THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.

In April, 1862, it was known at Washington that the President was

considering the subject of emancipating the slaves as a war measure. The

Border States selected their ablest man, the venerable John J.

Crittenden, from Mr. Lincoln's native State, to make a public appeal to

him to stay his hand. The eloquent Kentuckian discharged the part

assigned him well. Never shall I forget the scene when, with great

emotion before Congress he said, that although he had voted against and

opposed Mr. Lincoln, he had been won to his side. "_And now_," said he,

"there is a niche near to Washington which should be occupied by him who

shall save his country. Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny! * * * He is no

coward, he may be President _of all the people_ and fill that niche, but

if he chooses to be in these times a mere sectarian and party man, that

place will be reserved for some future and better patriot." "It is in

his power to occupy a place next to Washington, the _founder_ and

_preserver_ side by side." It was understood the Border State men

everywhere were ready to crown him the peer of Washington if he would

not touch slavery.

It was OWEN LOVEJOY, the early abolitionist, who made an instantaneous,

impromptu reply, a reply the eloquence of which thrilled Congress and

the country, and is in my judgment among the finest specimens of

American eloquence.

Said he, "Let Abraham Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the

Emancipator, the liberator of a race, and his name shall not only be

enrolled in this earthly temple, but it will be traced on the living

stones of that Temple, which rears itself amidst the thrones of Heaven."

Alluding to what Crittenden had said, he added, "There is a niche for

Abraham Lincoln in Freedom's holy fane. In that niche he shall stand

proudly, gloriously, with shattered fetters, and broken chains and

slave-whips beneath his feet. * * This is a fame worth living for; ay,

more, it is a fame worth _dying_ for, even though (said he with

prophetic prescience) that death led through the blood of Gethsemane and

the agony of the accursed tree."

These two speeches were read to Mr. Lincoln in his library at the White

House, a room to which he sometimes retired. He was moved by the picture

which Lovejoy drew. The tremendous responsibilities growing out of the

slavery question, how he ought to treat those sons of "unrequited toil,"

were questions sinking deeper and deeper into his heart. With a purpose

firmly to follow the path of duty, as God should give him to see his

duty, he earnestly sought the divine guidance.

Speaking afterward of Emancipation, Mr. Lincoln said: "When, in March,

May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border

States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable

necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come,

unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition and I was

in my best judgment driven to the alternative of either surrendering the

Union or issuing the Emancipation Proclamation."[6]

[6] See Letter of the President to A. G. Hodges, dated April 4, 1864.

Before issuing the proclamation, he had appealed to the Border States

to adopt gradual emancipation. His appeal is one of the most earnest and

eloquent papers in all history. "Our country," said he, "is in great

peril, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy

relief; once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its

beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its future

fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand."

The appeal was received by some with apathy, by others with caviling and

opposition, and was followed by action on the part of none. Meanwhile

his friends urged emancipation. They declared there could be no

permanent peace while slavery lived. "Seize," cried they, "the

thunderbolt of Liberty, and shatter Slavery to atoms, and then the

Republic will live." After the great battle of Antietam, the President

called his cabinet together, and announced to them that "_in obedience

to a solemn vow to God_," he was about to issue the edict of Freedom.

The proclamation came, modestly, sublimely, reverently the great act was

done. "Sincerely believing it to be an act of justice, warranted by the

Constitution, upon military necessity, he invoked upon it the

considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God."

On the first of January, 1863, the Executive mansion, as is usual on New

Year's Day, was crowded with the officials, foreign and domestic, of the

National Capital; the men of mark of the army and navy and from civil

life crowded around the care-worn President, to express their kind

wishes for him personally, and their prayers for the future of the

country.

During the reception, after he had been shaking hands with hundreds, a

secretary hastily entered and told him the Proclamation (the final

proclamation) was ready for his signature. Leaving the crowd, he went to

his office, taking up a pen, attempting to write, and was astonished to

find he could not control the muscles of his hand and arm sufficiently

to write his name. He said to me, "I paused, and a feeling of

superstition, a sense of the vast responsibility of the act, came over

me; then, remembering that my arm had been well-nigh paralyzed by two

hours' of hand-shaking, I smiled at my superstitious feeling, and wrote

my name."

This Proclamation, the Declaration of Independence, and _Magna Charta_,

these be great landmarks, each indicating an advance to a higher and

more Christian civilization. Upon these will the historian linger, as

the stepping-stones toward a higher plane of existence. From this time

the war meant _universal liberty_. When, in June, 1858, at his home in

Springfield, Lincoln startled the country by the announcement, "this

nation can not endure half _slave_, and _half free_," and when he

concluded that remarkable speech by declaring, with uplifted eye and the

inspired voice of a prophet, "we shall not fail if we stand firm, _we

shall not fail_, wise councils may accelerate or mistakes delay, but

sooner or later the victory is sure to come," he looked to years of

peaceful controversy and final triumph through the ballot-box. He

anticipated no war, and he did not foresee, unless in those mysterious,

dim shadows, which sometimes startle by half revealing the future, his

own elevation to the presidency; he little dreamed that he was to be the

instrument in the hands of God to speak those words which should

emancipate a race and free his country!

I have not space to follow the movements of the armies; the long, sad

campaigns of the grand army of the Potomac under McClellan, Pope,

Burnside, Hooker, Meade; nor the varying fortunes of war in the great

Valley of the Mississippi under Freemont, and Halleck, and Buell. Armies

had not only to be organized, but educated and trained, and especially

did the President have to search for and find those fitted for high

command.

Ultimately he found such and placed them at the head of the armies. Up

to 1863, there had been vast expenditures of blood and treasure, and,

although great successes had been achieved and progress made, yet there

had been so many disasters and grievous failures, that the hopes of the

insurgents of final success were still confident. With all the great

victories in the South, and Southwest, by land and on the sea, the

Mississippi was still closed. The President opened the campaign of 1863

with the determination of accomplishing two great objects, first to get

control of and open the Mississippi; second to destroy the army of

Virginia under Lee, and seize upon the rebel capital. By the capture of

Vicksburg, and the fall of Port Hudson, the first and primary object of

the campaign was realized.

"The 'Father of Waters' again went unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the

great Northwest for it, nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up

they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way

right and left. The army South, too, in more colors than one, lent a

helping hand."[7] While the gallant armies of the West were achieving

these victories, operations in the East were crowned by the decisively

important triumph at Gettysburg. Let us pass over the scenes of

conflict, on the sea and on the land, at the East and at the West, and

come to that touching incident in the life of Lincoln, the consecration

of the battle-field of Gettysburg as a National cemetery.

[7] See letter of Mr. Lincoln to State Convention of Illinois.

Sketch of the life of Abraham Lincoln · 第 15 / 68 题