and a guide for men who live
in the higher planes of feeling and thought. But Greece is not all that as
a people; Greece is all that through men converted into symbols.
So it is with other peoples.
Rome still signifies for us the defense of the bridge against the powerful
enemy; a man taking absolute power over the State and then surrendering it
to the people from whom it came. Rome is Repúblican virtue, and imperial
power,--and also, alas! imperial degradation. Imperial Rome represents
persecution of religion which does not recognize Caesar as a god and the
assimilation of religions which do not hesitate to add a god to those they
adore. Rome, too, symbolizes the tendency to unity which survives and
inspires the life of the nations of Europe, if not of the world,--a
tendency altogether manifest in the last gigantic struggle through which
mankind has just passed. Rome, finally, stands for Law, for the most
marvelous social machine ever devised by human brains. But Rome is all
that, and more than that, through Horace, Sulla, Cato, Caesar, Cicero,
Nero, Caracalla and Justinian.
The confusion of the Middle Ages has some points of light, always around a
man. The great Frederic Barbarossa stands for Germany, as does William Tell
for Switzerland, as Ivan the Great for Russia, as the Cid for Spain, as
King Arthur for England and Charlemagne for France.
The modern peoples, those who only lately have begun to live as nations,
have their heroes, who perhaps do not seem so great to us as the old
heroes, because they have not been magnified by time; but, if compared with
men of the past, many of them are as great, if not, in some cases, greater.
The countries of America are at present forming this tradition about their
illustrious ancestors. And, if they want to live the strong life of the
nations destined to last and to be powerful and respected, they must
persevere in the work of building up around their fathers the frame-work of
their national consciousness. Washington every day appears nobler to us,
because every day we understand better what is the meaning of his sacrifice
and his work; every day we learn to appreciate more the value of the
inheritance he left to us when he gave us a free country where we can
think and speak and work, untrammeled by the whims and caprices of foreign
masters. And the nations to the south of us are also building their
national consciousness around their great heroes, among them the greatest
of all, Bolívar, one of those men who appear in the world at long
intervals, selected by God to be the leaders of multitudes, to be
performers of miracles, achieving what is impossible for the common man.
They live a life of constant inspiration, as if they were not guided by
their own frail judgment, but, like Moses, by the smoke and the flame of
God through a desert, through suffering and success, through happiness and
misfortune, until they might see before them the Promised Land of Victory,
some destined to enjoy the full possession of it, and others to die with no
other happiness than that of leaving an inheritance to their successors.
These few pages, devoted to the life and work of Simón Bolívar, the
great South American Liberator, will attain their object if the reader
understands and appreciates how unusual a man Bolívar was. Every citizen of
the United States of America must respect and venerate his sacred memory,
as the Liberator and Father of five countries, the man who assured the
independence of the rest of the South American peoples of Spanish speech;
the man who conceived the plans of Pan-American unity which those who
came after him have elaborated, and the man who, having conquered all
his enemies and seen at his feet peoples and laws, effected the greatest
conquest, that of himself, sacrificing all his aspirations and resigning
his power, to go and die, rewarded by the ingratitude of those who owed him
their existence as free men. The more the life of this man is studied, the
greater he appears, and the nearer he seems to the superhuman.
The American people, made free by Washington, do not begrudge the
legitimate glory of other illustrious men, and if they have not rendered up
to this time the homage due to Simón Bolívar, it has been mainly through
lack of accurate knowledge of his wonderful work. The city of New York, the
greatest community in the world, is now honoring his memory by placing in
a conspicuous section of its most beautiful park a statue which the
Government of Venezuela has given it; the statue of the Man of the South,
the brother in glory to our own Washington. No greater homage could be
paid to him than to have American fathers and mothers pass by the noble
monument, pointing out to their children the statue and telling them the
marvelous story of Simón Bolívar.
In a book as brief as this it is impossible to present documents or to give
long quotations. Nevertheless, we may fairly affirm that all statements
herein made are substantiable by documentary evidence. We have consulted
all the books and pamphlets which have been at hand and have studied both
sides of debatable questions regarding Bolívar. To follow a chronological
order we have been guided by the beautiful biography written by Larrazábal,
the man called by F. Lorain Petre "the greatest flatterer of Bolívar." That
this assertion is false is proved in the first volume cited below. Petre's
monograph contains apparent earmarks of impartiality, but in reality it is
nothing but a bitter attack on the reputation of Bolívar. Its translator,
a distinguished Venezuelan writer, is to be thanked for the serenity with
which he has destroyed his imputations. We find nothing to add in defense
of the Liberator.
The following studies have been particularly consulted:
"Bolívar--por los más grandes escritores americanos,
precedido de un estudio por Miguel de Unamuno,"
Madrid and Buenos Aires, 1914,
a book containing the following monographs:
"Simón Bolívar," by Juan Montalvo (Ecuadorian)
"Simón Bolívar," by F. García Calderón (Peruvian)
"Simón Bolívar," by P.M. Arcaya (Venezuelan)
"Bolívar y su campaña de 1821," by General L. Duarte
Level (Mexican)[1]
"Bolívar en el Perú," by A. Galindo (Colombian)
"Simón Bolívar," by B. Vicuña Mackenna (Chilean)
"Simón Bolívar," by J.B. Alberdi (Argentinean)
"Simón Bolívar," by José Martí (Cuban)
"El ideal internacional de Bolívar," by Francisco José
Urrutia (Colombian)
"La entrevista de Guayaquil," by Ernesto de la Cruz (Chilean)
"Bolívar, escritor," by Blanco-Fombona (Venezuelan)
"Bolívar," by F. Lorain Petre (North American)[2]
"Bolívar," by J.E. Rodó (Uruguayan)
"Bolívar, íntimo," by Cornelio Hispano (Colombian)
"Bolívar, profesor de energía," by José Veríssimo (Brazilian)
"Bolívar, legislador," by Jorge Ricardo Vejarano (Colombian)
"Discursos y Proclamas--Simón Bolívar," R. Blanco-Fombona, Paris.
"Documentos para la Vida Pública del Libertador" por Blanco y
Azpurúa, Caracas.
"El Libertador de la América del Sur," Guzmán Blanco, London, 1885.
"Estudio Histórico," Aristides Rojas, Caracas, 1884.
"La Creación de un Continente," F. García Calderón, Paris.
"La Entrevista de Bolívar y San Martín en Guayaquil," Camilo
Destruge, Guayaquil, 1918.
"La última enfermedad, los últimos momentos y los funerales de Simón
Bolívar," Dr. A.P. Révérend, Paris, 1866.
"Leyendas Históricas," A. Rojas, Caracas, 1890.
"Memorias de O'Leary," translated from English by Simón B. O'Leary,
Caracas, 1883.
"Orígenes del Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho," discursos
del Señor D. Felipe Francia, Caracas, 1920.
"Papeles de Bolívar," Vicente Lecuna, Caracas, 1917.
"Pensamientos consagrados a la memoria del Libertador,"
Caracas, 1842.
"Recuerdos del Tiempo Heróico--Pájinas de la vida militar i
política del Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho," José María Rey de Castro,
Guayaquil, 1883.
"Resúmen de la Historia de Venezuela," Baralt y Díaz, Paris, 1841.
"Simón Bolívar," Arturo Juega Farrulla, Montevideo,
1915.
"Vida de Simón Bolívar," Larrazábal, Madrid, 1918; also sixth edition
of same book, New York, Andres Cassard, 1883.
[Footnote 1: Duarte Level is not Mexican but Venezuelan.]
[Footnote 2: Lorain Petre is not North American but English.]
For the use of various documents, articles, and papers, we are also
indebted to Dr. Manuel Segundo Sánchez, Director of the National Library of
Caracas, Venezuela, as well as to Dr. Julius Goebel of the University of
Virginia for his kindness in letting us examine his notes on certain papers
existing in the files of the State Department in Washington.
We beg to express our sincere gratitude to Miss Edith H. Murphy of Bay
Ridge High School and St. Joseph College of Brooklyn, and to Dr. C.E.
McGuire of the Inter American High Commission, for their revision of the
original manuscript and their very valuable suggestions regarding the
subject matter and the style.
For the appreciations and judgments appearing in this monograph, its author
assumes full responsibility.
Table of Contents
_Chapter_
Introduction
I. The Spanish Colonies in America
II. Bolívar's Early Life. Venezuela's First Attempt
to Obtain Self-Government (1783-1810)
III. The Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1811.
Miranda's Failure (1811-1812)
IV. Bolívar's First Expedition. The Cruelty of
War (1812-1813)
V. Bolívar's First Victories (1813)
VI. Araure. Ribas Triumphs in La Victoria. A
Wholesale Execution (1813-1814)
VII. The Heroic Death of Ricaurte. Victory of
Carabobo and Defeat of La Puerta (1814)
VIII. Bolívar in Exile and Morillo in Power. The
"Jamaica Letter" (1814-1815)
IX. Bolívar's Expedition and New Exile. He Goes
to Guayana (1815-1817)
X. Piar's Death. Victory of Calabozo. Second
Defeat at La Puerta. Submission of Páez
(1817-1818)
XI. The Congress of Angostura. A great Address.
Campaigning in the Plains (1819)
XII. Bolívar Pays His Debt to Nueva Granada.
Boyacá. A Dream Comes True (1819)
XIII. Humanizing War. Morillo's Withdrawal
(1820)
XIV. The Second Battle of Carabobo. Ambitions
and Rewards. Bolívar's Disinterestedness.
American Unity (1821)
XV. Bomboná and Pichincha. The Birth of Ecuador.
Bolívar and San Martín Face to Face
(1822)
XVI. Junín, a Battle of Centaurs. The Continent's
Freedom Sealed in Ayacucho (1822-1824)
XVII. Bolivia's Birth. Bolívar's Triumph. The Monarchical
Idea. From Honors to Bitterness
(1825-1827)
XVIII. The Convention of Ocaña. Full Powers. An
Attempt at Murder (1828)
XIX. Difficulties with Perú. Slanders and Honors.
On the Road to Calvary (1829-1830)
XX. Friends and Foes. Sucre's Assassination. The
Lees of Bitterness. An Upright Man's Death
(1830)
XXI. The Man and His Work
SIMÓN BOLÍVAR
(THE LIBERATOR)
Patriot, Warrior, Statesman Father of Five Nations
CHAPTER I
_The Spanish Colonies in America_
Everybody knows that America was discovered by Christopher Columbus, who
served under the King and Queen of Spain, and who made four trips, in which
he discovered most of the islands now known as the West Indies and part of
the central and southern regions of the American continent. Long before the
English speaking colonies which now constitute the United States of
America were established, the Spaniards were living from Florida and the
Mississippi River to the South, with the exception of what is now Brazil,
and had there established their culture, their institutions and their
political system.
In some sections, the Indian tribes were almost exterminated, but generally
the Spaniards mingled with the Indians, and this intercourse resulted in
the formation of a new race, the mixed race (mestizos) which now comprises
the greater number of the inhabitants of what we call Latin America.
African slavery added another racial element, which is often discernible in
the existing population.
The Latin American peoples today are composed of European whites, American
whites (creoles), mixed races of Indian and white, white and Negro,
Negro and Indian, Negro and mestizo, and finally, the pure Indian race,
distinctive types of which still appear over the whole continent from
Mexico to Chile, but which has disappeared almost entirely in Uruguay and
Argentina. Some countries have the Indian element in larger proportions
than others, but this distribution of races prevails substantially all over
the continent.
It would distract us from our purpose to give a full description of the
grievances of the Spanish colonies in America. They were justified and
it is useless to try to defend Spain. Granting that Spain carried out a
wonderful work of civilization in the American continent, and that she
is entitled to the gratitude of the world for her splendid program of
colonization, it is only necessary, nevertheless, to cite some of her
mistakes of administration in order to prove the contention of the
colonists that they must be free.
Books could not be published or sold in America without the permission of
the Consejo de Indias, and several cases were recorded of severe punishment
of men who disobeyed this rule. Natives could not avail themselves of the
advantages of the printing press. Communication and trade with foreign
nations were forbidden. All ships found in American waters without license
from Spain were considered enemies. Nobody, not even the Spaniards, could
come to America without the permission of the King, under penalty of loss
of property and even of loss of life. Spaniards, only, could trade, keep
stores or sell goods in the streets. The Indians and mestizos could engage
only in mechanical trades.
Commerce was in the hands of Spain, and taxes were very often prohibitive.
Even domestic commerce, except under license, was forbidden. It was
especially so regarding the commerce between Perú and New Spain, and also
with other colonies. Some regulations forbade Chile and Perú to send their
wines and other products to the colonists of the North. The planting of
vineyards and olive trees was forbidden. The establishment of industry, the
opening of roads and improvements of any kind were very often stopped by
the Government. Charles IV remarked that he did not consider learning
advisable for America.
Americans were often denied the right of public office. Great personal
service or merit was not sufficient to destroy the dishonor and disgrace of
being an American.
The Spanish colonies were divided into vice-royalties and general
captaincies. There were also _audiencias_, which existed under the
vice-royalties and general captaincies. The Indians were put under the care
and protection of Spanish officials called _encomenderos_, but these
in fact, in most cases, were merciless exploiters of the natives who,
furthermore, were subject to many local disabilities. The Kings of Spain
tried to protect the Indians, and many laws were issued tending to spare
them from the ill-treatment of the Spanish colonists. But the distance from
Spain to America was great, and when laws and orders reached the colonies,
they never had the force which they were intended to have when issued.
There existed a general race hatred. The Indians and the mestizos, as a
rule, hated the creoles, or American whites, who often were as bad as, or
even worse than, the Spanish colonists in dealing with the aborigines. It
is not strange, then, that in a conflict between Spain and the colonies,
the natives should take sides against the creoles, who did most of the
thinking, and who were interested and concerned with all the changes
through which the Spanish nation might pass, and that they would help Spain
against the white promoters of the independent movement. This assertion
must be borne in mind to understand the difficulties met by the independent
leaders, who had to fight not only against the Spanish army, which was in
reality never very large, but also against the natives of their own land.
To regard this as an invariable condition would nevertheless lead to error,
for at times, under proper guidance, the natives would pass to the files of
the insurgent leaders and fight against the Spaniards.
Furthermore, it is necessary to remember that education was very limited
in the Spanish colonies; that in some of them printing had not been
introduced, and that its introduction was discouraged by the public
authority; and that public opinion, which even at this time is so poorly
developed, was very frequently poorly informed in colonial times, or
did not exist, unless we call public opinion a mass of prejudices,
superstitions and erroneous habits of thinking fostered by interests,
either personal or of the government.
This was the condition of the Spanish American countries at the beginning
of the nineteenth century, full of agitation and conflicting ideas, when
new plans of life for the people were being elaborated and put into
practice as experiments on which many men founded great hopes and which
many others feared as forerunners of a general social disintegration.