His holiness was not deaf to a remonstrance so just and important. In

a circular letter to the sovereigns of Europe, he reminded them that

the time was now come when a successful effort might be made to secure

possession of Palestine, and that, while those who should fight

faithfully for God would obtain a crown of glory, such as refused to

serve him would be punished everlastingly. He employed, among other

arguments, a consideration which has since been often urged by Protestant

writers against his own church; stating, that "the Mohammedan heresy, the

beast foretold by the Spirit, will not live for ever--its age is 666." He

concluded with the assurance, that Jesus Christ would condemn them for

gross ingratitude and infidelity, if they neglected to march to his

succour at a time when he was in danger of being driven from a kingdom he

had acquired by his own blood.

The preacher of the next Crusade was Robert de Courçon, a man inferior in

talents and rank to St. Bernard, but whose fanaticism was as fervent as

that of the Hermit and Fulk. He invited all to assume the Cross, and

enrolled in the sacred militia women, children, the old, the blind, the

lame, and even the distempered. The multitude of Crusaders, as might be

expected, was very great, and the voluntary offerings of money were

immense. A council was held in the church of the Lateran, in which the

Emperor of Constantinople, the Kings of France, England, Hungary,

Jerusalem, Arragon, and other countries, were represented. War against the

Saracens was unanimously declared to be the most sacred duty of the

Christian world. The usual privileges, dispensations, and indulgences were

granted to the pilgrims; and the pope, besides other expenses, contributed

thirty thousand pounds.

It was in the year 1216 that the sixth Crusade, consisting chiefly of

Hungarians and the soldiers of Lower Germany, landed at Acre. The sons of

Saphadin were now at the head of affairs in Syria, their father having

retired from the fatigues of royalty; and, although unprepared to oppose

so large a host with any prospect of success, they mustered what forces

they could collect and advanced to Naplosa, the modern Nablous. But the

insubordination of the invaders made victory more easy than was

anticipated. Destitute of provisions, they wandered over the country,

committing the greatest enormities, and suffering from time to time very

severe losses from the just indignation of the inhabitants. At length the

sovereign of Hungary, disgusted with the campaign, refused to remain any

longer in Palestine,--a defection which compelled the King of Jerusalem,

the Duke of Austria, and the Master of the Hospitallers to take up a

defensive position on the Plain of Cesarea. The knights of the other

military orders, the Templar and Teutonic, seized upon Mount Carmel, which

they fortified for the occasion. But their fears were relieved in the

spring of the following year by the arrival of a large body of new and

most zealous Crusaders from the upper parts of Germany. Nearly three

hundred vessels sailed from the Rhine, which, after having sustained more

than the usual casualties of a voyage in the North Sea, landed on the

shores of Syria those martial bands who had assembled in the neighbourhood

of the Elbe and the Weser.

For reasons which are not very clearly assigned, but having some

reference, it may be conjectured, to the exhausted state of the country,

the chiefs of the Crusade came to the resolution of withdrawing their

troops from Palestine, and of carrying the war into Egypt. Damietta, not

unjustly regarded as the key of that kingdom on the line of the coast, was

made the first object of attack; and so vigorous were the approaches of

the assailants, that the castle or fortress, which was supposed to command

the town, fell into their hands. Meantime a reinforcement from Europe

appeared at the mouth of the Nile. Italy sent forth her choicest soldiers,

headed by Pelagius and De Courçon, as legates of the pope. The Counts of

Nevers and La Marche, the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, the Bishops of Meaux,

Autun, and Paris, led the youth of France; while the English troops were

conducted by the Earls of Chester, Arundel, and Salisbury, men celebrated

for their heroism and experience in the field.

The tide of success flowed for some time so strongly in favour of the

Christians, that the Saracen leaders were desirous to conclude a peace

very advantageous to their invaders. When the loss of Damietta appeared

inevitable, the Sultan of Syria, Khamel, the son of Saphadin, apprehensive

that the Crusaders would immediately advance against Jerusalem, issued

orders to destroy the fortifications, to prevent its being held by them as

a place of defence. But in the negotiation which was opened between the

contending powers, the Mussulmans consented to rebuild the walls of the

sacred city, to return the portion of the true cross, and to liberate all

the prisoners in Syria and Egypt. Of the whole kingdom of Palestine, they

proposed to retain only the castles of Karac and Montereale, as necessary

for the safe passage of pilgrims and merchants in their intercourse with

Mecca. As an equivalent for these important concessions, they required

nothing more than the instant evacuation of Egypt, and a complete

relinquishment of the conquests which had been recently made in it by the

arms of the Crusaders.

The Christian chiefs, after a stormy discussion, determined to reject the

terms offered by the allied sultans, and to prosecute the siege of

Damietta. This devoted town, having been invested more than a year and a

half, was at length carried by assault; but so resolute and persevering

had been the defence, that of seventy thousand inhabitants, who were shut

up by the Crusaders, only three thousand remained to witness their

triumph.

The Saracens, fatigued with the horrors of war, once more proposed a

treaty on terms similar to those which were offered before the fall of

Damietta. But the victors, whose wisdom in council was never equal to

their valour in the field of battle, again refused to conclude a peace.

The prevailing party recommended an immediate attack upon Grand Cairo;

anticipating the reduction of the whole of Egypt, and the final subjection

of all the Mahommedan states on the shores of the Mediterranean. This

vision of greatness, however, soon vanished before the real difficulties

of a campaign on the banks of the Nile. In a few months the leaders of the

expedition found themselves reduced to the necessity of soliciting

permission to return into Palestine; consenting to purchase safety by

giving up all the acquisitions they had made since the first day that they

opened their trenches before Damietta. The barons of Syria and the

military orders retired to Acre, where they held themselves in readiness

to sustain an attack from the indignant Moslems; the mass of the

volunteers and pilgrims soon afterward procuring the means of returning

into Europe.

Frederick the Second of Germany, who had engaged to lead a strong force

into Syria, was so long prevented by domestic cares from fulfilling his

promise, that he incurred the resentment of the pope, who actually

pronounced against him a sentence of excommunication.[174] The emperor, at

length, was induced to marry Violante, the daughter of John de Brienne,

and accept as her dowry the kingdom of Jerusalem. In the year 1228 he

arrived at Acre, with the view of making good his pretensions to the

sacred diadem,--an object which he finally attained, not less by the

connivance of the sultan than by the exertions of his military companions.

The son of Saphadin felt his throne rendered insecure by the ambition or

treachery of his own kindred, and was therefore much inclined to cultivate

an amicable feeling with so powerful a prince as the sovereign of Germany.

In pursuance of these views a treaty was signed, providing that for ten

years the Christians and Mussulmans were to live on a footing of

brotherhood; that Jerusalem, Jaffa, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and their

dependencies, were to be restored to the former; that the Holy Sepulchre

was likewise to be given up to them; and that the people of both religions

might offer up their devotions in that house of prayer, which the one

called the Temple of Solomon, and the other the Mosque of Omar. Thus the

address or good fortune of Frederick more effectually promoted the object

of the Holy Wars than the heroic phrensy of Richard Coeur de Lion; many of

the disasters consequent on the battle of Tiberias were wiped away; and

the hopes of Europe for a permanent settlement in Asia appeared to be

realized.

But the emperor had performed all these services while the stain of

excommunication was yet unremoved from his character. The fidelity of the

knights, accordingly, whose oaths had a reference to the supremacy of the

church, and the attachment of the clergy, could not be relied upon. Hence,

when he went to Jerusalem to be crowned, the patriarch would not discharge

his office; the places of worship were closed; and no religious duties

were observed in public during his stay. Frederick repaired to the Church

of the Holy Sepulchre, surrounded by his courtiers, and boldly taking the

crown from the altar, placed it on his own head. He then issued orders for

rebuilding the fortifications of his eastern capital; after which he

returned to Acre, whence he almost immediately set sail for Europe.[175]

The peace established between Frederick and the Saracen rulers was not

faithfully observed by the latter, some of whom did not consider

themselves as bound by its stipulations. The sufferings endured by the

Christians of Palestine accordingly called their brethren in Europe once

more to arms. A council, held under the auspices of the pope at Spoleto,

decreed that fresh levies should be sent into Asia so soon as the truce

with Khamel, the sultan of Damascus, should have expired. Many of the

English nobility, inflamed by the love of warlike fame, took the cross,

and prepared to follow the standard of the Earl of Chester, and of

Richard, earl of Cornwall, brother to King Henry the Third.

In this pious movement the lords of England were anticipated by those of

France, who, in the year 1239, landed in Syria, and prepared to measure

lances with the Moslems. News of these warlike proceedings having reached

the nephew of Saladin, he forthwith drove the Christians out of Jerusalem,

and demolished the Tower of David,--a monument which till that time had

been regarded as sacred by both parties. The combats which followed,

although fought with great bravery on the side of the invaders, terminated

generally in favour of the Saracens; and the French accordingly, after

losing a great number of their best warriors, were glad to have recourse

to terms of peace. The Templars entered into treaty with the Emir of

Karac, while the Hospitallers, actuated by jealousy or revenge, preferred

the friendship of the Sultan of Egypt.

The following year Richard, the earl of Cornwall, arrived with his levy,

hoping to find his allies in possession of all the towns which had been

ceded to the Emperor of Germany, and enjoying security in the exercise of

their religious rites. His surprise was therefore very great, when he

discovered that the principal leaders of the French had already fled from

the plains of Syria; that the knights of the two great orders had sought

refuge in negotiation; and, finally, that the conquests of the former

Crusaders were once more limited to a few fortresses and a strip of

territory on the coast. He marched in the first instance to Jaffa, with

the view of concentrating the scattered forces of Europe; but receiving

notice, as soon as he arrived, that the Sultan of Egypt, who was then at

war with his brother of Damascus, was desirous to cultivate friendly

relations, he lent a ready ear to the terms proposed. The Mussulman

consented to relinquish Jerusalem, Beritus, Nazareth, Bethlehem, Mount

Tabor, and a large portion of the Holy Land, provided the English earl

would withdraw his troops and preserve a strict neutrality.

The conditions being ratified by the Egyptian sovereign, the Earl of

Cornwall had the satisfaction to see the great object of the Crusaders

once more accomplished. Palestine again belonged to the Christians. The

Hospitallers opened their treasury to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem,

while the patriarch and clergy entered the holy city to reconsecrate the

churches. For two years the gospel was the only religion administered in

the sacred capital, and the faithful had begun to exult in the permanent

subjection of their rivals, when a new enemy arose, more formidable to

them than even the Saracens.

The victories of Zingis Khan had displaced several nations belonging to

the great Tartar family, and among others the Karismians, who continued

their retreat southward till they reached the confines of Egypt. The

sultan, who perhaps had repented the liberality of his terms to the

soldiers of Richard, advised the expatriated barbarians to take possession

of Palestine. He even sent one of his principal officers and a large body

of troops to serve as them guides; upon which, Barbacan, the Karismian

general, at the head of twenty thousand cavalry, advanced into the Holy

Land. The garrison of Jerusalem, being quite inadequate to its defence,

retired, and were followed by many of the inhabitants. The invaders

entered it without opposition, sparing neither life nor property, and

respecting nothing, whether sacred or profane. At length the Templars and

Hospitallers, forgetting their mutual animosities, united their bands to

rescue the country from the grasp of such savages. A battle took place,

which, after continuing two whole days, ended in the total defeat of the

Christians; the Grand Masters of St. John and of the Temple being among

the slain. Only thirty-three individuals of the latter order, and sixteen

of the former, with three Teutonic cavaliers, remained alive, and

succeeded in making their way to Acre, the last refuge of the vanquished

knights. The Karismians, with their Egyptian allies, after having razed

the fortifications of Ascalon and Tiberias, encamped on the seacoast, laid

waste the surrounding territory, and slew or carried into bondage every

Frank who fell into their hands. Nor was it till the year 1247 that the

Syrians and Mamlouks, insulted by this northern horde, attacked them near

Damascus, slew Barbacan their chief, and compelled the remainder to

retrace their steps to the borders of the Caspian Lake.

The intelligence did not fail to reach Europe that the members of the

Church in Palestine had been put to death or dispersed by the exiles of

Karism. Pope Innocent the Fourth suggested the expediency of another

Crusade, and even summoned all his faithful children to take arms. He

wrote to Henry the Third, king of England, urging him to press on his

subjects the necessity of punishing the Karismians. But the spirit of

crusading was more active in France than in any other country of the West

and it revived in all the vigour of its chivalrous piety in the reign of

Louis the Ninth. Agreeably to the superstition of the times, he had vowed,

while afflicted by a severe illness, that in case of recovery he would

travel to the Holy Land. The Cross was likewise taken by the three royal

brothers, the Counts of Artois, Poictiers, and Anjou, by the Duke of

Burgundy, the Countess of Flanders and her two sons, together with many

knights of high degree.

But it was not till 1249 that the soldiers of Louis were mustered, and his

ships prepared for sea; the former amounting to fifty thousand, while his

vessels of all descriptions exceeded eighteen hundred. They set sail for

Egypt; a storm separated the fleet; but the royal division, in which were

nearly three thousand knights and their men-at-arms, arrived in the

neighbourhood of Damietta. On the second day the king ordered the

disembarkation; he himself leaped into the water; his warriors followed

him to the shore; upon which the Saracens, panic-struck at their boldness

and determination, made but a slight show of defence, and fled into the

interior. Although Damietta was better prepared for a siege than at that

period when it defied the arms of the Crusaders during eighteen months,

yet the garrison were pleased to seek safety in the fleetness of their

horses. Louis fixed his residence in the city; a Christian government was

established; and the clergy, as they were wont on such occasions,

proceeded to purify the mosques.

Towards the close of the year, after being joined by a body of English

volunteers, the French monarch resolved to march to Cairo and attack the

sultan in the heart of his kingdom. But the floods of the Nile, and the

intersection of the country by numerous canals, occasioned a second time

the loss of a brave army. Famine and disease, too, aided the sword of the

enemy, till at length the victors of Damietta were compelled to sue for a

peace which they could no longer obtain. A retreat was ordered; but those

who attempted to escape by the river were taken prisoners, and the fate of

such as proceeded by land was equally disastrous. While they were occupied

in constructing a bridge over a canal, the Saracens entered the camp and

murdered the sick. The valiant king, though oppressed with the general

calamity of disease, sustained boldly the shock of the enemy, throwing

himself into the midst of them, resolved to perish rather than desert his

troops. One of his attendants succeeded at length in drawing him from the

presence of the foe, and conducted him to a village, where he sunk under

his wounds and fatigue into a state of utter insensibility. In this

miserable condition he was overtaken by the Moslems, who announced to him

that he was their captive. One of his brothers, the gallant Artois, had

already fallen in battle, but the two others, Anjou and Poictiers, with

all the nobility, fell into the hands of the enemy.

The sultan did not abuse his victory, nor seek to impose upon Louis terms

which a sovereign could not grant without forfeiting his honour. He agreed

to accept a sum equivalent to five hundred thousand livres for the

deliverance of the army, and the town of Damietta as a ransom for the

royal person. Peace was to continue ten years between the Mussulmans and

the Christians; while the Franks were to be restored to those privileges

in the kingdom of Jerusalem which they had enjoyed previous to the recent

invasion of the French. The repose which succeeded this treaty was

interrupted by the murder of the sultan, who fell a victim to the

jealousy, of the Mamlouks; but after a few acts of hostility too

insignificant to be recorded, the emirs renewed, with a few modifications,

the basis of the agreement on which the peace was established. Louis

himself made a narrow escape from the sanguinary intrigues of those

military slaves who had imbrued their hands in the blood of their own

master. They declared that, as they had committed a sin by destroying

their sultan, whom, by their law, they ought to have guarded as the apple

of their eye, their religion would be violated if they suffered a

Christian king to live. But the other chiefs, more honourable than the

Mamlouks, disdained to commit a crime under any such pretext; and the

French monarch, accordingly, was allowed to accompany the poor remains of

his army to the citadel of Acre.

It has been remarked that the expedition of St. Louis into Egypt resembles

in many respects the war carried on in that country thirty years before.

In both cases the Christian armies were encamped near the entrance of the

Ashmoun canal, beyond which they could not advance; and the surrender of

Damietta in each instance was the price of safety. The errors of the

Cardinal Pelagius seem not to have been recollected by the French king,

who, in fact, trod in his steps with a fatal blindness, and ended by

paying a still severer penalty.

A gleam of hope arose in the minds of the Crusaders from finding the

rulers of Egypt and of Syria engaged in a furious war. The Mamlouks even

condescended to solicit the cooperation of Louis, and agreed to purchase

it by remitting one-half of the ransom which still remained unpaid. They

further consented to deliver up Jerusalem itself, and also the youthful

captives taken on the banks of the Nile, whom they had compelled to

embrace the Mussulman faith. But before the Franks could appear in the

field, the interposition of the calif had restored peace to the contending

parties, both of whom immediately resumed their wonted dislike to the

European invaders.

The infidels, however, at this period did not pursue their schemes of

conquest with the vigour and ability which distinguished the movements of

Noureddin, and more especially of Saladin, his renowned successor. They

might have swept the feeble and exhausted Christians from the shores of

Palestine; but they merely ravaged the country round Acre, and then

proceeded to Sidon, in the strong castle of which Louis and his army had

taken refuge. The blood and property of the citizens satisfied the

barbarians, who departed without trying the valour of the soldiers who

occupied the garrison.

The death of Queen Blanche, the mother of the king, and regent during his

absence, afforded him a good apology for leaving the country, of which he

had long been tired. The patriarch and barons of the Holy Land offered him

their humble thanks for the honour he had bestowed upon their cause, and

for the benefits which he had conferred upon themselves individually.

Louis, sensible that he had gathered no laurels in Palestine, and that the

interests of the church were even in a more hopeless condition than when

he landed at Damietta, listened to their address with mingled emotions of

shame and regret, and forthwith prepared himself for his voyage

homewards.[176]

Thus terminated that expedition, of which, says a French author, the

commencement filled all Christian states with joy, and which, in the end,

plunged all the West into mourning. The king arrived at Vincennes on the

5th of September, 1254, accompanied by a crowd collected from all

quarters. The more they forgot his reverses, the more bitterly he called

to mind the fate of his brave companions, whom he had left in the mud of

Egypt or on the sands of Palestine; and the melancholy which he showed in

his countenance formed a striking contrast to the public congratulation on

the return of a beloved prince. His first care, says the historian, was to

go to St. Denys, to prostrate himself at the feet of the apostles of

France; the next day he made his entrance into the capital, preceded by

the clergy, the nobility, and the people. He still wore the cross upon his

shoulder; the sight of which, by recalling the motives of his long

absence, inspired the fear that he had not abandoned the enterprise of the

Crusade.[177]

The misfortunes sustained in the field were greatly increased by the

dissensions which prevailed among the military orders after the departure

of Louis. The Templars and Hospitallers, especially, never forgot their

jealousies except when engaged in battle with the Mussulmans; for, in

every interval of peace, they mutually gratified their arrogance and

contempt by wrangling on points of precedency and professional reputation.

At length an appeal to arms was made, with the view of determining which

of these kindred associations should stand highest as soldiers in the

estimation of Europe. The Knights of St. John gained the victory; and so

bloody was the conflict that no quarter was granted, and hardly a single

Templar escaped alive.

But these unseemly disputes were soon drowned amid the shouts of a more

formidable warfare waged against Palestine by the Mamlouk sovereign of

Egypt, the sanguinary and bigoted Bibars. His troops demolished the

churches of Nazareth and Mount Tabor; after which they advanced to the

gates of Acre, inflicting the most horrid cruelties upon the unprotected

Christians. Sephouri and Azotus were taken by storm, or yielded upon

terms. At the reduction of the former, it was agreed that the knights and

garrison, amounting in all to six hundred men, should be conducted to the

nearest Christian town. But no sooner was the sultan put in possession of

the fortress than he violated the conditions of surrender, and left the

knights only a few hours to determine on the alternative of death or

conversion to Islamism. The prior and two Franciscan monks succeeded by

their exhortations in fixing the faith of the religious cavaliers; and

hence, at the time appointed for the declaration of their choice, they

unanimously avowed their resolution to die rather than incur the dishonour

of apostacy. The decree for the slaughter of the Templars was pronounced

and executed; while the three preachers of martyrdom, as if responsible

for the conduct of their countrymen, were flayed alive.

A large Christian state had been formed at Antioch, in alliance with the

kingdom of Jerusalem. Bibars, after reducing Jaffa and the castle of

Beaufort, marched his fierce soldiers against the capital of Syria, and

soon added it to the number of his conquests. Forty thousand believers is

Christ were on this occasion put to the sword, and not fewer than one

hundred thousand were led into captivity. The barbarian, indeed, avowed

the fell purpose of exterminating the whole Christian community in the

East, extending the terror of death or the ascendency of the Koran from

the Nile to the mountains of Armenia. But his progress was stopped by the

intelligence which reached him in Palestine, that the King of Cyprus had

resolved to interpose his arms in behalf of the Holy Land, and was about

to make a descent on the coast at the head of a large force collected from

various nations. Bibara returned to Cairo, fitted out a fleet for the

conquest of that island, and intended, during the absence of its

sovereign, to annex it permanently to the dominions of Egypt. But his

ships were lost in a tempest; his military character suffered from the

failure of the enterprise; his power was weakened; and he ceased to be any

longer the scourge and dread of the Christian world.

Before the atrocities of this Mamlouk chief were made known in Europe, the

people of the West had made preparations for the ninth Crusade. Louis was

not able to conceal from himself that his first expedition to the Holy

Land had brought more shame on France than benefit to the Christian cause.

Nay, he was not without fear, that his personal reputation was in some

degree tarnished by the fatal result of his attack on Egypt, so unwisely

and rashly conducted. The Pope favoured his inclination for a new attempt;

and accordingly, in a general meeting of the higher clergy and nobles,

held at Paris in 1268, the king exhorted his people to avenge the wrongs

which Christ had so long suffered at the hands of the unbelieving Moslems.

In England a similar spirit had long prevailed among the priesthood and

the great body of the commons; but Henry the Third, taught by experience

that the late Crusades had only weakened the friends and strengthened the

enemies of Christianity, refused to countenance this popular folly at the

time when Louis first assumed the cross. On the present occasion, however,

he permitted his son Edward, with the Earls of Warwick and Pembroke, to

receive the holy ensign, and to join the sovereign of France in his

renewed attempt to plant the emblem of his faith on the walls of

Jerusalem.

It was not till the spring of 1270 that St. Louis spread his sails the

second time for the Holy Land. The feelings of religious and military

ardour which animated the heart of this pious monarch were diffused

through the sixty thousand soldiers who followed his banners. He could

count, too, among his leaders, the descendants of those gallant chiefs,

the lords of Brittany, of Flanders, and Champagne, who in former

generations had distinguished themselves in fighting the battles of the

church. But notwithstanding such promising appearances, this proud

armament took the sea under an evil omen. The fleet was driven into

Sardinia; and there a great and unfortunate change was made in the plan of

operations. Instead of proceeding to Palestine, it was resolved that the

troops should be landed in the neighbourhood of Tunis, to assist the

Christians in extending their faith in opposition to the disciples of the

Koran. Success, indeed, crowned the first efforts of the invaders;

Carthage fell into their hands; and more splendid conquests seemed to

invite their progress into the heart of the Mohammedan nations of Northern

Africa. But a pestilential disease, the scourge of those burning shores,

soon spread its ravages among the ranks of the Christians. Louis, the

great stay of the Crusaders, was stricken with the fatal sickness, and

died, leaving his army, which had accomplished nothing, to prosecute the

war, or to return with sullied standards into their native country.[178]

Prince Edward, who condemned the vacillating conduct of his allies, had

already passed from Africa into Sicily, where he spent the following

winter. In the early part of the year 1271, he set sail for Acre, where he

landed at the head of only one thousand men; but so high was his

reputation among the Latins of Palestine, that he soon found his army

increased sevenfold, and eager to be employed in the redemption of the

sacred territory. He led them, in the first place against Nazareth, which

did not long resist the vigour of his attack; and, almost immediately

afterward, he surprised a large Turkish force, whom he cut in pieces The

Moslems imagined that another Coeur de Lion had been sent from England to

scourge them into discipline, or to shake the foundation of their power in

Syria. Edward was brave and skilful as a warrior, and owed his success not

less to his able dispositions than to his personal courage. But he was

cruel and lavish of human blood. The barbarities which disgraced the

triumphs of the first Crusade were repeated on a smaller scale at

Nazareth, where the prince put the whole garrison to death, and subjected

the inhabitants to unnecessary suffering.

The resentment of the governor of Jaffa is said to have pointed the dagger

which was aimed at the heart of the English prince by the hand of an

assassin. The wretch, as the bearer of letters, was admitted into the

chamber of Edward, who, not suspecting treachery, received several severe

wounds before he could dash the assailant to the floor and despatch him

with his sword. But as the weapon used by the Saracen had been steeped in

poison, the life of his intended victim was for some hours in imminent

danger. The chivalrous fiction of that romantic age has ascribed his

recovery to the kind offices of one of that sex whose generous affections

are seldom chilled by the calculations of selfishness. His wife, Eleanora,

is said to have sucked the poison from his wound, at the hazard of instant

death to herself,--a story which, having received the sanction of the

learned Camden, has not unfrequently been held as an indisputable fact.

The more authentic edition of the narrative attributes the restoration of

Edward's health to the usual means employed by surgical skill, aided by

the resources of a strong mind and a vigorous constitution.[179]

It soon became manifest that the valour and ability of Edward, unsupported

by an adequate force, could make no lasting impression upon the Moslem

power in Syria. Accordingly, after having spent fourteen months in Acre,

he listened to proposals for peace made by the Sultan of Egypt, who, being

engaged in war with the Saracens whom he had displaced, was eager to

terminate hostilities with the English. A suspension of arms, to continue

ten years, was formally signed by the two chiefs; whereupon the Mamlook

withdrew his troops from Palestine, and Edward embarked for his native

country.

The loan and discomfiture which for more than a hundred years had

concluded every attempt to regain the Holy Land did not yet extirpate the

hope of final success in the hearts of the clergy and sovereigns of the

West. Gregory the Ninth, who himself had served in the Christian armies of

Syria, exerted all the means in his power to equip another expedition

against the enemies of the faith. The small republics of Italy, which

found a ready employment for their shipping in transporting troops to

Palestine, were the first to embrace the cause recommended by their

spiritual ruler. The King of France seemed to favour the enterprise, and

advanced money on the mortgage of certain estates within his dominions

belonging to the Templars; Charles of Anjou followed the example of his

royal relation; and Michael Paleologus, the Emperor of the East, announced

his willingness to take arms against the ambitious sultan, who already

threatened the independence of Greece. A council held at Lyons in 1274

sanctioned the obligations of a crusade, and imposed upon the church and

other estates such taxes as appeared sufficient to carry it to a

successful issue. But the death of the pope dissolved the coalition, and

all preparations for renewing the war were immediately laid aside,--never

to be resumed.

The Franks in Palestine, now left to their own resources, ought to have

cultivated peace, and more especially to have abstained from positive and

direct aggression. Their conduct, however, was not marked by such

abstinence or wisdom. On the contrary, by attacking certain Mohammedan

merchants, they provoked the anger of the sultan, who swore by God and the

Prophet that he would avenge the wrong. A war fatal to the Christian

interests was the immediate consequence. Their fortresses were rapidly

demolished; and at length, in the year 1289, the city of Tripoli, the

principal appanage of the kingdom of Jerusalem, was taken, its houses were

consumed by fire, its works dismantled, and its inhabitants massacred, or

sold into slavery.

Acre now remained the sole possession of the Latins, in the country where

their sovereignty had been acknowledged during the lapse of nearly two

centuries. A short peace granted to Henry the Second of Cyprus, the

nominal king of the Holy Land, postponed its fate, and the utter abolition

of Christian authority in Syria, a few years longer. Within its walls were

crowded the wretched remains of those principalities which had been won by

the valour of European soldiers. A reinforcement of unprincipled Italians

only added to the disorder which already prevailed in the town, and

increased the number of offences by which they were daily accumulating

upon their heads the vengeance of the fanatical Mamlouks, who longed for

an opportunity to attack them.

At length, in the month of April, 1291, a force which has been estimated

at more than 200,000 men, issued from Egypt, and encamped on the Plain of

Acre. Most of the inhabitants made their escape by sea from the horrors of

the impending siege; the defence of the place being intrusted to about

12,000 good soldiers, belonging chiefly to the several orders of religious

knighthood. The command was offered to the Grand Master of the Templars,

who, being prevailed upon to accept, discharged its duties with firmness

and military skill. But the Mamlouks were not inferior in valour, and

their numbers were irresistible. Prodigies of bravery were displayed on

both sides: the assailants threw themselves, with desperate resolution,

into the breach, from whence they were repeatedly driven back at the point

of the sword, or hurled headlong into the ditch. But the sultan was

prodigal of blood, and had vowed to humble the Nazarenes who dared to

dispute his authority. The walls, accordingly, after having been several

times lost and won, were at length finally occupied by the Tartars and

Mamlouks, who obeyed the sovereign of Egypt, and the crescent was at that

moment elevated to a place which it has continued to occupy during the

greater part of five centuries. Struck with terror, the few small towns

which till this period had been allotted to the Christians surrendered at

the first summons, and saw their inhabitants doomed either to death or to

a hopeless captivity. In one word, the Holy Land, which since the days of

Godfrey had cost to Christendom so much anxiety, blood, and treasure, was

now lost; the sacred walls of Jerusalem were abandoned to infidels; and

henceforth the disciple of Christ was doomed to purchase permission to

visit the interesting scenes consecrated by the events recorded in the

gospel.

The titular crown of Palestine was worn for the last time by Hugh the

Great, the descendant of Hugh, king of Cyprus, and Alice, who was the

daughter of Mary and John de Brienne. At a later period, this empty honour

was claimed by the house of Sicily, in right of Charles, count of Anjou

and brother of Louis IX, who was thought to unite in his own person the

issue of the King of Cyprus and of the Princess Mary, the daughter of

Frederick, sovereign of Antioch. The knights of St. John of Jerusalem,

since denominated knights of Rhodes and Malta, and the Teutonic knights,

the conquerors of the north of Europe and founders of the kingdom of

Prussia, are now the only remains of those Crusaders who struck terror

into Africa and Asia, and seized the thrones of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and

Constantinople.

Although no expedition from the Christian states reached the Holy Land

after the close of the thirteenth century, the fire which had so long

warmed the hearts of the Crusaders was not entirely extinguished in

several parts of Europe. Edward the First of England, for example, still

cherished the hope of opening the gates of Jerusalem, or of leaving his

bones in the sacred dust of Palestine. A similar feeling animated the

monarch of France; while the pope, who derived manifold advantages from

the prosecution of such wars, summoned councils, issued pastoral letters,

and employed preachers, as in the days that were past. But dissensions at

home during the first half of the fourteenth century, and the general

conviction of hopelessness which had seized the public mind respecting all

armaments against the Moslems, occasioned the failure of every attempt to

unite once more the powers of Chistendom in the common cause.

In the following century, the ascendency of the Turks, not only in the

East, but on the banks of the Danube and the northern shores of the

Mediterranean, compelled the people of Europe to act on the defensive. The

fall of the Grecian empire, too, rendered the intercourse with Syria at

once more difficult and dangerous. Egypt in like manner was shut against

the Christians, being subjected to the same yoke which pressed so heavily

on the western parts of Asia. Hence, during more than two centuries a

cloud hung over the affairs of Palestine, which we in vain attempt to

penetrate. Suffice it to remark, that it remained subject to the Mamlouk

sultans of Egypt till the year 1382, when they were dispossessed by a body

of Circassians, who invaded and overran the country. Upon the expulsion of

these barbarians, it acknowledged again the government of Cairo, under

which it continued until the period of the more formidable irruption of

the Mogul Tartars, led by the celebrated Tamerlane. At his death the Holy

Land was once more annexed to Egypt as a province; but in 1516, Selim the

Ninth, emperor of the Othman Turks, carried his victorious arms from the

Euphrates to the Libyan Desert, involving in one general conquest all the

intervening states. More than three hundred years have that people

exercised a dominion over the land of Judea, varied only by intervals of

rebellion on the part of governors who wished to assert their

independence, or by wars among the different pashas, who, in defiance of

the supreme authority, have from time to time quarrelled about its spoils.

From the period at which the Crusaders were expelled from Syria down to

the middle of the last century, we are chiefly indebted for our knowledge

of the Holy Land to the pilgrims whom religious motives induced to brave

all the perils and extortions to which Franks were exposed under the

Turkish government. The faith of the Christians survived their arms at

Jerusalem, and was found within the sacred walls long after every European

soldier had disappeared. The Jacobite, Armenian, and Abyssinian believers

were allowed to cling to those memorials of redemption which have at all

times given so great an interest to the localities of Palestine; and

occasionally a member of the Latin Church had the good fortune to enter

the gates of the city in disguise, and was permitted to offer up his

prayers at the side of the Holy Sepulchre. In 1432, when La Broquiere

undertook his pilgrimage into the East, there were only two French monks

in Jerusalem, who were held in the most cruel thraldom.

The increasing intercourse between the Turks at Constantinople and the

governments of Europe gradually produced a more tolerant spirit among the

former, and paved the way for a lasting accommodation in favour of the

Christians in Palestine. We find, accordingly, that in the year 1507, when

Baumgarten travelled in Syria, there was at Jerusalem a monastery of

Franciscans, who possessed influence sufficient to secure his personal

safety, and even to provide for his comfort under their own roof. At a

somewhat later period, the Moslem rulers began to consider the reception

of pilgrims as a regular source of revenue; selling their protection at a

high price, and even creating dangers in order to render that protection

indispensable. The Christians, meantime, rose by degrees from the state of

depression and contumely into which they were sunk by the conquerors of

the Grecian empire. They were allowed to nominate patriarchs for the due

administration of ecclesiastical affairs, and to practise all the rites of

their religion, provided they did not insult the established faith,--a

condition of things which, with such changes as have been occasioned by

foreign war or the temper of individual governors, has been perpetuated to

the present day.

As the civil history of Palestine for three centuries is nothing more than

a relation of the broils, the insurrections, the massacres, and changes of

dynasty which have periodically shaken the Turkish empire in Europe as

well as in Asia, we willingly pass over it, as we thereby only refrain

from a mere recapitulation of names and dates which could not have the

slightest interest for any class of readers. At the close of the

eighteenth century, however, its affairs assumed a new importance.

Napoleon Bonaparte, whose views of dominion were limited only by the

bounds of the civilized world, imagined that, by the conquest of Egypt and

Syria, he should open for himself a path into the remoter provinces of the

Asiatic continent, and perhaps establish his power on either bank of the

Ganges.

It was in the spring of 1799 that the French general, who had been

informed of certain preparations against him in the pashalic of Acre,

resolved to cross the desert which divides Egypt from Palestine at the

head of ten thousand chosen men. El Arish soon fell into his hands, the

garrison of which were permitted to retire on condition that they should

not serve again during the war. Gaza likewise yielded without much

opposition to the overwhelming force by which it was attacked. Jaffa set

the first example of a vigorous resistance; the slaughter was tremendous;

and Bonaparte, to intimidate other towns from showing a similar spirit,

gave it up to plunder and the other excesses of an enraged soldiery. A

more melancholy scene followed--the massacre of nearly four thousand

prisoners who had laid down their arms. Napoleon alleged, that these were

the very individuals who had given their parole at El Arish, and had

violated their faith by appearing against him in the fortress which had

just fallen. On this pretext he commanded them all to be put to death, and

thereby brought a stain upon his reputation which no casuistry on the part

of his admirers, and no considerations of expediency, military or

political, will ever succeed in removing.[180]

Acre, so frequently mentioned in the History of the Crusades, was again

doomed to receive a fatal celebrity from a most sanguinary and protracted

siege. Achmet Djezzar, the pasha of that division of Palestine which

stretches from the borders of Egypt to the Gulf of Sidon, had thrown

himself into this fortress with a considerable army, determined to defend

it to the last extremity. After failing in an attempt to bribe the

Mussulman chief, Bonaparte made preparations for the attack, with his

usual skill and activity; resolving to carry the place by assault before

the Turkish government could send certain supplies of food and ammunition,

which he knew were expected by the besieged. But his design was frustrated

by the presence of a British squadron under Sir Sidney Smith, who, in the

first instance, captured a convoy of guns and stores forwarded from Egypt,

and then employed them against him, by erecting batteries on shore.

Notwithstanding these inauspicious circumstances, Napoleon opened his

trenches on the 18th of March, in the firm conviction that the Turkish

garrison could not long resist the fury of his onset and the skill of his

engineers. "On that little town," said he, to one of his generals, as they

were standing together on an eminence which still bears the name of

Richard Coeur de Lion, "on that little town depends the fate of the East.

Behold the key of Constantinople or of India!"

At the end of ten days a breach was effected, by which the French made

their first attempt to reduce the towers of Acre. Their assault was

conducted with so much firmness and spirit, that for a moment the garrison

was overpowered, and the town seemed lost. The pasha, renowned for his

personal courage, threw himself into the thickest body of the combatants,

and at length, by strength of hand and the most heroic example, rallied

his troops and drove the enemy from the walls. The loss of the French was

great, and the disappointment of their leader extreme. Napoleon was deeply

mortified when he saw his finest regiments pursued to their lines by

English sailors and undisciplined Turks, who even proceeded to destroy

their intrenchments.

Bourrienne relates, that during the assault of the 8th of May more than

two hundred men penetrated into the city. Already the shout of victory was

raised; but the breach, taken in flank by the Turks, could not be entered

with sufficient promptitude, and the party was left without support. The

streets were barricaded; the very women were running about throwing dust

into the air, and exciting the inhabitants by cries and howling; all

contributed to render unavailing this short occupation by a handful of

men, who, finding themselves alone, regained the breach by a retrograde

movement; but not before many had fallen.

The want of proper means for forming a siege, and perhaps the contempt

which he entertained for barbarians, occasioned a great deficiency in the

works raised before Acre. Bonaparte was not ignorant of the disadvantages

under which his men laboured from the cause now assigned; and was

principally for this reason that he trusted more to the bayonet than to

the mortar or cannon. He repeated his assaults day after day, till the

ditch was filled with dead and wounded soldiers. His grenadiers at length

felt greater horror at walking over the bodies of their comrades than at

encountering the tremendous discharges of large and small shot to which

the latter had fallen victims.

On the 21st of May, after sixty days of ineffectual labor under a burning

sun, Napoleon ordered a last assault on the obstinate garrison of

Ptolemais, which had barred his path to the accomplishment of the most

splendid conquests. This attempt was not less fruitless than those which

had preceded it, and was attended with the loss of many brave warriors. A

fleet was at hand to reinforce Djezzar with men and arms; the French, on

the contrary, were perishing under the plague, which had already found its

way into their ranks, and were, besides, constantly threatened by swarms

of Arabs and Mamlouks, who had assembled in the neighbouring mountains.

His failure in this effort, accordingly, dictated the necessity of a

speedy retreat towards Egypt, where his affairs continued to enjoy some

degree of prosperity, and in the magazines of which he might still find

the means of restoring the health and vigour of his troops.

The siege of Acre, says the biographer of Bonaparte, cost nearly three

thousand men in killed, and of such as died of the plague and their

wounds. Had there been less precipitation in the attack, and had the

advances been conducted according to the rules of art, the town, says he,

could not have held out three days; and one assault such as that of the

8th of May would have sufficed. But he admits that it would have been

wiser in their situation, destitute as they were of heavy artillery and

provisions, while the place was plentifully supplied and in active

communication with the English and Ottoman fleets, not to have undertaken

the siege at all. In the bulletins, he adds, always so veracious, the lose

of the French is estimated at five hundred killed and a thousand wounded;

while that of the enemy is augmented to fifteen thousand. These documents

are doubtless curious pieces for history,--certainly not because they are

true. Bonaparte, however, attached the greatest importance to these

relations, which were always drawn up or corrected by himself.[181]

The reader may not be displeased to consider the motives which induced

Napoleon to persevere so long in the siege of Acre. "I see that this

paltry town has cost me many men, and occupies much time; but things have

gone too far not to risk a last effort. If we succeed, it is to be hoped

we shall find in that place the treasures of the pasha, and arms for three

hundred thousand men. I will raise and arm the whole of Syria, which is

already greatly exasperated by the cruelty of Djezzar, for whose fall you

have seen the people supplicate Heaven at every assault. I advance upon

Damascus and Aleppo; I recruit my army by marching into every country

where discontent prevails; I announce to the people the abolition of

slavery, and of the tyrannical government of the pashas; I arrive at

Constantinople with armed messes; I overturn the dominion of the

Mussulman; I found in the East a new and mighty empire which shall fix my

position with posterity; and perhaps I return to Paris by Adrianople or

Vienna, having annihilated the house of Austria."[182]

Whatever accuracy there may be in these reminiscences, there is no doubt

that Napoleon frequently remarked, in reference to Acre, "The fate of the

East is in that place." Nor was this observation made at random; for had

the French subdued Djezzar, and buried his army in the ruins of the

fortress, the whole of Palestine and Syria would have submitted to their

dominion. He expected, besides, a cordial reception from the Druses, those

warlike and semi-barbarous tribes who inhabit the valleys of Libanus, and

who, like all the other subjects of the Ottoman government, had felt the

pressure of the pasha's tyranny. His eyes were likewise turned towards the

Jews, who, in every commotion which affects Syria, are accustomed to look

for the indication of that happy change destined, in the eye of their

faith, to restore the kingdom to Israel in the latter days. It was not,

indeed, till a somewhat later period that he openly extended his

protection to the descendants of Abraham; but it is not improbable that

the notion had occurred to him during his Eastern campaigns of employing

them for the purpose of establishing an independent sovereignty in

Palestine, devoted to his ulterior views in the countries beyond the

Euphrates.

During the siege of Acre, the several detachments of the French army

stationed in Galilee were attacked by a powerful Mussulman force, which

had assembled in the adjoining mountains. Junot, who was induced to risk

an engagement near Nazareth, would have been cut in pieces by the Mamlouk

cavalry, had not Bonaparte hastened to his assistance We have already

alluded to the masterly conduct of Kleber, who, at the head of a few

hundred men, kept the field a whole day against an overwhelming mass of

horsemen that attacked his party near Mount Tabor. On this occasion, too,

the speedy aid of Napoleon secured a victory, and scattered the enemy's

troops over the face of the desert. But he found, upon his return to the

trenches, that the same men whose columns dissipated like smoke before his

battalions on the plain were extremely formidable behind an armed wall,

and that all the skill of his engineers and the bravery of his veterans

were of no avail when opposed by the savage courage of Turks directed by

European officers and supported by English seamen.

The sufferings which the French endured in their retreat across the desert

were very great, and afforded constant exercise for the self-possession

and equanimity of their leader. "A fearful journey," says one of their

number, "was yet before us. Some of the wounded were carried in litters,

and the rest on camels and mules. A devouring thirst, the total want of

water, an excessive heat, a fatiguing march among scorching sand-hills,

demoralized the men; a most cruel selfishness, the most unfeeling

indifference, took place of every generous or humane sentiment. I have

seen thrown from the litters officers with amputated limbs, whose

conveyance had been ordered, and who had themselves given money as a

recompense for the fatigue. I have beheld abandoned among the wheatfields

soldiers who had lost their legs or arms, wounded men, and patients

supposed to be affected with the plague. Our march was lighted up by

torches kindled for the purpose of setting on fire towns, hamlets, and the

rich crops with which the earth was covered. The whole country was in

flames. It seemed as if we found a solace in this extent of mischief for

our own reverses and sufferings. We were surrounded only by the dying, by

plunderers, by incendiaries. Wretched beings at the point of death, thrown

by the wayside, continued to call with feeble voice, 'I have not the

plague, I am but wounded;' and, to convince those that passed, they might

be seen tearing open their real wounds, or inflicting new ones. Nobody

believed them. It was the interest of all not to believe. Comrades would

say, 'He is done for now; his march is over;' then pass on, look to

themselves, and feel satisfied. The sun, in all his splendour under that

beautiful sky, was obscured by the smoke of continual conflagration. We

had the sea on our right; on our left and behind us lay the desert which

we had made; before were the sufferings and privations that awaited

us."[183]

Since the departure of the French no event has occurred to give any

interest to the history of Palestine. The Mussulman instantly resumed his

power, which for a time he appeared determined to exercise with a strong

arm and with little forbearance towards the Franks, from the terror of

whose might he had just escaped. But the ascendency of Europe, as a great

assemblage of Christian states, checks the intolerance of the Turk, and

imposes upon him the obligations of a more liberal policy. Hence we may

confidently assert, that although the members of the Greek and Latin

churches in Syria are severely taxed, they are not persecuted. They are

compelled to pay heavily for the privilege of exercising the rights of

their worship, and of enjoying that freedom of conscience which is the

natural inheritance of every human being; but their property is held

sacred, and their personal security is not endangered, provided they have

the prudence to rest satisfied with a simple connivance or bare permission

in things relating to their faith.

The actual state of the Holy Land may be known with sufficient accuracy

from the topographical description which we have given in a former

chapter. With regard, again, to the civil government of the country, it

has been remarked that the pashas are so frequently changed, or so often

at war with each other, that the jurisdiction of the magistrates in cities

is so undefined, and the hereditary or assumed rights of the sheiks of

particular districts are so various, that it is extremely difficult to

discover any settled rule by which the administration is conducted. The

whole Turkish empire, indeed, has the appearance of being so precariously

balanced, that the slightest movement within or from without seems likely

to overturn it. Everywhere is absolute power seen stretched beyond the

limits of all apparent control, but finding, nevertheless, a counteracting

principle in that extreme degree of acuteness to which the instinct of

self-preservation is sharpened by the constant apprehension of injury.

Hence springs that conflict between force and fraud, not always visible,

but always operating, which characterizes society in all despotic

countries.

In the minute subdivision of power, which in all cases partakes of the

absolute nature of the supreme government, the traveller is often reminded

of patriarchal times, when there were found judges, and even kings,

exercising a separate dominion at the distance of a short journey from one

another. As an instance of this, we may mention, that on the road from

Jerusalem to Sannour, by way of Nablous, there are no fewer than three

governors of cities, all of whom claim the honours of independent

sovereigns; for, although they acknowledge a nominal superiority in the

Pasha of Damascus, they exclude his jurisdiction in all cases where he

does not enforce his authority at the head of his troops: The same

affectation of independence descends to the sheiks of villages, who, aware

of the precarious tenure by which their masters remain in office, are

disposed to treat their orders with contempt. Like them, too, they turn to

their personal advantage the power of imposition and extortion which

belongs to every one who is clothed with official rank in Syria. They sell

justice and protection; and in this market, as in all others, he who

offers the best price is certain to obtain the largest share of the

commodity.[184]

This chapter would not be complete were we to omit all allusion to the

Jews, the ancient inhabitants of Palestine. Their number, according to a

statement lately published in Germany, amounts to between three and four

millions, scattered over the face of the whole earth, but still

maintaining the same laws which their ancestors received from their

inspired legislator more than three thousand years ago. In Europe there

are nearly two millions, enjoying different privileges according to the

spirit of the several governments; in Asia, the estimate exceeds seven

hundred thousand; in Africa, more than half a million; and in America,

about ten thousand. It is supposed, however, on good grounds, that the

Jewish population on both sides of Mount Taurus is considerably greater

than is here given, and that their gross number does not fall much short

of five millions.[185]

In Palestine of late years they have greatly increased. It is said that

not fewer than ten thousand inhabit Saphet and Jerusalem, and that in

their worship they still sing those pathetic hymns which their manifold

tribulations have inspired; bewailing, amid the ruins of their ancient

capital, the fallen city and the desolate tribes. In Persia, one of them

addressed a Christian missionary in these affecting words:--"I have

travelled far; the Jews are everywhere princes in comparison with those in

the land of Iran. Heavy is our captivity, heavy is our burden, heavy is

our slavery; anxiously we wait for redemption."

History, says an eloquent writer, is the record of the past; it presumes

not to raise the mysterious veil which the Almighty has spread over the

future. The destinies of this wonderful people, as of all mankind, are in

the hands of the all-wise Ruler of the universe; his decrees will

certainly be accomplished; his truth, his goodness, and his wisdom will be

clearly vindicated. This, however, we may venture to assert, that true

religion will advance with the dissemination of sound and useful

knowledge. The more enlightened the Jew becomes, the more incredible will

it appear to him that the gracious Father of the whole human race intended

an exclusive faith, a creed confined to one family, to be permanent; and

the more evident also will it appear to him, that a religion which

embraces within the sphere of its benevolence all the kindreds and

languages of the earth is alone adapted to an improved and civilized

age.[186]

We presume not to expound the signs of the times, nor to see farther than

we are necessarily led by the course of events; but it is impossible not

to be struck with the aspect of that grandest of all moral phenomena which

is suspended upon the history and actual condition of the sons of Jacob.

At this moment they are nearly as numerous as when David swayed the

sceptre of the Twelve Tribes; their expectations are the same, their

longings are the same; and on whatever part of the earth's surface they

have their abode, their eyes and their faith are all pointed in the same

direction--to the land of their fathers and the holy city where they

worshipped. Though rejected by God and persecuted by man, they have not

once, during eighteen hundred long years, ceased to repose confidence in

the promises made by Jehovah to the founders of their nation; and although

the heart has often been sick and the spirit faint, they have never

relinquished the hope of that bright reversion in the latter days which is

once more to establish the Lord's house on the top of the mountains, and

to make Jerusalem the glory of the whole world.

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