[201] Páramo, pp. 220-222. For the Valencia experience of Domingo de
Santa Cruz, see History of the Inquisition of Spain, Vol. I, p. 242.
[202] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.
[203] Ibidem. Páramo (p. 223) calls the appointee Magister Farris,
subsequently created Bishop of Bonebolla--a see subsequently merged
into that of Cagliari. There is no reference in Gams’s _Series
Episcoporum_ to such a bishopric in Sardinia. Páramo interposes a
Nicolas Vaguer as inquisitor, from 1498 to 1500, which is evidently a
mistake.
[204] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.
[205] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 1.
[206] Ibidem. Lib. 1.
[207] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 184, 185.
[208] Ibidem, fol. 306, 307, 308. The salaries ordered were:
The Bishop of Alghero, inquisitor 100 libras.
Micer Pedro de Contreras, advocate 30 “
Luis de Torres, alguazil 30 “
An escribano for both secreto and secuestros 30 “
A portero and nuncio 10 “
Bernat Ros, receiver 100 “
Mossen Alonso de Ximeno, fiscal 30 “
It is observable that no salary is provided for Canon Aragall, the
other inquisitor (see Appendix).
[209] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 321, 348, 349, 351.
[210] Ibidem, fol. 366; Lib. 75, fol. 40.
[211] Ibidem, Lib. 940; fol. 36.
[212] Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 304.
[213] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136.
[214] Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 44.
[215] Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.
[216] Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 179, n. 55.
[217] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 19, fol. 100.
[218] Biblioteca nacional, _loc. cit._, fol. 124, n. 44.
[219] Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 100, 110, 169.
[220] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 208.
[221] Manno, Storia di Sardegna, II, 189-90 (Milano, 1835).
[222] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 594 (Archivo
hist. nacional).
[223] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 28; Lib. 20, fol.
208; Lib. 21, fol. 240; Libros 56, 57, 918.
[224] La Martinière, Le Grand Dictionnaire Geographique et Critique,
IX, 237 (Venise, 1737).
[225] Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 484 (Torino, 1833).
[226] Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte,
5 Theil, p. 547 (Frankfurt, 1776).
[227] Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia Luterana, p.
87.--Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45.
The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment
was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy
to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, who was archbishop of Milan
from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the
city.--Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797.
[228] Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587).
Two somewhat similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally
infected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). One of these
likewise exhibits Ghislieri’s implacable persistence. Vittore Soranzo,
Bishop of Brescia, was overcurious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri
was sent to make a secret investigation and, on his report, Soranzo was
summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant’ Angelo for two
years. Nothing was proved against him; he was released and returned
to his see, where he continued to perform his functions until 1558.
In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul
IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor--an office which
he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not
forgotten his failure to convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV,
in public consistory, deprived of his office the unfortunate bishop,
who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief.--Catena, pp. 13,
15.--Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701.
[229] Cesare Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 34-7.
[230] Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 174, 184.
[231] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore,
Lettera 92.
[232] Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107.
[233] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42,
43, 44, 45, 77, 97.
[234] Muratori, Annali d’Italia, ann. 1563.--De Thou, Hist., Lib.
XXXVI.
[235] Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV,
329).
[236] Salomoni, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806).
[237] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47.
[238] Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176.
[239] Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza
VII, n. 43.
[240] Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi,
Miscell., III, 491-2).--Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.
XXII, cap. viii, n. 2-4.
[241] Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza
VII, n. 40 (see Appendix).
[242] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48.
[243] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211.
[244] Beccatini, Istoria dell’ Inquisizione, p. 178.
[245] Acta Eccles. Mediolanens., I, 471 (Mediolani, 1843).
[246] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.--See Appendix.
[247] Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163;
Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250.
[248] Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14.
[249] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; Tom.
56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211.
Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly
conferences of the secular and inquisitorial powers were prescribed.
When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice
refused it admission, but in 1249 it organized a kind of secular
tribunal against heresy, known as the _tre Savi dell’ eresia_ or
_Assistenti_. At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but
adjoined to him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the
judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions
and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland
territory of the Republic increased and the reorganized papal
Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in
1548 provided that the _rettori_ or other magistrates in each place
should coöperate with the inquisitor and bishop as _assistenti_. Rome
took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended
with the _assistenti_ being accepted, with the understanding that
they were to have a consultative but not a decisive vote. This gave
the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from being
harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery,
bigamy, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. If we may
believe Páramo, when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition
on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice,
but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that
the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at
the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression
of heresy.--Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica
di Venezia, Lib. X, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia,
1756).--Albizzi, Riposta all’ Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del
R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed. II, _s. l. e.
d._).--Páramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266.--Natalis Comitis
Historiar., Lib. XIV, ann. 1564.
[250] See Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months
of his accession.
[251] See Appendix.
[252] Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have
been the occasion of the decree just referred to.
Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to
send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to
the galleys for life. He could not have been a Protestant for his chief
heresy was the denial of immortality. The intercession of the duke
however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his
house in Mantua as a prison.--Bertolotti, Martiri del Libero Pensiero,
pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891).
[253] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf.
Catena relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of
Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed
to visit Mantua secretly as a missionary, where he had relations with
some of the nobles. To put an end to this, Pius sent in disguise the
Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions
for his capture. With a band of eight men Casannova kidnapped him at
Bocca d’Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried
him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome.
There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he
weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He
had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities,
and immediate steps were taken for securing them. The Grisons
complained loudly of this invasion of their territory, but the Duke of
Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal
jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all lands.
[254] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140.
[255] Acta Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 67, 469.
[256] Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di
Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).
Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about
to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his
licence, the podestà and captain of the city prevented it, for which
they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo
was rebuked for permitting it.--Cecchetti, La República di Venezia e la
Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874).
Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding
any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and
pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this
was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports
were sent to Rome and they were publicly cited to appear there.
The transalpine countries took offence at this and then the public
citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought
to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public
citations in such cases.--Sarpi, Historia dell’ Inquisizione, p. 77
(Serravalle, 1638).
Simply trading with heretics, sending to or receiving from them
merchandise, money or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and
subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.--Masini,
Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell’ Officio della S. Inquisizione,
Roma, 1639, p. 16.
[257] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.--Le Bret,
Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Theil,
101 (Frankfurt, 1777).
During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly
limited by the civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that
in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it
without the assent of the Government.--Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera
di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS. _penes me_).
[258] The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile
and most of the new material in my possession concerning it has been
embodied in the “History of the Inquisition of Spain.” Its insular
position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants
and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has
seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works--
Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canarias, por Agustin Millares,
4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874.
Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to
the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the
possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols.,
Edinburgh and London, 1903.
[259] Birch, I, 5, 7-8.
[260] Millares, I, 95-6--Birch, I, 160-7, 173.
[261] Birch, I, 6.--Millares, I, 71.
[262] Birch, I, 1, 67.
[263] Millares, I, 79.
[264] Millares, I, 75.
[265] Birch, I, 91, 92-4. In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the
year is omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533
and 1539, the probable date is 1516.
[266] Birch, I, 1-5.
[267] Millares, I, 82.
[268] Birch, I, 15-33.
[269] Birch, I, 33.
[270] Ibidem, 34-64.
[271] Millares, I, 87-92.
[272] Ibidem, 96-100.
[273] Ibidem, 103-7.--Birch, I, 90.
[274] Millares, I, 109-10.
[275] Ibidem, I, 125.
[276] Ibidem, I, 115-18.
[277] Birch, II, 1018-26.
[278] Millares, II, 7-20.
[279] Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22.
[280] Murga, Constituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria,
fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634).
[281] Birch, I, 159-60.
[282] Millares, II, 23-30.
[283] Birch, I, 133-53.
[284] Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51.
[285] Ibidem, pp. 57-61.
[286] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250,
Lib. III, Cuad. 3.
[287] Ibidem, fol. 10, 13.
[288] Millares, II, 105-6. The subsequent case of Aventrot and his
nephew Jan Cote is alluded to in my History of the Inquisition of
Spain, I, 300; II, 348; III, 102.
[289] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
I, fol. 844, 849, 872.
[290] Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22.
[291] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
I, fol. 568, 1115-19.
[292] Birch, I, 297-300.
[293] Millares, II, 72-4.
[294] Millares, II, 80-94.
[295] Ibidem, III, 9-10.
[296] Millares, III, 12-24.
[297] Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the
official list of _Quemados_. In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1; in 1614,
1; in 1615, 1.
[298] Millares, III, 26-31. The total relaxations in effigy amount to
107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8):
1 in 1513 17 in 1557 16 in 1576 23 in 1591
7 “ 1530 3 “ 1569 30 “ 1581 3 “ 1608
2 “ 1534 1 “ 1574 3 “ 1587 1 “ 1659.
[299] Birch, II, 695.
[300] Birch, I, 383-4.
[301] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.
[302] Birch, II, 1007.
[303] Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20.
The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an
old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Córtes
represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar
culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly
enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same
time the flourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this
Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing
was done at the time.--Córtes de Madrid del año de setenta y tres,
Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575).
[304] Millares, III, 85.
[305] Ibidem, 93-5.
[306] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
III, Cuad. 3, fol. 2, 8, 10.
[307] Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61.
[308] Birch, I, 207.
[309] Millares, II, 102.
[310] Birch, I, 416-20.
[311] Ibidem, II, 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832.
[312] Millares, II, 47-54, 112.
[313] Birch, II, 682.
[314] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
III, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16.
[315] Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37.
[316] Birch, I, 198.
[317] Millares, II, 37-9.
[318] Birch, I, 214-17.
[319] Millares, II, 98, 102.
[320] Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973.
[321] Ibidem, 890-2.
[322] Birch, I, 482-4.
[323] Ibidem, II, 992-3.
[324] Ibidem, 819, 826.
[325] Millares, II, 152-62.
[326] Birch, I, 347, 350-2.
[327] Birch, II, 1018-26.
[328] Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377.
[329] Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9.
[330] Millares, II, 148-50.
[331] Ibidem, 141-7.
[332] Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465.
[333] Birch, II, 1054.
[334] Birch, I, 414-16.
[335] Ibidem, II, 1069-70.
[336] Birch, II, 1065-70.
[337] Birch, II, 1055-63.
[338] Birch, II, 542, 555, 557.
[339] Millares, III, 83-4, 157.
[340] Birch, II, 592, 825-6.
[341] Ibidem, 1070.
[342] Millares, IV, 19-20.
[343] Birch, II, 948.
[344] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.
[345] Birch, II, 563-66.
[346] Ibidem, 640-2, 705.
[347] Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8.
[348] Birch II, 940-7.
[349] Millares, IV, 33-6.
[350] Ibidem, pp. 36-7.
[351] Millares, IV, 39, 42-44.
[352] Ibidem, I, 79-80.
[353] Millares, I, 130; II, 166.
[354] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.
III, Cuad. 3, fol. 1.--Millares, II, 167-76.
[355] Millares, II, 32-36.
[356] Ibidem, II, 104.
[357] Ibidem, III, 25, 42-3.
[358] Ibidem, I, 125-6.
[359] Millares, III, 51-7.
[360] Millares, III, 58-68.
[361] Birch, II, 597-601.
[362] Millares, III, 69-70.
[363] Ibidem, 73-5.
[364] Millares, IV, 18-19.
[365] For details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348.
[366] Millares, IV, 23-29.
[367] Ibidem, p. 70.
[368] Millares, IV, 87, 97-100.
[369] Millares, IV, 105-6.
[370] Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17.
[371] Alex. PP. VI Bull _Inter cætera_, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom.
I, 454).--Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed.
1796).--Recopilacion de las Leyes de las Indias, Lib. I,
Tit. i, ley 2.
[372] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib.
II, Tit. ii, ley 8.
[373] Torquemada, De la Monarquía Indiana, Lib. XVIII,
cap. 8.
[374] Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II).
[375] Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Lib. III, cap.
5, 14 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXIV, 372, 422).
[376] Las Casas, _op. cit._, Lib. II, cap. 54 (Col. de
Doc., LXV, 275; LXVI, 165, 180).
[377] Torquemada, _ubi sup._
[378] Ibidem.
[379] Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148.
[380] Torquemada, _op. cit._, Lib. XV, cap. 1, 10.--Col.
de Doc., Tom. XXVI, p. 286.
See also a letter of the Franciscan Custodian Fray Angel de Valencia,
to Charles V, May 8, 1552. If the description of his brother frailes
by Fray Pedro Duran, in a letter to Philip II, Feb. 2, 1583, be not
exaggerated, there was not much gained in restricting episcopal
appointments to the regular Orders.--J. T. Medina, Historia de la
Inquisicion en Mexico, pp. 11, 12 (Santiago de Chile, 1905).
[381] Mendieta, Hist. eccles. Indiana, p. 549 (Mexico, 1870).
[382] Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos, III, 378.
[383] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 71.
See also a letter from Alonzo de Zuazo to Chièvres, written from
Hispañola, January 29, 1519, urging that immigrants be invited from
all nations, except Moors and Jews and the reconciled New Christians
with their children and grandchildren, who were prohibited by the royal
ordinance.--Col. de Documentos, T. II, p. 371.
[384] Lorenzana, Concilios Provinciales de Mejico, p. 32 (Mexico, 1769).
[385] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. VII, Tit. v, ley 29.
[386] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 106, 107.
[387] Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 37.--Llorente (Añales, II, 91) states that
Ximenes, May 7, 1516, appointed Juan Quevedo, Bishop of Cuba, as
delegate inquisitor-general of the Indies, with power to appoint judges
and other officials, but I can find no trace of such action and, if
the appointment was made, it was ineffective. The first see erected
in Cuba was that of Santiago, in 1522 (Gams, p. 146), and there could
have been none as early as 1516, as the first expedition to the island
under Diego Velázquez did not occur until 1511. Hefele (Der Cardinal
Ximenes, p. 497) makes Ximenes appoint Alessandro Geraldino, Bishop of
San Domingo and his colleague of la Vega inquisitors-general but, as we
have seen, Geraldino was not appointed as bishop until 1522, four years
after the death of Ximenes.
[388] Remesal, Historia de la Provincia de S. Vicente de Chyapa y
Guatemala, Lib. II, cap. iii.--Obregon, Mexico viejo, 1ª
Serie, pp. 179-80; 2ª Serie, p. 390 (Mexico, 1891-5).
[389] Obregon, México viejo, 2ª Serie, p. 333.
It would seem that the sanbenitos were not hung in the cathedral
until 1667, after pressure from the Suprema to compel the inquisitors
to perform the work, which must have been considerable if they had
to be compiled from the records. The number then hung amounted to
404.--Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion de México, p. 317.
[390] Puja, Provisiones, Cédulas, Instrumentos de su Magestad etc.,
fol. 97 (Mexico, 1563).
[391] Coleccion de Documentos, LXX, 535.--Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern.
Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 9.
[392] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 4.
[393] Obregon, _loc. cit._
[394] Obregon, _loc. cit._--Schäfer, Beiträge zur Geschichte der
Spanischen Protestantismus, II, 373.
[395] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, p. 61.
[396] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 35-6.
[397] Solorzani _op. cit._, Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 38.
[398] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol.
79, 123.
[399] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix,
ley 1.--Cf. Simancæ de Catholicis Institutionibus, Tit.
XXXVIII, n. 12.
[400] Relazioni Venete, Serie I, Tom. VI, p. 462.
[401] This and the following details of the installation of the Mexican
Inquisition I owe to a series of documents, copies of which were kindly
furnished to me by the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio.
Doctor Moya de Contreras was an old and experienced hand. In 1541
he was appointed inquisitor of Saragossa.--Archivo de Simancas,
Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 117.
[402] Torquemada, Lib. XIX, cap. 29. For almost all the
early inquisitors of Mexico the tribunal was the stepping-stone to the
episcopate. Bonilla, who went, in 1571, as fiscal, became inquisitor
in 1573 and Archbishop of Mexico in 1592. Alonso Granero, who went as
inquisitor in 1574, became Bishop of Charcas the same year. Santos
García was inquisitor in 1576 and Bishop of Jalisco in 1597. Alonso de
Peralta, who was inquisitor in 1594, was made Archbishop of La Plata in
1609, and Lobo Guerrero, who was inquisitor in 1593, became Archbishop
of Santafé in 1598.
It illustrates the character of the men occupying these positions
that when Granero left Mexico for his bishopric he went by land and
in Nicaragua he assumed still to be inquisitor, condemning people and
fining them to defray his travelling expenses. An unlucky notary named
Rodrigo de Evora wrote some satiric couplets about him, whereupon he
was thrown in prison with chains on hands and feet, tortured till he
was crippled with dislocated joints and then exposed in a public auto
and condemned to 300 lashes and six years of galleys. The scourging
was administered with excessive severity and Evora had to beg his way
to Mexico to appeal to the tribunal there. He evidently was stripped
of his property and among other things of four cases of Chinese ware,
which Granero appropriated to his own use.--Medina, _op. cit._, 76-78.
[403] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 22.
[404] See Appendix.
[405] Mr. Elkan N. Adler has printed a translation of these special
instructions furnished to Peru. Unquestionably the same provisions must
have been established in Mexico.--Publications of the American Jewish
Historical Society, No. 12.
The inquisitors were empowered to call in the judges of the Royal
Audiencia as consultors in the _consulta de fe_.--Ibidem.
[406] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 30.
[407] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. xix, art. ii. n. 18.
[408] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 31.
[409] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 36-43.--Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie,
84-90, 335-7.--Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 241. The
“Cornelius the Irishman” of Miles Phillips’s narrative was not burnt
until the auto of March 6, 1575. He was one of Hawkins’s men, who had
married in Guatemala.--Medina, p. 51.
[410] Obregon, p. 391. In the great auto of December 8, 1596, the
sentence to relaxation of Manuel Díaz states that he is to be taken
on horseback to the market-place of San Ipolito where, in the place
provided for it, he is to be garroted and burnt.--Proceso contra Manuel
Díaz, fol. 154 (I owe to the kindness of General Riva Palacio several
of the original trials connected with this auto).
[411] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 49-55.
[412] Torquemada, Lib. XIX, cap. 30.--Obregon, pp.
338-52.--Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 91-115, 123-36.
[413] Páramo, pp. 241-2.--Proceso contra Manuel Díaz, fol. 71 (MS.
_penes me_).--Obregon, p. 344. The fourth sister of Carvajal was burnt
for relapse in the auto of 1601 and a fifth was reconciled (Medina, pp.
131-133).
An incident of Carvajal’s trial illustrates the dread excited by the
pitiless Peralta, who richly earned his archbishopric. After prolonged
torture and confession, Carvajal endeavored to commit suicide and then
asked for Lobo Guerrero to be sent for, to whom he explained that he
had begged that Peralta should not be present “because the mere sight
of him made his flesh creep, such was the terror with which his rigor
inspired him.”--Adler, Trial of Jorje de Almeida (Publications of Am.
Jewish Hist. Soc., IV, 42).
The complaints against Peralta accumulated until the Suprema was
compelled to formulate a process against him in which the _sumaria_
contained thirty-two charges, not only of arbitrary cruelty but of
prostitution of his office for illicit gain (Medina, p. 216); but this,
as we have seen, did not prevent his promotion to the archiepiscopate
of La Plata.
[414] Obregon, p. 391.
[415] Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99
(Col. de Docum., T. LXV, p. 365).
[416] Lorenzana, Concilios provin. de Mexico, pp. 18, 33.
[417] Ibidem, p. 82.
[418] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 17;
Lib. VI, Tit. i, ley 35.--Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern.,
Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 27, 30.
This fresh papal grant was evidently called for by the action of the
Council of Trent, in 1563 (Sess. XXIV, De Reform., cap.
6) which admitted that bishops had only power to absolve for secret
heresy, while even this was denied them by the bulls _In Cœna Domini_
of Pius V and his successors.
[419] Bancroft, History of Mexico, III, 747, 750.--Las Casas, Hist. de
las Indias, Lib. II, cap. 1; Lib. III, cap. 8 (Col. de Doc., Tom. LXIV,
7, 386).
[420] The Dominican Thomas Gage when, about the year 1630, he was
serving as a missionary priest at Mixco in Guatemala, discovered,
after considerable trouble, an idol in a cave, secretly worshipped by
the leading Indians of the vicinage. After relating his adventures
in the search, he proceeds “I writ to the President of Guatemala
informing him of what I had don and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor
to whom such cases of Idolatry did belong) to be informed of him what
course I should take with the Indians, who were but in part as yet
discovered unto me and those only by the relation of one Indian. From
both I received great thanks for my pains in searching the mountains
and finding the Idol and for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching
the Indian Idolators their counsel unto me was that I should further
enquire after the rest and discover as many as I could and endeavor to
convert them to the knowledge of the true God by fair and sweet means,
showing pity unto them for their great blindness and promising them
upon their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering
them to be but new plants useth not such rigor with them, which it
useth with Spaniards if they fall into such horrible sins.”--Gage’s New
Survey of the West Indies, pp. 397-8 (London, 1677).
For a considerable time the Indians seem to have escaped persecution,
but at length the bishops--or at least some of them--formed
Inquisitions for them and conducted these in inquisitorial fashion.
In 1690 the Bishop of Oaxaca, having discovered organized idolatry
in eleven pueblos of the Sierra de Xuquil, held an auto in which the
culprits were reconciled and penanced, twenty-six of the principal
ones being condemned to perpetual prison, for which he constructed
an appropriate building. Possibly the fact that persecution was
unprofitable may explain the infrequency of these proceedings. The
first Indian auto in the city of Mexico seems to have been held
December 23, 1731, which was followed occasionally by others--bigamy,
superstitions and idolatry being the common offences. In 1769
the Archbishop of Mexico published an Edict of Faith requiring
denunciations of Indian practices to his _Tribunal de Fe_. This
excited the indignation of the Inquisitors who vainly demanded its
suppression and then appealed to the Suprema, probably with no better
success.--Medina, pp. 371-8.
[421] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 26.
[422] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 24; Libro 926,
fol. 169.
[423] Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv,
n. 13.
[424] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 66.
[425] Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 31.
[426] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 14. In 1626,
however, Philip IV ordered them to be compelled to pay the _alcavala_
or commutation of the tax of ten per cent. on all transactions like
other subjects and, in the Concordia of 1633, the exemption from royal
taxes and imposts was wholly withdrawn.--Ibidem, Lib. I,
Tit. xix, leyes 15; 30, § 5.
[427] MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79, Leg. 1, fol. 1.
[428] Recop., Lib. VI, Tit. xii, ley 42.
[429] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11,
12.--Solorzani de Ind. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n.
11.
[430] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 24, 25. In the
earlier period of the colonial Inquisition, the inquisitors sometimes,
as we have seen, held prebends in addition to their salaries, but this
privilege was subsequently withdrawn, at the instance of the Council
of Indies, on account of the poverty of the churches.--Solorzani, _op.
cit._, Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 78.
[431] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 54, 128, 139.
The canonries fell in gradually. October 24, 1636, the Suprema reports
that up to that time, only those of Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca and
Guatemala, had become available, the aggregate revenues of which did
not amount to the royal subvention. The tribunal had reported, January
23d, that a vacancy had occurred in the cathedral of Guadalajara and
the king is urged to lose no time in ordering its suppression.--Ibidem,
Lib. 21, fol. 67.
About the middle of the century the tribunal enjoyed canonries in
Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapa, Yucatan, Guatemala, Mechoacan,
Guadalajara and Manila. In Mexico the sees of Guadiana, Honduras and
Nicaragua, and in the Philippines those of Cebu, Cagayan and Nueva
Segovia were too poor, some of them not even having prebendaries, and
the bishops were supported by the treasury.--Medina, p. 209.
[432] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[433] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 44.--Recop., Lib.
I, Tit. xix, ley 30, § 1.
[434] Medina, p. 209.
[435] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139. In these
papers the Suprema had the hardihood to assert that the prebends were
suppressed in order to enable the tribunals to meet expenses over and
above the royal subvention for salaries, although all the documents
show that the object was to relieve the treasury.
[436] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 91, 103.
[437] J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en Cartagena de Indias, p. 310
(Santiago de Chile, 1899).
[438] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 78.
[439] Archivo de Simancas, Libro 40, fol. 57.
[440] Ibidem, fol. 74.
The Contratacion could furnish only the records of silver passing
through it, which were always liable to seizure by the king. The great
remittances of 1646 and 1648 were cautiously made in bills of exchange,
and this was probably the rule.
[441] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 77.
[442] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139.
The letter-book of the tribunal from 1642 to 1649 is largely filled
with minute instructions as to the sequestrations which accompanied
arrests and the management of the property seized. Though called
sequestration this was really confiscation for, without awaiting
the conviction of the accused, the assets were converted into money
as rapidly as possible, by auctions in which of course much was
sacrificed. The proceedings were most arbitrary. In a letter of October
21, 1645, the commissioner at Vera Cruz is instructed as to some cocoa
belonging to prisoners, either on hand or expected to arrive. Trains
of pack-mules were to be seized, no matter under what engagements they
might be, to hurry the goods to Mexico and no other cocoa was to be
allowed to come, so that this might bring a better price. A few weeks
earlier, on September 25th, orders were sent for the arrest of Captain
Fernando Moreno of Miaguatlan (Oaxaca), who was claimed to be a debtor
to the fisc. He was to be seized suddenly and hurried off, heavily
ironed, to Mexico, while his property was taken possession of. He was
engaged in large transactions of making advances to Indians for cotton
yarn and cochineal and minute instructions were given as to gathering
in the product of these advances, which would be an affair of time.
All this work had to be gratuitous. When on one occasion a familiar
and a notary charged for their labor, they were compelled to refund
and were told that the honor of serving the Inquisition was sufficient
payment.--MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[443] Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 150, p. 224.
[444] Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 40, fol. 218, 328.
[445] Archivo de Simancas, fol. 85, 139. In 1631 the _vara_, or wand
of office of alguazil, was sold in Castile and, in 1634, the Suprema
sought to extend this to the Colonies, under pretext of applying it
to the repairs of the Castle of Triana, the home of the tribunal of
Seville. The Council of Indies stoutly resisted it and a consulta of
November 16, 1638, shows that the struggle was still going on (Ibidem,
Libro 21, fol. 162). The Suprema finally won, but of course it absorbed
the proceeds and the castle was repaired by means of the levy known
as the _Fabrica de Sevilla_, which continued to be collected in the
nineteenth century.
It is probable that the amount attributed to the sale of _varas_ is
largely exaggerated. In 1652 there came a remittance from Mexico of
2298 pesos, of which 1711 were the proceeds of sales and 587 for the
_media añata_--a tax of half of the first year’s salary of those
appointed to office (Ibidem, Lib. 40, fol. 295).
[446] Obregon, _op. cit._, 1ª Serie, p. 188.
[447] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 276.
[448] Medina, pp. 213, 348, 379, 405.
[449] Archivo de Simancas, Libro, 435, 2º.
[450] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2º Serie, pp. 352-55. From 1601 to 1646 the
only sanbenitos were--
1603. A Fleming relaxed for Calvinism, one Judaizer reconciled and one
relaxed in effigy and two mulattos reconciled for heresy.
1605. An Irishman reconciled for Lutheranism and a Portuguese for
Judaism. There were however 36 penitents in this auto of whom 21 were
negroes and mulattos for blasphemy. When in 1605 the general pardon for
Judaizers descended from Portuguese reached Mexico, there was only one
to be liberated.--Medina, pp. 143, 146.
1606. A mulatto relaxed for administering sacraments without
ordination. There was however another person guilty of the same
offence, a married priest and a blasphemer.--Medina, p. 145.
1621. A German reconciled for Lutheranism.
1625. Three Judaizers reconciled.
1626 One Judaizer relaxed in effigy.
1630. Three Judaizers reconciled.
1635. Four Judaizers reconciled, one relaxed in person and four in
effigy. This is evidently incomplete. Medina, p. 165, reports that in
this auto there were twelve Judaizers reconciled and five effigies of
the dead relaxed.
1636. One Judaizer relaxed in effigy.
[451] Medina, pp. 146-50.
[452] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The cases reported consisted of
Judaism 22
Solicitation 12
Sorcery 8
Bigamy 4
Personating priesthood 4
Illuminism 2
Miscellaneous 11
[453] Medina, p. 168.
[454] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[455] Medina, p. 169.
[456]
Solicitation in the confessional 14
Sorcery and divination 112
Consulting diviners 13
Judaism (besides 11 in Pernambuco) 41
Disregard of disabilities of descendants 8
Bigamy 4
Abuse of Inquisition by culprits 2
Remaining under excommunication for a year 4
Revealing confessions 1
Heretical blasphemy 6
Incest 1
Neglect of observances 5
Mental Prayer better than Oral 1
A little girl for breaking an arm of an image of Christ 1
A boy of 6, for making crosses on the ground, stamping on them and
saying that he was a heretic 1
Priest saying 4 masses in one day 1
Personating official of Inquisition 1
Celebrating mass without ordination 2
Impeding the Inquisition 7
Insults to images 6
Concubinage better than marriage 3
Irregular fasting 1
Propositions 12
Various suspicious acts 1
Marriage better than Religious Life 1
Criticizing the Inquisition 1
Denying a debt due to the confiscated estate of a culprit 1
Marriage in Orders 1
For being the grandson of a man relaxed in Portugal 1
(MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.).
Nearly all the accusations of sorcery are of Indians, negroes or
mulattos. A note states that the testifications against Indians are not
indexed because the Inquisition has not jurisdiction over them.
[457] The plant named Peyote had intoxicating and narcotic properties
causing pipe-dreams and visions. It was largely used by diviners and
was strictly prohibited by the Inquisition.
[458] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 812; Cuenca, fol. 2.
[459] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[460] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[461] Carta de 27 Nov. 1643 (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). These
prisoners were all reconciled in the subsequent autos except three who
died in prison and were relaxed in effigy.
For the individual offences of these inquisitors and their subordinates
in cruelty, rapacity, embezzlement and licentiousness, as reported by
the _visitador_ Medina Rico, see Medina, pp. 261-2.
[462] Medina, pp. 239.
[463] Medina, pp. 181, 182.
[464] Medina, p. 183.--El Museo Mexicano, Mexico, 1843, pp. 537 sqq.
Reprinted also, with some abbreviation as an appendix to a translation
of Féréal’s _Mystères de la Inquisition_, Mexico, 1850.
[465] My copy of this scarce tract unfortunately lacks the title page,
which I am thus unable to give. It was printed in Mexico in 1649.
[466] In addition to those who appeared in the auto there were two
women condemned to relaxation, Isabel Núñez and Leonor Vaz who, the
night before in the prison, sought audience with the inquisitors,
professed conversion, and were withdrawn. They were reconciled in
church, April 21, with irremissible perpetual prison and sanbenito.
Besides the summary in the text, the list of sanbenitos for this year
includes the names of Francisco López de Aponte, relaxed in person for
atheism and Sebastian Alvares for obstinacy in various errors (Obregon,
p. 372), but they are not in the official relation and, as they occur
again in 1659 (p. 381), there is obviously an erroneous duplication.
[467] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 96, 101.
[468] When, in 1654, Medina Rico came as visitador, he found 1200 cases
pending in suits against the fisc of the tribunal.--Medina, p. 212.
[469] Medina, pp. 271-311.
[470] Proceso contra Joseph Bruñon de Vertiz (MSS. of David Fergusson
Esqr.).
I have considered this curious case at greater length in “Chapters from
the Religious History of Spain,” pp. 362-73.
[471] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 189.
[472] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, pp. 380-4.
[473] Medina, pp. 328, 330.
[474] In the auto of 1601 the priest Juan Plata appeared as a penitent
and was suspended from orders for connivance in pretended revelations
of a nun of the Puebla convent of St. Catherine of Siena. He was also
a _solicitante_, having seduced her in the confessional, but this was
studiously omitted from the sentence read.--Medina, _op. cit._, p. 125.
[475] Oviedo y Valdés, Las Quinquagenas de la Nobleza de España, I, 383
(Madrid, 1880).--Concil. Mexican. I, ann. 1555, cap. lvii.--Mendieta,
Hist. eccles. Indiana, Lib. IV, cap. xlv.
[476] Medina, p. 54.
[477] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[478] “Que es delito muy reiterado en estas partes y muchos confesores
hacen poquisimo caso dél.”--Medina, p. 162.
[479] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[480] Medina, p. 320.
In 1664 the tribunal asked to have its jurisdiction extended over
unnatural crime and bestiality, which it described as exceedingly
prevalent, especially in the Religious Orders, but the Suprema
refused.--Ibidem, p. 321.
It was beyond the power of the Suprema to accede to this without
a special papal delegation. In Spain this had been granted to the
tribunals of the Kingdoms of Aragon, but not to those of Castile.
[481] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[482] Ibidem.
[483] Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 240
(see Appendix).--Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.
[484] These cases are derived from the Munich MS., last cited, entitled
“Extractos de Causas [de] Familiares y Ministros que no son Oficiales
que ay en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisicion de Mexico en este
presente año de 1716.”
[485] E. N. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (Publications of the
American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).
[486] J. T. Medina, Hist. de la Inquisicion de Cartagena p. 437. See,
also, p. 278. Cf. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 61, fol.
251.--MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc 17.
[487] MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.
[488] Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv,
n. 16.
[489] Medina, p. 315.
[490] Solorzano, _loc. cit._, n. 61.
[491] This prohibition was removed in the Concordia of 1633.
[492] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 29.
The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is
illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerías,
about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because
he refused to honor a requisition for two cartloads of lime for the
prison which it was constructing.--Medina, p. 137.
[493] Solorzani _op. cit._, Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n.
60.--MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.--Archivo de
Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 1, 60, 66 _sqq._
[494] Solorzano, _loc. cit._, n. 63-73.
[495] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 17, fol. 1.
[496] Munich, MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.
[497] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30.
[498] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 199.
[499] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.
[500] Medina, p. 323. Possibly this may explain his treasonable project
of transferring the northern provinces of Mexico to France.
[501] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 362.
[502] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 946, fol. 282, 360,
400.--Por el Tribunal del S. Officio de Mexico sobre el Impedimiento
que a puesto D. D. Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, Arzobispo de la dicha Ciudad
(communicated by D. Fergusson Esqr.).
[503] The visitador Medina Rico characterizes without reserve this
unjustifiable action of the tribunal “sin causa, motivo, ni razon
alguna, se introdujeron à inmensos procedimientos en la materia, y
esto no con igualdad y justicia, sino con manifiesta pasion contra el
dicho señor Obispo, su provisor, criados, allegados y afectos.” They
represented to Viceroy Salvatierra “que era sospechoso en la fe y
tizon ardiente del infierno y otras cosas gravisimas semejantes à las
referidas.”--Medina, pp. 241, 242.
[504] Obras de Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Tom. I, Prolegom.; T. XI, pp.
241, 289, 328, 466-7 (Madrid, 1762). The fullest account, however, of
the arbitrary proceedings of the Inquisition is contained in a letter,
omitted for cause from his collected works, written from Chiapa, August
10, 1647, to the Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoso. It was printed by
Puigblanch, Cadiz, 1813, and by Medina, pp. 242-60.
It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the
foundation of their curious autocratic empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel
with Bernardino de Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, known as _el Padre de
los Indios_. To prevent his visiting their missions they drove him by
force of arms from his episcopal see. The struggle lasted from 1644
to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop.--Coleccion
de Documentos tocantes á la Persecucion contra D. Fr. Bernardino de
Cardenas, Madrid, 1768.
[505] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64.
We shall meet Archbishop Juan de Mañozca hereafter in his earlier
capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous
notoriety.
[506] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The sentence in this case is so
unusual that I give the essential portion of it in the Appendix.
[507] Medina, p. 266.
[508] Gams, Series Episcoporum, s. vv.
[509] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan., 79.
[510] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 2.
[511] Páramo, p. 243.--Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 940, fol. 6.
[512] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[513] See the Author’s “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,”
p. 73.
There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that
the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold
for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan José Azpeitia a number of the
prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith
could have ensued if they were all like Milton’s Paradise Lost, for
the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to
abjure and was banished to Spain.--Medina, p. 434.
[514] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images
is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641.--Adler, The
Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).
[515] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. See “Chapters from Spain,” p. 86,
for instructions to the commissioners in the performance of this duty.
[516] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30.
[517] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 10; Lib. 40, fol.
44.
[518] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[519] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.
[520] Note to Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 29. For
further details as to this see below, under Peru.
[521] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276.
Obregon (_op. cit._, p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which
would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the
Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called
upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he
kept them waiting in his antechamber, to the intense indignation of
those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who
summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went
attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily
received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he
hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street
in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it
to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly
dismissed him and were in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth.
If such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more
verisimilitude to the period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than
to the earlier time of the Marquis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a
precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an
hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed
to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, when two of
them were killed in a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de
Antequera.--Palma, Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid,
1898).
[522] Medina, p. 338.
[523] Ibidem, pp. 339-45.
[524] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.
[525] Medina, pp. 358-63.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo
1465, fol. 81.
[526] Medina, pp. 365, 388.
[527] Ibidem, pp. 396, 432.
[528] Medina, pp. 387, 397-405.
[529] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, pp. 389, 392-3.
Lizardi’s troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition.
In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical
wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons,
headed a mob which broke into a printer’s shop, carried off the
obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in
which three men were killed and a number were wounded. About the same
time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the Córtes for protection against
his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor.--El Sol, pp.
122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822).
[530] I owe to the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio the documents
in this matter.
[531] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, p. 393.
[532] Note to Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 1. Cf. Lib.
III, Tit. i, ley 2.
[533] See in Appendix the Edict of January 26, 1811. Also Obregon, 2ª
Serie, p. 393.
[534] Proceso contra Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, fol. 13 (MS. _penes me_).
[535] I owe the following details to a transcript of his trial, made
from the original in 1865 by Don José María Lafragua and kindly
communicated to me by David Fergusson Esqr.
[536] The learned Dominican Jacques Augustin Serry’s _Historia
Congregationum de Auxiliis_, issued also under the pseudonym of
Augustin Leblanc, appeared in 1700 and was promptly condemned in Spain
in 1701 (Index of 1707, I, 776), but is not on the Roman Index. His
_Exercitationes de Christo ejusque V. Matre_ are in both Indexes. For
a Jesuit opinion of the former work see Father Colonia’s _Bibliothèque
Janseniste_, p. 186 (Ed. 1735).
María de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom
Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized.
[537] These comprehensive excommunications led to a result not
particularly creditable to the Church. A writer in 1822 calls attention
to the fact that, while the leading insurgents who were captured were
formally reconciled before they were shot, the mass of the people, who
had never paid any attention to the censures, were freely received to
the sacraments without having been absolved.--El Sol, México, Feb. 27,
1822, p. 107.
[538] See Appendix. One of the insurgent proclamations shows the savage
character of the warfare. It sets forth the terms and conditions of the
struggle of which the following may serve as a specimen--
4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword.
5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put
to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide
the fortunes of war.
6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the
sword.
Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever
sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty
marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian
was foreshadowed.
[539] In estimating the veracity of this curious tale, we must bear in
mind that both Fernando VII and Pius VII were at the time prisoners of
Napoleon. There was, it is true, a Spanish Regency and the Córtes of
Cádiz which used the royal name, but it is inconceivable that, even if
it had access to the pope, it would have taken such a precaution at a
time when there was no anticipation of rebellion in the colonies.
[540] Medina, pp. 456-61.
[541] Ibidem, pp. 461, 463.
[542] Coleccion de Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, pp. 8, 85 (Valencia,
1814).
[543] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libros 877, 890.
[544] Medina, pp. 467-9.
[545] Medina, pp. 469-70.
[546] Ibidem, pp. 479-92.
[547] The following details of the trial of Morelos are derived from a
report, accompanied by the documents, made by Flores to the Suprema,
November 27 and December 29, 1815. It is in the archives of Simancas,
Inquisicion, Sala 49, Legajo 1473.--See also Medina, pp. 513-45.
[548] The Constitution of Nov. 22, 1814, which based all government on
the will of the people clearly came under the edict of August, 1808,
which denounced the doctrine of popular sovereignty as manifest heresy.
For the same reason the Constitution of Cádiz was heretical.
[549] See Appendix.
[550] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.
[551] Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 395. Mier’s crowning offence was a book
with the suggestive title “Informe y Pedimento Fiscal presentado por
los Locos ante el Supremo Tribunal de la Razon humana.”--Archivo
histórico nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 100.
He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he
was imprisoned by Dávila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua,
but was speedily released.--El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822).
[552] Medina, p. 505.
[553] Archivo hist. nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion, Legajo 6462,
Cuaderno 1, fol. 68; Cuaderno 2, fol. 2.
[554] Defensa del Editor de la Obra titulada los Misterios de la
Inquisicion, México, 1850.
[555] J. T. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en
las Islas Filipinas, pp. 16, 28-9 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).
[556] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 17-28, 30-1, 36-8, 141-51.
[557] Instruccion que han de guardar los Comisarios, n. 16, 17, 18, 30.
[558] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 178-9, 181-2.
[559] Ibidem, pp. 38-9.
[560] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 42-3.
We have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation
pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there
were seven from Manila. Of these, as we chance to learn from other
documents, three, Fray Domingo Fernández, Fray Melchor de Manzano and
Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, were all denounced, by different women,
on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San Jacinto, commissioner for the
province of New Segovia. As that day was the Thursday after Easter,
this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who
refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was
Padre Pedro Ramírez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Fray
Domingo González, Aug. 16, 1622.
The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially
explained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. A
deposition under oath, Jan. 20, 1625, made in the Philippines by Padre
Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom
they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt
them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if
one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some
other place before he reached the point of himself soliciting. The
Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation to the
Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605,
one of these syndics was Doña Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Doña
María Marmolejo.--MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.
[561] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 48-50.
[562] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 53-4.
[563] Ibidem, pp. 33-4.
[564] El Museo Mexicano, 1843, p 361.
[565] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 59-66.
[566] Fray Juan de la Concepcion, Historia general de Philipinas, T.
IX, pp. 202-4.
[567] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 151-4.
[568] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 141-51.
[569] Ibidem, pp. 161-3.
[570] Juan de la Concepcion, XIV, 81-107.--Buzeta, Diccionario de las
Islas Filipinas, I, 395 (Madrid, 1850).
[571] MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hisp. 79.
[572] Juan de la Concepcion, V, 276, 278. Puigblanch (La Inquisicion
sin Mascara, Cádiz, 1811, p. 402) is in error in attributing the
persecution of Archbishop Guerrero to the Inquisition and has
misapprehended Palafox’s allusion to it. In both cases it was the
Jesuits acting through _jueces conservadores_, who, by a monstrous
abuse, assumed to exercise full papal powers, but in Mexico the
Inquisition was with them and in Manila it was against them.
The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644,
he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an
expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian
convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move
and he tore down the building about their ears. When out of office they
prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have
been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they
kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV
appointed him Governor of the Canaries.--Concepcion, VI, 185-93.
[573] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 46.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion,
Lib. 21, fol. 154.
[574] Juan de la Concepcion, VI, 316.
[575] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 84-6.
[576] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 87-130.--MSS. of Royal Library of Munich,
Cod. Hispan. 79.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 209,
249. It is perhaps worth remarking that Juan de la Concepcion makes no
allusion to this episode, so prominent in the history of the Colony and
so little creditable to his Augustinian Order.
[577] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 156-7.
[578] MS., _penes me_.
[579] Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7.
Thanks to the researches of native scholars there is ample material for
the history of the South American Inquisition. The most prominent of
these gentlemen is Don José Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of
documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which
I am principally indebted. These are:
“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima
(1569-1820).” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887.
“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile.” 2
vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890.
“El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del
Plata.” 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900.
“Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las
Indias.” 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899.
Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium--“Añales
de la Inquisicion de Lima,” Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897.
Don Vicuña Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of
the procedure of the tribunal in his “Francisco Moyen ó lo que fué
la Inquisicion en América,” Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English
translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869.
Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the “Documentos
Literarios del Perú,” Tomo VII, Lima, 1876.
Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the
tribunal itself, are no longer available. They were preserved almost
intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo
nacional, in the convent of San Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881
when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event,
through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some
interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old
numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material.
[580] Medina, Inquisicion de Lima, II, 469-73.
[581] Ibidem, I, 26; La Plata, I, 16-18.
[582] Concil. Limens. Provin. I, Act. II, cap. 1; Act.
V, cap. 1 (Haroldus, Lima Limata, pp. 5, 42).
[583] Medina, La Plata, 19.
[584] Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111.
Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Cáceres, was prosecuted
by Pedro Fernández de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to
Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cáceres was delivered to
the tribunal of Seville.--Ibidem, p. 116.
[585] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped^{te} 5270.
[586] Medina, Lima, I, 173-177, 179-80.--Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi
sup._
[587] Medina, Lima, II, 424.
[588] Medina, Lima, I, 2-4.
[589] Medina, Lima, I, 6-18.--See also Elkan N. Adler, The Inquisicion
in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No.
12), who prints a translation of the special instructions of the
Suprema.
[590] Medina, Lima, I, 29-31.
[591] Medina, Lima, I, 49-55.
[592] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped^{te} 5270.--Palma,
Añales, 8-11.--Medina, Lima, I, 6.
[593] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.
[594] Archivo de Simancas, _loc. cit._
[595] Medina, Lima, I, 5.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228,
Exp^{te} 5289.
[596] Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.--Medina, Lima, I,
301-18.
[597] Medina, La Plata, p. 57.--Archivo de Lima, _ubi sup._
[598] Medina, Chile, I, 363, 365.--Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._
[599] Medina, Lima, I, 172; II, 58.--Archivo nacional de Lima,
Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5287; Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.
[600] The prosecution, about 1580, of Fray Andres Vélez, Provincial
of San Domingo, shows that the islands were subject to the Lima
tribunal.--Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.
[601] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.
[602] Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._--Archivo de Simancas,
Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.
[603] Medina, Lima, I, 204-223; La Plata, 62-3, 113.
[604] Medina, Lima, I, 261; La Plata, 113-15.
[605] Medina, La Plata, p. 116.
[606] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 45, fol. 210.
[607] Medina, La Plata, pp. 200-7.
[608] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 46.
[609] Ibidem, fol. 66.
[610] Medina, La Plata, pp. 207-8. I give the date as printed but think
it probable that a typographical error has converted 1630 to 1636.
[611] Medina, La Plata, pp. 209-14; Lima, I, 331.
[612] Medina, La Plata, pp. 215-24; Lima, I, 332.
[613] Medina, Lima, I, 2. Vicuña Mackenna asserts (Francisco Moyen,
p. 112) that Philip granted the tribunal a dotation which produced
an annual revenue of 32,817 pesos, 3-1/2 reales, but this is a
self-evident error, probably based on the king’s assertion to Urban
VIII that he spent 32,000 ducats a year on the three tribunals of
Mexico, Lima and Cartagena.
[614] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 20, 21, 54,
91.--Medina, Lima, I, 187.--Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._
[615] Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._--Archivo de Simancas,
Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 30.
[616] Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._--Medina, Lima, I, 202.
[617] Medina, Lima, I, 47-9, 188-95, 200, 304.
[618] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 34, 35, 36,
54.--Recop. Lib. I, Tit. xix, ll. 10, 11, 12.--Solorzani
de Indiar. Gubernat., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.
[619] In the chapter of Santiago de Chile, one of the canons, Francisco
Navarro, soon after the arrival of the royal order suppressing a
prebend, withdrew to the convent of San Francisco. It was claimed
that his retirement vacated the benefice; the matter was referred to
the king who decided, by a decree of August 31, 1635, that this was
the case. The canons adopted the favorite device of obeying without
executing and were supported by the Audiencia, much to the disgust of
the Dean, Tomas de Santiago, who was commissioner of the Inquisition.
Meanwhile another of the canons, Gerónimo Salvatierra, died and the
question was finally settled by a royal order of April 6, 1638,
pronouncing the vacated prebend to be that of Salvatierra.
Commissioner Santiago had become violently inimical to some of the
canons in the course of this dispute and undertook to gratify his
revenge, when Manuel Bautista Pérez of Lima was burnt and his property
was confiscated. One of his debtors to the amount of 2000 pesos was a
prominent merchant of Santiago, Pedro Martínez Gago, whose property
was seized by Santiago; some of the canons were indebted to him for
trifling amounts and Santiago persecuted them. The quarrel assumed
portentous dimensions through the violence of his proceedings and
liberal use of excommunication, when a new bishop Fray Gaspar de
Villaroel, made his appearance, and undertook to reduce Santiago
to submission. In this he disregarded all the immunities of the
Inquisition and, being supported by the civil power and the judiciary,
he vindicated his episcopal supremacy by arresting the contumacious
commissioner and imprisoning him in chains. Santiago boldly strove to
make head against the united secular and ecclesiastical power of the
province, but was finally forced to submit. Villaroel does not seem
to have suffered for his audacity. In 1651 he was transferred to the
see of Arequipa and in 1658 he became Archbishop of la Plata. When he
died there, in 1665, his whole fortune was found to consist of six
reales.--Mackenna, La Revista de Buenos Aires, Mayo, 1870, p. 102.
[620] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 46.
[621] Ibidem, fol. 54.
[622] Archivo de Simancas Inq., Libro 21, fol. 72.
[623] Medina, Lima, II, 165-66.
[624] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 74.
[625] Archivo de Simancas Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 261.
[626] Medina, Lima, II, 48, 167.
[627] Ibidem, 166.
[628] Medina, Lima, II, 167.
[629] Ibidem, 251.
A statement of expenses for 1681 shows:
Salaries of fourteen officials pesos 23,528.0
Yearly remittance to the Suprema 9,926.3
“ “ to its Secretary 496.2
“ “ to two other secretaries and two clerks at 275 1,100.0
-------
11,522.5
Maintenance of poor prisoners 850.0
Extraordinary expenses 2,800.0
Expenses of the cámara del secreto 250.0
---------
38,950.5
Spent in seven years on the houses of inquisitors 7,000.0
In giving this Medina (pp. 252-3) calls attention to the fact that in
this enumeration are not included the salaries of a number of other
officials mentioned by the receiver, as follows:
A third secretary 1000
Notario del juzgado 1400
Contador 200
Juez de los bienes confiscados 1000
Advocate of prisoners 200
Steward 300
Solicitador 100
Barber 100
----
4300
There is significance in the annual payments to the secretaries of the
Suprema whose good will might at any moment be useful.
[630] MSS. of White Library, Cornell University, n. 616, fol. 65.
[631] Medina, Chile, II, 396; Lima, II, 315-19, 326, 331,
352-3.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^{te}
5278.--Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 490.
A salutary regulation required each viceroy, at the expiration of his
term, to draw up an account of his experience and of the condition of
affairs for the benefit of his successor. These, so far as recovered,
were printed at Lima in 1859, under the title of _Memorias de los
Vireyes_.
[632] Medina, Lima, II, 382-3.
[633] Mackenna, p. 116.--Medina, Lima, II, 392.--Memorias de los
Vireyes, VI, 51.
[634] Medina, Lima, I, 44, 47, 204, 223.
[635] Medina, Lima, I, 223-47, 251. After Villar’s term was ended, in
1590, the inquisitors prosecuted his secretary, Juan Bello, because,
when some one insisted on having certain papers, Bello exclaimed
impatiently that he could not have them even if God wished it, and also
because he had said that he would rather have to do with demons than
with the frailes.--Ibidem, p. 258.
[636] Ibidem, p. 217.
[637] Medina, Lima, I, 262, 264, 274, 277-80, 282.
[638] Medina, Lima, I, 283-6.
[639] Ibidem, pp. 327-8.
[640] Medina, Lima, I, 301, 313-17.
[641] Ibidem, pp. 317-18.
[642] Medina, Lima, I, 301-3.
[643] Ibidem, I, 329, 348.
[644] Ibidem, II, 5.
[645] Medina, Lima, II, 14-15.
[646] Ibidem, p. 16, 76-8.
[647] Medina, Lima, II, 253; Cartagena, pp. 343-44.
[648] Medina, Lima, II, 212-14.
[649] Ibidem, pp. 283, 285.
[650] Medina, Lima, II, 311-14, 317.--Joseph Bermudez de la Torre y
Solier, Triunfos del S. Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737.--Palma, p. 107.
[651] Medina, Lima, II, 318-19.
[652] Medina, Lima, II, 319.
[653] Medina, Lima, II, 320-22.
[654] Ibidem, pp. 322-26.
[655] Medina, Lima, II, 326-8, 331, 353-6.--Memorias de los Vireyes,
IV, 69-72, 490-91.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^{tes}
5276, 5278.
It is to the credit of Arenaza that, in the earthquake of 1746, which
ruined the buildings of the Inquisition, the prisoners were rescued by
his efforts, he himself sustaining injury and one of his servants being
killed.--Medina, II, 331.
[656] Medina, Lima, II, 384-6, 398.
W. B. Stevenson, Secretary to Lord Cochrane, who was brought before
the tribunal in 1813, shortly before the decree of suppression
was received, gives a vivid description of Zalduegui--“I knew the
inquisitors--but how changed from what at other times I had seen them!
The pursy swarthy Abarca, in the centre, scarcely half filling his
chair of state--the fat monster Zalduegui on his left, his corpulent
paunch being oppressed by the arms of his chair, and blowing through
his nostrils like an over-fed porpoise--the fiscal, Sobrino, on his
right, knitting his black eye-brows and striving to produce in his
unmeaning face the semblance of wisdom.”--Twenty Years’ Residence in
South America, I, 264 (London, 1825).
[657] Hoyo, Relacion del auto de fe de 20 Dic. de 1694 (Lima, 1695).
[658] Medina, Lima, II, 183-5.
[659] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 2.
[660] Medina, Lima, I, 181.
[661] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5287 (see
Appendix).
[662] Medina, Lima, I, 263, 285-6, 290-2.
[663] Medina, Lima, II, 444.
[664] Ibidem, 444, 449.
[665] Medina, Lima, II, 454.
[666] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 487.
[667] Bibl. nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS., R, 102, fol.
169.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 90,
106.--Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 85.
[668] Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. I, Tit. x, ley 10, n. 5.
[669] Bibl. nacional de Madrid, MSS., R, 102.--MSS. of Archivo nacional
de Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278.--Memorias de los Vireyes del
Perú, III, 86-93.
[670] Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 94-100.
[671] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 73-6, 300.
[672] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 300-2; V, 50.
[673] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Legajo 52.--Archivo
nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exped^{te} 5278.
[674] For the large part played in South American sorcery by coca see
Granada, _Reseña de antiguas y modernas Supersticiones del Río de la
Plata_, pp. 26, 30, 201, 208-9, 498, 501, 578 (Montevideo, 1896).
[675] Medina, Lima, II. 35-41, 357.
[676] Medina, La Plata, pp. 129-37; Lima, I, 311; II, 45, 225, 273.
[677] Medina, Lima, I, 139, 147, 188-95; La Plata, 122.--Palma, Añales,
p. 51.
[678] Medina, La Plata, pp. 122-5.
[679] Ibidem, pp. 125-6.
[680] Medina, Lima, I, 313; II, 474-8.
[681] Medina, La Plata, p. 266; Lima, II, 307, 381.
[682] Medina, Lima, I, 57-117.
[683] Ibidem, II, 34-5.
[684] Ibidem, pp. 27, 28, 30.
[685] Hoyo, Relacion del Auto de Fe de 20 Diz. 1694, fol. 54 (Lima,
1695).
[686] Hoyo, Relacion, fol. 2, 3, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45,
48.--Medina, Lima, II 258.
[687] Hoyo, fol. 16, 27, 28, 40, 42.
[688] Ibidem, fol. 17, 18, 39.
[689] Palma, p. 67.
[690] Hoyo, fol. 8, 9, 11, 49-50.
[691] Hoyo, fol. 50-1.
[692] Ibidem, fol. 51-3.
[693] Medina, Lima, II, 262.
[694] Medina Lima, II, 262, 264.--Index Prohib. et Expurg., 1747,
I, 124. The title of Sartolo’s book was “Vida admirable y muerte
prodigioso de Nicolás de Ayllon y con nombre mas que curioso Nicolás de
Dios, natural de Clayo en las Indias del Perú.” Madrid, 1684.
[695] Medina, Lima, II, 241.
[696] Medina, Chile, II, 276-356, 450.--Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos
del Santo Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737.
[697] Medina, Chile, II, 388-91, 442-8.
[698] Medina, Chile, II, 450-61.
[699] Medina, Lima, I, 150-6, 257.
[700] Ibidem, II, 29, 287, 310, 375.
[701] Archivo nacional de Lima.
[702] Medina, Chile, I, 363.
[703] Medina, Lima, I, 157; Chile, I, 359.
[704] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5287.
[705] Medina, La Plata, pp. 117-19.
[706] Medina, Lima, I, 296-8.
[707] Medina, Chile, I, 371-80.
[708] Medina, Chile, I, 381; Lima, I, 305-7.
[709] Medina, Chile, I, 385-90.
The question as to the ownership of confiscations made on heretic
prisoners was a nice one. When some Englishmen were captured in Vallano
the tribunal laid claim to the gold that was taken with them. How
the dispute was settled does not appear.--Archivo nacional de Lima,
Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.
[710] Medina, Lima, II, 33; Chile I, 366, 369.
[711] Recop., Lib. VII, Tit. v, ley 29.
[712] Medina, Lima, I, 29.
[713] Ibidem, p. 157.--Palma, Añales, p. 21.
[714] Medina, Lima, I, 297.--Palma, p. 49.
[715] Medina, Lima, I, 305, 307-10.
[716] Ibidem, I, 321-23.
[717] Medina, Lima, I, 337-9. It must be borne in mind in all these
cases that “reconciliation” to the Church entailed confiscation and
was usually accompanied with other penalties more or less severe
according to the record of the culprit and the readiness with which
he had confessed and recanted as indicative of the sincerity of his
conversion. There might be prison and sanbenito for a term or for life,
scourging or the galleys.
[718] Ibidem, p. 341, 347.
[719] Palma, Añales, p. 31.
[720] Medina, La Plata, 155-61.
[721] Ibidem, 164-66.
[722] Medina, Lima, II, 27-31.
[723] Pablo de Santa María was originally the Rabbi Selemoh Ha-Levi,
one of the most learned of Jewish doctors. Converted in 1390, he
rose to be regent of Spain in the minority of Juan II, papal legate
_a latere_ and bishop successively of Cartagena and Búrgos. His book
was regarded as convincing and was repeatedly printed. Two editions
appeared in Strassburg about 1471 and my copy is of Búrgos, 1591.
[724] Medina, La Plata, pp. 172-97; Lima, II, 146.--See also a paper
by George Alexander Kohut in Publications of the Am. Jewish Historical
Society, XI, 163 (1903).
[725] Medina, Lima, II, 47-168, 176. Medina prints the Relation of
the auto by Fernando Montesinos. A brief abstract of it is given by
Pellicer, _Avisos históricos_, under date of Feb. 7, 1640 (Valladares,
Semanario erúdito, XXXI, 129).
[726] Medina, Lima, II, 169, 175, 177-8.--Palma, Añales, p. 41.
[727] Palma, Añales, pp. 38-9.
[728] Medina, Lima, II, 189-90.
[729] Medina, Lima, II, 276-80.
[730] Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos del Santo Oficio Peruano, fol.
59-60, 154-55, 178.--Palma, Añales, pp. 105-6.--Medina, Lima, II, 312.
[731] Medina, Lima, II, 336, 341-52.
[732] Ibidem, p. 378.
[733] Palma, Añales, pp. 14-19.
[734] Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos, pp. 136-57, 172-78.
[735] Palma, Añales, p. 139.
[736] Barnuevo de Peralta, Relacion del Auto de 1733, Lima, 1733.
[737] Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos, fol. 146, 152.
[738] Mackenna, Francisco Moyen, _passim._--Palma, Añales, pp.
129-32.--Medina, Lima, II, 374.
[739] Medina, Lima, I, 5, 172, 330; II, 368.
[740] Medina, Lima, II, 249.
[741] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 472.
[742] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^{te} 5278.
[743] Memorias de los Vireyes, V, 85.
[744] Medina, La Plata, II, 256.
[745] Stevenson, Twenty Years in South America, I, 269.
[746] Palma, Añales, p. 176, 210.
[747] Stevenson, Twenty Years in South America, I, 261-67.
[748] Stevenson, _op. cit._, I, 267-74.--Medina, Lima, II, 398.
[749] Medina, Lima, II, 400.
[750] Palma, Añales, p. 211.
[751] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1473.
[752] Ibidem, Libro 559.
[753] Palma, Añales, p. 213.
[754] Archivo nacional de Lima, Inventarios Originales, No. 1.
It may be of interest to put on record the personnel of the tribunal
and the salaries at the moment of extinction:
Pesos. Reales. Mrs.
Inquisidor mas antiguo Cristóval de Ortegon 4962 9 30
Inquisidor Anselmo Pérez de la Canal (at 3/4 of salary
as ordered by Suprema) 3722 3 14
Do. fiscal José Mariano de Larrea (Do.--but with
148 additional as Juez de los bienes) 3870 3 6
Jubilado Dean Pedro Zalduegui (at 1/4 salary) 1240 6 16
“ Inquisidor José Ruiz Sobrino (Do.) 1240 6 16
Secretario del Secreto Manuel de Arizcurrunaga 1700
Do. Fran^{co} de Echavarria Momediano 1700
Do. Ramon del Valle 1700
Do. Carlos Delgado (at 1/2 salary) 850
Do. Jubilado Pablo de la Torre (Do.) 850
Secretario de Secuestros Jacinto Jimeno 1000
Receptor-general Carlos Lizon, 1900, together with 250 for
collecting rents 2150
Contador Ildefonso Gereda 500
Abogado del Fisco Manuel de la Fuente y Chaves 350
Procurador del Fisco Mariano González 300
Alcaide de Carceles J. Baut. de Barnechea 900
Nuncio A. D. Eustaquio 830
Portero de Camara Manuel Leon 500
Ministro de vara Teodoro Marino 50
--------------------
28,417 5 14
====================
In addition Teodoro Marino is ordered to receive 33 pesos 2-1/2 reales
for four months’ service as portero at the rate of 100 pesos per annum.
Also there is a salary of forty reales per month as sweeper, divided
between Fray Manuel Bahamonde and Fray Manuel Tinoco, who are each to
receive five pesos for the months of July and August. The peso, or
piece of eight reales, is the Spanish dollar.
[755] Medina, Lima, II, 466-7.
[756] José Manuel Groot, Historia eclesiastica y civil de Nueva
Granada, I, 1, 7, 98 (Bogotá, 1869-71).
[757] J. A. García y García, Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reyno
de Granada, pp. xvi-xix (New York, 1869).
[758] Groot, I, 84, 504.
[759] J. T. Medina, Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la
Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, pp. 19-23, 430 (Santiago de
Chile, 1899).
[760] Ibidem, pp. 27, 29.
[761] Ibidem, p. 423.
[762] Medina, pp. 37-41.
[763] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 45, fol. 182.
[764] Medina, p. 434.
[765] Medina, p. 46.
[766] Medina, p. 433.
[767] Ibidem, pp. 155, 163.
[768] MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17.--Archivo de
Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 60, fol. 352; Lib. 61, fol. 524, 534.
It does not seem that the tribunal of Cartagena had any part in a
curious attempt to introduce the Inquisition into Louisiana, which
was ceded to Spain by the Treaty of Paris in 1762. The disaffected
colonists drove out their new masters in 1768, but were subdued the
next year by O’Reilly. In 1772 the Governor, Don Luis de Unzaga,
in a report to the Bishop of Havana, said “It is not the practice
here to force any one to submit to the Church, and the process of
excommunication is held in utter abomination.” This toleration
continued and, in 1789, the Governor Estevan Miró was surprised
to receive from Fray Antonio de Sedella--one of a band of Spanish
Capuchins who had been sent to New Orleans in 1772--a communication
stating that, in a letter of December 5th, he had received from the
proper authority a commission as commissioner of the Inquisition, with
instructions to perform his duties with the utmost zeal and fidelity;
that, having made his investigations with the greatest secrecy and
precaution, he notified the governor that, in execution of his
instructions, he might soon, at some late hour of the night, deem it
necessary to require some guards to assist him in his operations. That
same night, April 29th, he was aroused from sleep to find at his door
an officer with a file of grenadiers, when he thanked them and said
that he had no use for them that night. To his astonishment he was told
that he was under arrest; he was hurried on board a vessel which sailed
the next day for Cádiz, and the Inquisition was nipped in the bud. Miró
seems to have been called upon for an explanation, for in a despatch of
June 3d he declared that he shuddered when he read Sedella’s note. He
had been ordered to foster immigration from the United States, under
pledge of no molestation on account of religion, and the mere name of
the Inquisition in New Orleans would not only check immigration but
would be capable of driving away those who had come, and, in spite of
his action with Sedella, he dreaded the most fatal consequences from
the mere suspicion of the causes of his dismissal. His justification
seems to have been accepted, for the attempt was abandoned.--Gayarré,
History of Louisiana. The Spanish Domination, pp. 56, 69, 269-71 (New
York, 1854).--Fortier, History of Louisiana, II, 62, 140, 327.
It may be assumed that the motive of commissioning Sedella was rather
political than religious. The uprising in France was calling for
active measures by the Inquisition in Spain to keep out revolutionary
principles; Louisiana was French and its loyalty to Spain was doubtful,
so that the Inquisition would be useful both as a source of information
and an instrument of repression.
[769] Medina, pp. 42-50, 76.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg.
1465, fol. 23.
[770] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 51.
[771] Medina, pp. 82-96.
[772] Medina, pp. 100-1.
[773] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 180.
[774] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 178.
[775] Medina, pp. 211-19, 225-6.
[776] Medina, pp. 118-19.
[777] Ibidem, pp. 158-9.
[778] Ibidem, pp. 175-94.
[779] Medina, pp. 222-7.
[780] Groot, II, 473. This is not strictly correct. After an interval
of many years, Inquisitor Valera published the edict in Lent, 1684,
when it brought in denunciations which doubled the number of cases in
hand (Medina, p. 308). Probably this was the last until the nineteenth
century.
[781] Medina, pp. 346-51, 364.--Groot, I, 331-6.
[782] Medina, pp. 369-70.
[783] Medina, pp. 358, 371.
[784] Medina, pp. 359-61.
[785] Ibidem, pp. 374-6.
[786] Ibidem, p. 378.
[787] Medina, pp. 379-80, 390.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib.
25, fol. 52.
[788] Medina, pp. 380-6.
[789] Ibidem, pp. 387-9. During the suppression of the Inquisition, it
was reprinted and largely circulated, forming the subject of a severe
edict in 1814 (Ibid., p. 390).
[790] Ibidem, p. 390.--Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 10
(Madrid, 1805).--Index Pii PP. VII, p. 53 (Romæ, 1819).
[791] Medina, pp. 74-8, 80.
[792] Medina, pp. 129-31.
[793] Ibidem, p. 134.
[794] Medina, pp. 135-45.
[795] Ibidem, pp. 103, 154-55.
[796] Ibidem, p. 112.
[797] Medina, pp. 146-9, 160.
[798] Ibidem, pp. 152-3.
[799] Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621,
fol. 26.
[800] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59.
[801] Medina, pp. 201-3,--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20,
fol. 177, 299.
[802] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 51; Lib. 21, fol.
8.--Medina, pp. 204, 207.
[803] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 82, 88, 196.
[804] Medina, pp. 233-7.
[805] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 270.--Medina, pp.
238-9.
[806] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 122.
[807] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 130.
[808] Medina, pp. 239-45, 247-8, 257.--Archivo de Simancas,
Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 130, 270.
[809] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 164, 175.
[810] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 61, fol. 251.
[811] Medina, pp. 249-50.
[812] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 31; Lib. 61, fol.
251.
[813] Medina, pp. 260-1.
[814] Ibidem, pp. 250-59.
[815] Medina, pp. 261-3.
[816] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 251.
[817] Medina, pp. 263-5.
[818] Medina, pp. 280-88.
[819] Medina, pp. 297-301.
[820] Medina, pp. 302-5.
[821] Of this quarrel we have two accounts. That of Sr. Medina (pp.
311-24), drawn from the records of the Inquisition, is naturally
favorable to Valera. The other side is given by Groot (I, 286-306; II,
584) from a MS. relation. I have endeavored to elicit the truth from
the conflicting statements.
[822] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.--Medina, p. 324.
[823] Cuaderno de Cumplimientos, fol. 62 (MSS. of White Library,
Cornell University).
[824] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 352.
[825] MSS. of the Library of the Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.
[826] Medina, pp. 365-7.
[827] Ibidem, p. 368.
[828] Ibidem, pp. 372-6.
[829] Medina, p. 157.
[830] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59.
[831] Medina, p. 230.
[832] Ibidem, p. 231.
[833] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 36, fol. 74.--Medina, pp.
262, 265-66.
[834] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 112, 120.
[835] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 122, 132.
[836] Ibidem, fol. 139, 54.
[837] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 155, 151.
[838] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 116.
[839] Medina, pp. 367, 400.
[840] Groot, II, 230.
[841] Ibidem, pp. 226, 232.
[842] Ibidem, pp. 230-1.
[843] Medina, pp. 398-407.
[844] Medina, pp. 408-12.--Groot, II, 473.
[845] Groot, II, 472-3.
[846] Medina, pp. 414-16.
[847] Groot, III, 124, 142-3, 151.
[848] Ibidem, pp. 143-44.
[849] MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17.
[850] Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reino de Granada, pp. 26-8,
41-3, 67, 95, 97.
[851] Ibidem, pp. 112-14.
[852] Noticias secretas de America, pp. 489-536, 382-3 (Londres, 1826).
Juan and Ulloa were distinguished men of science, _Tenientes Generales_
of the Navy and members of the British Royal Society and of the Royal
Academies of Paris, Berlin and Stockholm. Their report was so damaging
as to the defenceless condition of the ports that it was jealously kept
secret until, after the independence of the colonies had rendered this
unimportant, a copy was procured by Don David Barry and printed in
London. From casual allusions by the authors, they seem to have been
good Catholics and punctual in religious observance.
[853] I give the reference to the numbers in the archives prior to
their dispersion in 1881.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
be litte doubt=> be little doubt {pg 23}
the twefth century=> the twelfth century {pg 49}
Staaten-und Kirchengeschicte=> Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte {pg 108; FN
197}
de-details=> details {pg 166}
so conspicious of its services=> so conspicuous of its services {pg 214}
trials shoud be completed=> trials should be completed {pg 270}
certain ebullitious of blasphemy=> certain ebullitions of blasphemy {pg
321}
annoyauce and always=> annoyance and always {pg 389}
urge that instructions he sent=> urge that instructions be sent {pg 484}
large expenditures were making=> large expenditures were made {pg 503}
Ullos, Juan de, case of, 393=> Ulloa, Juan de, case of, 393 {pg 563}
of the the hated Portuguese=> of the hated Portuguese {pg 433}