CHAPTER I.

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"Great Writers."

EDITED BY

PROFESSOR ERIC S. ROBERTSON, M.A.

* * * * *

_LIFE OF MILTON._

LIFE

OF

JOHN MILTON

BY

RICHARD GARNETT, LL.D.

LONDON

WALTER SCOTT, 24, WARWICK LANE

1890

(_All rights reserved._)

NOTE.

The number of miniature "Lives" of Milton is great; great also is the

merit of some of them. With one exception, nevertheless, they are all

dismissed to the shelf by the publication of Professor Masson's

monumental and authoritative biography, without perpetual reference to

which no satisfactory memoir can henceforth be composed. One recent

biography has enjoyed this advantage. Its author, the late Mark

Pattison, wanted neither this nor any other qualification except a

keener sense of the importance of the religious and political

controversies of Milton's time. His indifference to matters so momentous

in Milton's own estimation has, in our opinion, vitiated his conception

of his hero, who is represented as persistently yielding to party what

was meant for mankind. We think, on the contrary, that such a mere man

of letters as Pattison wishes that Milton had been, could never have

produced a "Paradise Lost." If this view is well-founded, there is not

only room but need for yet another miniature "Life of Milton,"

notwithstanding the intellectual subtlety and scholarly refinement

which render Pattison's memorable. It should be noted that the recent

German biography by Stern, if adding little to Professor Masson's facts,

contributes much valuable literary illustration; and that Keighley's

analysis of Milton's opinions occupies a position of its own, of which

no subsequent biographical discoveries can deprive it. The present

writer has further to express his deep obligations to Professor Masson

for his great kindness in reading and remarking upon the proofs--not

thereby rendering himself responsible for anything in these pages; and

also to the helpful friend who has provided him with an index.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. 11

Milton born in Bread Street, Cheapside, December 9, 1608;

condition of English literature at his birth; part in its

development assigned to him; materials available for his

biography; his ancestry; his father; influences that surrounded

his boyhood; enters St. Paul's School, 1620; distinguished for

compositions in prose and verse; matriculates at Cambridge, 1625;

condition of the University at the period; his misunderstandings

with his tutor; graduates B.A., 1629, M.A., 1632; his relations

with the University; declines to take orders or follow a

profession; his first poems; retires to Horton, in

Buckinghamshire, where his father had settled, 1632

CHAPTER II. 35

Horton, its scenery and associations with Milton; Milton's studies

and poetical aspirations; exceptional nature of his poetical

development; his Latin poems; "Arcades" and "Comus" composed and

represented at the instance of Henry Lawes, 1633 and 1634; "Comus"

printed in 1637; Sir Henry Wootton's opinion of it; "Lycidas"

written in the same year, on occasion of the death of Edward King;

published in 1638; criticism on "L'Allegro" and "Il Penseroso,"

"Lycidas" and "Comus"; Milton's departure for Italy, April, 1638.

CHAPTER III. 57

State of Italy at the period of Milton's visit; his acquaintance

with Italian literati at Florence; visit to Galileo; at Rome and

Naples; returns to England, July, 1639; settles in St. Bride's

Churchyard, and devotes himself to the education of his nephews;

his elegy on his friend Diodati; removes to Aldersgate Street,

1640; his pamphlets on ecclesiastical affairs, 1641 and 1642; his

tract on Education his "Areopagitica," November, 1644; attacks the

Presbyterians.

CHAPTER IV. 83

Milton as a Parliamentarian; his sonnet, "When the Assault was

intended to the City," November, 1642; goes on a visit to the

Powell family in Oxfordshire, and returns with Mary Powell as his

wife, May and June, 1643; his domestic unhappiness; Mary Milton

leaves him, and refuses to return, July to September, 1643;

publication of his "Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce," August,

1643, and February, 1644; his father comes to live with him; he

takes additional pupils; his system of education; he courts the

daughter of Dr. Davis; his wife, alarmed, returns, and is

reconciled to him, August, 1645; he removes to the Barbican,

September, 1645; publication of his collected poems, January,

1646; he receives his wife's relatives under his roof; death of

his father, March, 1647; he writes "The Tenure of Kings and

Magistrates," February, 1649; becomes Latin Secretary to the

Commonwealth, March, 1649.

CHAPTER V. 104

Milton's duties as Latin Secretary; he drafts manifesto on the

state of Ireland; occasionally employed as licenser of the press;

commissioned to answer "Eikon Basilike"; controversy on the

authorship of this work; Milton's "Eikonoklastes" published,

October, 1649; Salmasius and his "Defensio Regia pro Carolo I.";

Milton undertakes to answer Salmasius, February, 1650; publication

of his "Pro Populo Anglicano Defensio," March, 1651; character and

complete controversial success of this work; Milton becomes

totally blind, March, 1652; his wife dies, leaving him three

daughters, May, 1652; his controversy with Morus and other

defenders of Salmasius, 1652-1655; his characters of the eminent

men of the Commonwealth; adheres to Cromwell; his views on

politics; general character of his official writings: his marriage

to Elizabeth Woodcock, and death of his wife, November,

1656-March, 1658; his nephews; his friends and recreations.

CHAPTER VI. 128

Milton's poetical projects after his return from Italy; drafts of

"Paradise Lost" among them; the poem originally designed as a

masque or miracle-play; commenced as an epic in 1658; its

composition speedily interrupted by ecclesiastical and political

controversies; Milton's "Treatise of Civil Power in Ecclesiastical

Causes," and "Considerations on the likeliest means to remove

Hirelings out of the Church"; Royalist reaction in the winter of

1659-60; Milton writes his "Ready and Easy Way to Establish a Free

Commonwealth"; conceals himself in anticipation of the

Restoration, May 7, 1660; his writings ordered to be burned by the

hangman, June 16; escapes proscription, nevertheless; arrested by

the Serjeant-at-Arms, but released by order of the Commons,

December 15; removes to Holborn; his pecuniary losses and

misfortunes; the undutiful behaviour of his daughters; marries

Elizabeth Minshull, February, 1663; lives successively in Jewin

Street and in Artillery Walk, Bunhill Fields; particulars of his

private life; "Paradise Lost" completed in or about 1663;

agreement for its publication with Samuel Symmons; difficulties

with the licenser; poem published in August, 1667.

CHAPTER VII. 152

Place of "Paradise Lost" among the great epics of the world; not

rendered obsolete by changes in belief; the inevitable defects of

its plan compensated by the poet's vital relation to the religion

of his age; Milton's conception of the physical universe; his

theology; magnificence of his poetry; his similes; his

descriptions of Paradise; inevitable falling off of the later

books; minor critical objections mostly groundless; his diction;

his indebtedness to other poets for thoughts as well as phrases;

this is not plagiarism; his versification; his Satan compared with

Calderon's Lucifer; plan of his epic, whether in any way suggested

by Andreini, Vondel, or Ochino; his majestic and unique position

in English poetry.

CHAPTER VIII. 173

Milton's migration to Chalfont St. Giles to escape the plague in

London, July, 1665; subject of "Paradise Regained" suggested to

him by the Quaker Ellwood; his losses by the Great Fire, 1666;

first edition of "Paradise Lost" entirely sold by April, 1669;

"Paradise Regained" and "Samson Agonistes" published, 1671;

criticism on these poems; Samson partly a personification of

Milton himself, partly of the English people; Milton's life in

Bunhill Fields; his daughters live apart from him; Dryden adapts

"Paradise Lost" as an opera; Milton's "History of Britain," 1670;

second editions of his poems, 1673, and of "Paradise Lost," 1674;

his "Treatise on Christian Doctrine"; fate of the manuscript;

Milton's mature religious opinions; his death and burial, 1674;

subsequent history of his widow and descendants; his personal

character.

INDEX 199

LIFE OF MILTON.

CHAPTER I.

John Milton was born on December 9, 1608, when Shakespeare had lately

produced "Antony and Cleopatra," when Bacon was writing his "Wisdom of

the Ancients" and Ralegh his "History of the World," when the English

Bible was hastening into print; when, nevertheless, in the opinion of

most foreigners and many natives, England was intellectually unpolished,

and her literature almost barbarous.

The preposterousness of this judgment as a whole must not blind us to

the fragment of truth which it included. England's literature was, in

many respects, very imperfect and chaotic. Her "singing masons" had

already built her "roofs of gold"; Hooker and one or two other great

prose-writers stood like towers: but the less exalted portions of the

edifice were still half hewn. Some literatures, like the Latin and the

French, rise gradually to the crest of their perfection; others, like

the Greek and the English, place themselves almost from the first on

their loftiest pinnacle, leaving vast gaps to be subsequently filled in.

Homer was not less the supreme poet because history was for him

literally an old song, because he would have lacked understanding for

Plato and relish for Aristophanes. Nor were Shakespeare and the

translators of the Bible less at the head of European literature because

they must have failed as conspicuously as Homer would have failed in all

things save those to which they had a call, which chanced to be the

greatest. Literature, however, cannot remain isolated at such altitudes,

it must expand or perish. As Homer's epic passed through Pindar and the

lyrical poets into drama history and philosophy, continually fitting

itself more and more to become an instrument in the ordinary affairs of

life, so it was needful that English lettered discourse should become

popular and pliant, a power in the State as well as in the study. The

magnitude of the change, from the time when the palm of popularity

decorated Sidney's "Arcadia" to that when it adorned Defoe and Bunyan,

would impress us even more powerfully if the interval were not engrossed

by a colossal figure, the last of the old school in the erudite

magnificence of his style in prose and verse; the first of the new,

inasmuch as English poetry, hitherto romantic, became in his hands

classical. This "splendid bridge from the old world to the new," as

Gibbon has been called in a different connection, was John Milton: whose

character and life-work, carefully analyzed, resolve themselves into

pairs of equally vivid contrasts. A stern Puritan, he is none the less a

freethinker in the highest and best sense of the term. The recipient of

direct poetical inspiration in a measure vouchsafed to few, he

notwithstanding studies to make himself a poet; writes little until no

other occupation than writing remains to him; and, in general, while

exhibiting even more than the usual confidence, shows less than the

usual exultation and affluence of conscious genius. Professing to

recognize his life's work in poetry, he nevertheless suffers himself to

be diverted for many a long year into political and theological

controversy, to the scandal and compassion of one of his most competent

and attached biographers. Whether this biographer is right or wrong, is

a most interesting subject for discussion. We deem him wrong, and shall

not cease to reiterate that Milton would not have been Milton if he

could have forgotten the citizen in the man of letters. Happy, at all

events, it is that this and similar problems occupy in Milton's life the

space which too frequently has to be spent upon the removal of

misconception, or the refutation of calumny. Little of a sordid sort

disturbs the sentiment of solemn reverence with which, more even than

Shakespeare's, his life is approached by his countrymen; a feeling

doubtless mainly due to the sacred nature of his principal theme, but

equally merited by the religious consecration of his whole existence. It

is the easier for the biographer to maintain this reverential attitude,

inasmuch as the prayer of Agur has been fulfilled in him, he has been

given neither poverty nor riches. He is not called upon to deal with an

enormous mass of material, too extensive to arrange, yet too important

to neglect. Nor is he, like Shakespeare's biographer, reduced to choose

between the starvation of nescience and the windy diet of conjecture. If

a humbling thought intrudes, it is how largely he is indebted to a

devoted diligence he never could have emulated; how painfully Professor

Masson's successors must resemble the Turk who builds his cabin out of

Grecian or Roman ruins.

Milton's genealogy has taxed the zeal and acumen of many investigators.

He himself merely claims a respectable ancestry (_ex genere honesto_).

His nephew Phillips professed to have come upon the root of the family

tree at Great Milton, in Oxfordshire, where tombs attested the residence

of the clan, and tradition its proscription and impoverishment in the

Wars of the Roses. Monuments, station, and confiscation have vanished

before the scrutiny of the Rev. Joseph Hunter; it can only be safely

concluded that Milton's ancestors dwelt in or near the village of

Holton, by Shotover Forest, in Oxfordshire, and that their rank in life

was probably that of yeomen. Notwithstanding Aubrey's statement that

Milton's grandfather's name was John, Mr. Hyde Clarke's researches in

the registers of the Scriveners' Company have proved that Mr. Hunter and

Professor Masson were right in identifying him with Richard Milton, of

Stanton St. John, near Holton; and Professor Masson has traced the

family a generation further back to Henry Milton, whose will, dated

November 21, 1558, attests a condition of plain comfort, nearer poverty

than riches. Henry Milton's goods at his death were inventoried at £6

19s.; when his widow's will is proved, two years afterwards, the

estimate is £7 4s. 4d. Richard, his son, is stated, but not proved, to

have been an under-ranger of Shotover Forest. He appears to have married

a widow named Jeffrey, whose maiden name had been Haughton, and who had

some connection with a Cheshire family of station. He would also seem to

have improved his circumstances by the match, which may account for the

superior education of his son John, whose birth is fixed by an affidavit

to 1562 or 1563. Aubrey, indeed, next to Phillips and Milton himself,

the chief contemporary authority, says that he was for a time at Christ

Church, Oxford--a statement in itself improbable, but slightly confirmed

by his apparent acquaintance with Latin, and the family tradition that

his course of life was diverted by a quarrel with his father. Queen

Mary's stakes and faggots had not affected Richard Milton as they

affected most Englishmen. Though churchwarden in 1582, he must have

continued to adhere to the ancient faith, for he was twice fined for

recusancy in 1601, which lends credit to the statement that his son was

cast off by him for Protestantism. "Found him reading the Bible in his

chamber," says Aubrey, who adds that the younger Milton never was a

scrivener's apprentice; but this is shown to be an error by Mr. Hyde

Clarke's discovery of his admission to the Scriveners' Company in 1599,

where he is stated to have been apprentice to James Colborn. Colborn

himself had been only four years in business, instead of the seven which

would usually be required for an apprentice to serve out his

indenture--which suggests that some formalities may have been dispensed

with on account of John Milton's age. A scrivener was a kind of cross

between an attorney and a law stationer, whose principal business was

the preparation of deeds, "to be well and truly done after my learning,

skill, and science," and with due regard to the interests of more

exalted personages. "Neither for haste nor covetousness I shall take

upon me to make any deed whereof I have not cunning, without good advice

and information of counsel." Such a calling offered excellent

opportunities for investments; and John Milton, a man of strict

integrity and frugality, came to possess a "plentiful estate." Among his

possessions was the house in Bread Street destroyed in the Great Fire.

The tenement where the poet was born, being a shop, required a sign, for

which he chose The Spread Eagle, either from the crest of such among the

Miltons as had a right to bear arms, among whom he may have reckoned

himself; or as the device of the Scriveners' Company. He had been

married about 1600 to a lady whose name has been but lately ascertained

to have been Sarah Jeffrey. John Milton the younger was the third of six

children, only three of whom survived infancy. He grew up between a

sister, Anne, several years older, and a brother, Christopher, seven

years younger than himself.

Milton's birth and nurture were thus in the centre of London; but the

London of that day had not half the population of the Liverpool of ours.

Even now the fragrance of the hay in far-off meadows may be inhaled in

Bread Street on a balmy summer's night; then the meadows were near the

doors, and the undefiled sky was reflected by an unpolluted stream.

There seems no reason to conclude that Milton, in his early boyhood,

enjoyed any further opportunities of resort to rural scenery than the

vicinity of London could afford; but if the city is his native element,

natural beauty never appeals to him in vain. Yet the influences which

moulded his childhood must have been rather moral and intellectual than

merely natural:--

"The starlight smile of children, the sweet looks

Of women, the fair breast from which I fed,"

played a greater part in the education of this poet than

"The murmur of the unreposing brooks,

And the green light which, shifting overhead,

Some tangled bower of vines around me shed,

The shells on the sea-sand, and the wild flowers."

Paramount to all other influences must have been the character of his

father, a "mute" but by no means an "inglorious" Milton, the preface and

foreshadowing of the son. His great step in life had set the son the

example from which the latter never swerved, and from him the younger

Milton derived not only the independence of thought which was to lead

him into moral and social heresy, and the fidelity to principle which

was to make him the Abdiel of the Commonwealth, but no mean share of his

poetical faculty also. His mastery of verbal harmony was but a new phase

of his father's mastery of music, which he himself recognizes as the

complement of his own poetical gift:--

"Ipse volens Phoebus se dispertire duobus,

Altera dona mihi, dedit altera dona parenti."

As a composer, the circumspect, and, as many no doubt thought prosaic

scrivener, took rank among the best of his day. One of his

compositions, now lost, was rewarded with a gold medal by a Polish

prince (Aubrey says the Landgrave of Hesse), and he appears among the

contributors to _The Triumphs of Oriana_, a set of twenty-five madrigals

composed in honour of Queen Elizabeth. "The Teares and Lamentations of a

Sorrowful Soule"--dolorous sacred songs, Professor Masson calls

them--were, according to their editor, the production of "famous

artists," among whom Byrd, Bull, Dowland, Orlando Gibbons, certainly

figure, and three of them were composed by the elder Milton. He also

harmonized the Norwich and York psalm tunes, which were adapted to six

of the Psalms in Ravenscroft's Collection. Such performance bespeaks not

only musical accomplishment, but a refined nature; and we may well

believe that Milton's love of learning, as well as his love of music,

was hereditary in its origin, and fostered by his contact with his

father. Aubrey distinctly affirms that Milton's skill on the organ was

directly imparted to him by his father, and there would be nothing

surprising if the first rudiments of knowledge were also instilled by

him. Poetry he may have taught by precept, but the one extant specimen

of his Muse is enough to prove that he could never have taught it by

example.

We have therefore to picture Milton growing up in a narrow street amid a

strict Puritan household, but not secluded from the influences of nature

or uncheered by melodious recreations; and tenderly watched over by

exemplary parents--a mother noted, he tells us, for her charities among

her neighbours, and a father who had discerned his promise from the very

first. Given this perception in the head of a religious household, it

almost followed in that age that the future poet should receive the

education of a divine. Happily, the sacerdotal caste had ceased to

exist, and the education of a clergyman meant not that of a priest, but

that of a scholar. Milton was instructed daily, he says, both at grammar

schools and under private masters, "as my age would suffer," he adds, in

acknowledgment of his father's considerateness. Like Disraeli two

centuries afterwards (perhaps the single point of resemblance), he went

for schooling to a Nonconformist in Essex, "who," says Aubrey, "cut his

hair short." His own hair? or his pupil's? queries Biography. We boldly

reply, Both. Undoubtedly Milton's hair is short in the miniature painted

of him at the age of ten by, as is believed, Cornelius Jansen. A

thoughtful little face, that of a well-nurtured, towardly boy; lacking

the poetry and spirituality of the portrait of eleven years later, where

the long hair flows down upon the ruff.

After leaving his Essex pedagogue, Milton came under the private tuition

of Thomas Young, a Scotchman from St. Andrews, who afterwards rose to be

master of Jesus College, Cambridge. It would appear from the elegies

subsequently addressed to him by his pupil that he first taught Milton

to write Latin verse. This instruction was no doubt intended to be

preliminary to the youth's entrance at St. Paul's School, where he must

have been admitted by 1620 at the latest.

At the time of Milton's entry, St. Paul's stood high among the schools

of the metropolis, competing with Merchant Taylors', Westminster, and

the now extinct St. Anthony's. The headmaster, Dr. Gill, was an

admirable scholar, though, as Aubrey records, "he had his whipping

fits." His fitful severity was probably more tolerable than the

systematic cruelty of his predecessor Mulcaster (Spenser's schoolmaster

when he presided over Merchant Taylors'), of whom Fuller approvingly

records: "Atropos might be persuaded to pity as soon as he to pardon

where he found just fault. The prayers of cockering mothers prevailed

with him as much as the requests of indulgent fathers, rather increasing

than mitigating his severity on their offending children." Milton's

father, though by no means "cockering," would not have tolerated such

discipline, and the passionate ardour with which Milton threw himself

into the studious life of the school is the best proof that he was

exempt from tyranny. "From the twelfth year of my age," he says, "I

scarcely ever went from my lessons to bed before midnight." The ordinary

school tasks cannot have exacted so much time from so gifted a boy: he

must have read largely outside the regular curriculum, and probably he

practised himself diligently in Latin verse. For this he would have the

prompting, and perhaps the aid, of the younger Gill, assistant to his

father, who, while at the University, had especially distinguished

himself by his skill in versification. Gill must also have been a man of

letters, affable and communicative, for Milton in after-years reminds

him of their "almost constant conversations," and declares that he had

never left his company without a manifest accession of literary

knowledge. The Latin school exercises have perished, but two English

productions of the period, paraphrases of Psalms executed at fifteen,

remain to attest the boy's proficiency in contemporary English

literature. Some of the unconscious borrowings attributed to him are

probably mere coincidences, but there is still enough to evince

acquaintance with "Sylvester, Spenser, Drummond, Drayton, Chaucer,

Fairfax, and Buchanan." The literary merit of these versions seems to us

to have been underrated. There may be no individual phrase beyond the

compass of an apt and sensitive boy with a turn for verse-making; but

the general tone is masculine and emphatic. There is not much to say,

but what is said is delivered with a "large utterance," prophetic of the

"os magna soniturum," and justifying his own report of his youthful

promise:--"It was found that whether aught was imposed me by them that

had the overlooking, or betaken to of mine own choice, in English or

other tongue, prosing or versing, but chiefly by this latter, the style,

by certain vital signs it had, was likely to live."

Among the incidents of Milton's life at St. Paul's School should not be

forgotten his friendship with Charles Diodati, the son of a Genevese

physician settled in England, whose father had been exiled from Italy

for his Protestantism. A friendship memorable not only as Milton's

tenderest and his first, but as one which quickened his instinctive love

of Italian literature, enhanced the pleasure, if it did not suggest the

undertaking, of his Italian pilgrimage, and doubtless helped to inspire

the execration which he launched in after years against the slayers of

the Vaudois. The Italian language is named by him among three which,

about the time of his migration to the University, he had added to the

classical and the vernacular, the other two being French and Hebrew. It

has been remarked, however, that his use of "Penseroso," incorrect both

in orthography and signification, shows that prior to his visit to Italy

he was unacquainted with the niceties of the language. He entered as "a

lesser pensioner" at Christ's College, Cambridge, on February 12, 1625;

the greatest poetic name in an University roll already including

Spenser, and destined to include Dryden, Gray, Wordsworth, Coleridge,

Byron, and Tennyson. Why Oxford was not preferred has been much debated.

The father may have taken advice from the younger Gill, whose Liberalism

had got him into trouble at that University. He may also have been

unwilling to place his son in the neighbourhood of his estranged

relatives. Shortly before Milton's matriculation his sister had married

Mr. Edward Phillips, of the office of the Clerk of the Crown, now

abolished, then charged with the issue of Parliamentary and judicial

writs. From this marriage were to spring the young men who were to find

an instructor in Milton, as he in one of them a biographer.

The external aspect of Milton's Cambridge is probably not ill

represented by Lyne's coloured map of half a century earlier, now

exhibited in the King's Library at the British Museum. Piles of stately

architecture, from King's College Chapel downward, tower all about, over

narrow, tortuous, pebble-paved streets, bordered with diminutive,

white-fronted, red-tiled dwellings, mere dolls' houses in comparison. So

modest, however, is the chartographer's standard, that a flowery Latin

inscription assures the men of Cambridge they need but divert

Trumpington Brook into Clare Ditch to render their town as elegant as

any in the universe. Sheep and swine perambulate the environs, and green

spaces are interspersed among the colleges, sparsely set with trees, so

pollarded as to justify Milton's taunt when in an ill-humour with his

university:--

"Nuda nec arva placent, umbrasque negantia molles,

Quam male Phoebicolis convenit ille locus!"

His own college stands conspicuous at the meeting of three ways, aptly

suggestive of Hecate and infernal things. Its spiritual and intellectual

physiognomy, and that of the university in general, must be learned from

the exhaustive pages of Professor Masson. A book unpublished when he

wrote, Ball's life of Dr. John Preston, Master of Emmanuel, vestige of

an entire continent of submerged Puritanism, also contributes much to

the appreciation of the place and time. We can here but briefly

characterize the University as an institution undergoing modification,

rather by the decay of the old than by the intrusion of the new. The

revolution by which mathematics became the principal instrument of

culture was still to be deferred forty years. Milton, who tells us that

he delighted in mathematics, might have been nearly ignorant of that

subject if he pleased, and hardly could become proficient in it by the

help of his Alma Mater. The scholastic philosophy, however, still

reigned. But even here tradition was shaky and undermined; and in

matters of discipline the rigid code which nominally governed the

University was practically much relaxed. The teaching staff was

respectable in character and ability, including many future bishops. But

while the academical credentials of the tutors were unimpeachable,

perhaps not one among them all could show a commission from the Spirit.

No one then at Cambridge seems to have been in the least degree capable

of arousing enthusiasm. It might not indeed have been easy for a Newman

or a Green to captivate the independent soul of Milton, even at this

susceptible period of his life; failing any approach to such external

influence, he would be likely to leave Cambridge the same man as he

entered it. Ere, indeed, he had completed a year's residence, his

studies were interrupted by a temporary rupture with the University,

probably attributable to his having been at first placed under an

uncongenial tutor. William Chappell was an Arminian and a tool of Laud,

who afterwards procured him preferment in Ireland, and, as Professor

Masson judges from his treatise on homiletics, "a man of dry, meagre

nature." His relations with such a pupil could not well be harmonious;

and Aubrey charges him with unkindness, a vague accusation rendered

tangible by the interlined gloss, "Whipt him." Hence the legend, so dear

to Johnson, that Milton was the last man to be flogged at college. But

Aubrey can hardly mean anything more than that Chappell on some occasion

struck or beat his pupil, and this interpretation is supported by

Milton's verses to Diodati, written in the spring of 1626, in which,

while acknowledging that he had been directed to withdraw from Cambridge

("_nec dudum vetiti me laris angit amor_") he expresses his intention

of speedily returning:--

"Stat quoque juncosas Cami remeare paludes,

Atque iterum raucae murmur adire scholae."

A short rustication would be just the notice the University would be

likely to take of the conduct of a pupil who had been engaged in a

scuffle with his tutor, in which the fault was not wholly or chiefly

his. Formal corporal punishment would have rendered rustication

unnecessary. That Milton was not thought wholly in the wrong appears

from his not having been mulcted of a term's residence, his absence

notwithstanding, and from the still more significant fact that Chappell

lost his pupil. His successor was Nathaniel Tovey, in whom his

patroness, the Countess of Bedford, had discerned "excellent talent."

What Milton thought of him there is nothing to show.

This temporary interruption of the smoothness of Milton's University

life occurred, as has been seen, quite early in its course. Had it

indeed implied a stigma upon him or the University, the blot would in

either case have been effaced by the perfect regularity of his

subsequent career. He went steadily through the academic course, which

to attain the degree of Master of Arts, then required seven years'

residence. He graduated as Bachelor at the proper time, March, 1629, and

proceeded Master in July, 1632. His general relations with the

University during the period may be gathered partly from his own account

in after years, when perhaps he in some degree "confounded the present

feelings with the past," partly from a remarkable passage in one of his

academical exercises, fortunately preserved to us, the importance of

which was first discerned by his editor and biographer Mitford.

Professor Masson, however, ascertained the date, which is all important.

We must picture Milton "affable, erect, and manly," as Wood describes

him, speaking from a low pulpit in the hall of Christ's College, to an

audience of various standing, from grave doctors to skittish

undergraduates, with most of whom he was in daily intercourse. The term

is the summer of 1628, about nine months before his graduation; the

words were Latin, but we resort to the version of Professor Masson:--

"Then also there drew and invited me, in no ordinary degree, to

undertake this part your very recently discovered graciousness to

me. For when, some few months ago, I was about to perform an

oratorical office before you, and was under the impression that

any lucubrations whatsoever of mine would be the reverse of

agreeable to you, and would have more merciful judges in Aeacus

and Minos than almost any of you would prove, truly, beyond my

fancy, beyond my hope if I had any, they were, as I heard, nay, as

I myself felt, received with the not ordinary applause of

all--yea, of those who at other times were, on account of

disagreements in our studies, altogether of an angry and

unfriendly spirit towards me. A generous mode of exercising

rivalry this, and not unworthy of a royal breast, if, when

friendship itself is wont often to misconstrue much that is

blamelessly done, yet then sharp and hostile enmity did not grudge

to interpret much that was perchance erroneous, and not a little,

doubtless, that was unskilfully said, more clemently than I

merited."

It is sufficiently manifest from this that after two years' residence

Milton had incurred much anger and unpopularity "on account of

disagreements in our studies," which can scarcely mean anything else

than his disapprobation of the University system. Notwithstanding this

he had been received on a former occasion with unexpected favour, and on

the present is able to say, "I triumph as one placed among the stars

that so many men, eminent for erudition, and nearly the whole University

have flocked hither." We have thus a miniature history of Milton's

connection with his Alma Mater. We see him giving offence by the freedom

of his strictures on the established practices, and misliking them so

much as to write in 1642, "Which [University] as in the time of her

better health and mine own younger judgment, I never greatly admired, so

now much less." But, on the other hand, we see his intellectual revolt

overlooked on account of his unimpeachable conduct and his brilliant

talents, and himself selected to represent his college on an occasion

when an able representative was indispensable. Cambridge had all

imaginable complacency in the scholar, it was towards the reformer that

she assumed, as afterwards towards Wordsworth, the attitude of

"Blind Authority beating with his staff

The child that would have led him."

The University and Milton made a practical covenant like Frederick the

Great and his subjects: she did what she pleased, and he thought what he

pleased. In sharp contrast with his failure to influence her educational

methods is "that more than ordinary respect which I found above any of

my equals at the hands of those courteous and learned men, the Fellows

of that College wherein I spent seven years; who, at my parting, after I

had taken two degrees, as the manner is, signified many ways how much

better it would content them that I would stay; as by many letters full

of kindness and loving respect, both before that time and long after, I

was assured of their singular good affection toward me." It may be added

here that his comeliness and his chastity gained him the appellation of

"Lady" from his fellow collegians: and the rooms at Christ's alleged to

have been his are still pointed out as deserving the veneration of poets

in any event; for whether Milton sacrificed to Apollo in them or not, it

is certain that in them Wordsworth sacrificed to Bacchus.

For Milton's own sake and ours his departure from the University was the

best thing that could have happened to him. It saved him from wasting

his time in instructing others when he ought to be instructing himself.

From the point of view of advantage to the University, it is perhaps the

most signal instance of the mischief of strictly clerical fellowships,

now happily things of the past. Only one fellowship at Christ's was

tenable by a layman: to continue in academical society, therefore, he

must have taken orders. Such had been his intention when he first

repaired to Cambridge, but the young man of twenty-three saw many

things differently from the boy of sixteen. The service of God was still

as much as ever the aim of his existence, but he now thought that not

all service was church service. How far he had become consciously

alienated from the Church's creed it is difficult to say. He was able,

at all events, to subscribe the Articles on taking his degree, and no

trace of Arianism appears in his writings for many years. As late as

1641 he speaks of "the tri-personal Deity." Curiously enough, indeed,

the ecclesiastical freethought of the day was then almost entirely

confined to moderate Royalists, Hales, Chillingworth, Falkland. But he

must have disapproved of the Church's discipline, for he disapproved of

all discipline. He would not put himself in the position of those Irish

clergymen whom Strafford frightened out of their conscientious

convictions by reminding them of their canonical obedience. This was

undoubtedly what he meant when he afterwards wrote: "Perceiving that he

who would take orders must subscribe slave." Speaking of himself a

little further on as "Church-outed by the prelates," he implies that he

would not have refused orders if he could have had them on his own

terms. As regarded Milton personally this attitude was reasonable, he

had a right to feel himself above the restraints of mere formularies;

but he spoke unadvisedly if he meant to contend that a priest should be

invested with the freedom of a Prophet. His words, however, must be

taken in connection with the peculiar circumstances of the time. It was

an era of High Church reaction, which was fast becoming a shameful

persecution. The two moderate prelates, Abbot and Williams, had for

years been in disgrace, and the Church was ruled by the well-meaning,

but sour, despotic, meddlesome bigot whom wise King James long refused

to make a bishop because "he could not see when matters were well." But

if Laud was infatuated as a statesman, he was astute as a manager; he

had the Church completely under his control, he was fast filling it with

his partisans and creatures, he was working it for every end which

Milton most abhorred, and was, in particular, allying it with a king who

in 1632 had governed three years without a Parliament. The mere thought

that he must call this hierarch his Father in God, the mere foresight

that he might probably come into collision with him, and that if he did

his must be the fate of the earthen vessel, would alone have sufficed to

deter Milton from entering the Church.

Even so resolute a spirit as Milton's could hardly contemplate the

relinquishment of every definite calling in life without misgiving, and

his friends could hardly let it pass without remonstrance. There exists

in his hand the draft of a letter of reply to the verbal admonition of

some well-wisher, to whom he evidently feels that he owes deference. His

friend seems to have thought that he was yielding to the allurements of

aimless study, neglecting to return as service what he had absorbed as

knowledge. Milton pleads that his motive must be higher than the love of

lettered ease, for that alone could never overcome the incentives that

urge him to action. "Why should not all the hopes that forward youth and

vanity are afledge with, together with gain, pride, and ambition, call

me forward more powerfully than a poor, regardless, and unprofitable

sin of curiosity should be able to withhold?" And what of the "desire of

honour and repute and immortal fame seated in the breast of every true

scholar?" That his correspondent may the better understand him, he

encloses a "Petrarchean sonnet," recently composed, on his twenty-third

birthday, not one of his best, but precious as the first of his frequent

reckonings with himself:--

"How soon hath Time, the subtle thief of youth,

Stolen on his wing my three-and-twentieth year!

My hasting days fly on with full career;

But my late spring no bud or blossom shew'th.

Perhaps my semblance might deceive the truth,

That I to manhood am arrived so near;

And inward ripeness doth much less appear,

Than some more timely-happy spirits indu'th.

Yet be it less or more, or soon or slow,

It shall be still in strictest measure even

To that same lot, however mean or high,

Towards which Time leads me, and the Will of Heaven.

All is, if I have grace to use it so,

As ever in my great Taskmaster's eye."

The poetical temperament is especially liable to misgiving and

despondency, and from this Milton evidently was not exempt. Yet he is

the same Milton who proclaimed a quarter of a century afterwards--

"I argue not

Against Heaven's hand or will, nor bate a jot

Of heart or hope; but still bear up and steer

Right onward."

There is something very fine in the steady resolution with which, after

so fully admitting to himself that his promise is yet unfulfilled, and

that appearances are against him, he recurs to his purpose, frankly

owning the while that the gift he craves is Heaven's, and his only the

application. He had received a lesson against over-confidence in the

failure of his solitary effort up to this time to achieve a work on a

large scale. To the eighth and last stanza of his poem, "The Passion of

Christ," is appended the note: "This subject the author finding to be

above the years he had when he wrote it, and nothing satisfied with what

was begun, left it unfinished." It nevertheless begins nobly, but soon

deviates into conceits, bespeaking a fatigued imagination. The "Hymn on

the Nativity," on the other hand, begins with two stanzas of far-fetched

prettiness, and goes on ringing and thundering through strophes of

ever-increasing grandeur, until the sweetness of Virgin and Child seem

in danger of being swallowed up in the glory of Christianity; when

suddenly, by an exquisite turn, the poet sinks back into his original

key, and finally harmonizes his strain by the divine repose of

concluding picture worthy of Correggio:--

"But see, the Virgin blest

Hath laid the Babe to rest;

Time is our tedious song should here have ending;

Heaven's youngest-teemed star

Hath fixed her polished car,

Her sleeping Lord with handmaid lamp attending;

And all about the courtly stable

Bright harnessed Angels sit in order serviceable."

In some degree this magnificent composition loses force in our day from

its discordance with modern sentiment. We look upon religions as

members of the same family, and are more interested in their

resemblances than their antagonisms. Moloch and Dagon themselves appear

no longer as incarnate fiends, but as the spiritual counterparts of

antediluvian monsters; and Milton's treatment of the Olympian deities

jars upon us who remember his obligations to them. If the most Hebrew of

modern poets, he still owed more to Greece than to Palestine. How living

a thing Greek mythology was to him from his earliest years appears from

his college vacation exercise of 1628, where there are lines which, if

one did not know to be Milton's, one would declare to be Keats's. Among

his other compositions by the time of his quitting Cambridge are to be

named the superb verses, "At a Solemn Music," perhaps the most perfect

expression of his ideal of song; the pretty but over fanciful lines, "On

a fair Infant dying of a cough;" and the famous panegyric of

Shakespeare, a fancy made impressive by dignity and sonority of

utterance.

With such earnest of a true vocation, Milton betook himself to

retirement at Horton, a village between Colnbrook and Datchet, in the

south-eastern corner of Buckinghamshire, county of nightingales, where

his father had settled himself on his retirement from business. This

retreat of the elder Milton may be supposed to have taken place in 1632,

for in that year he took his clerk into partnership, probably devolving

the larger part of the business upon him. But it may have been earlier,

for in 1626 Milton tells Diodati--

"Nos quoque lucus habet vicina consitus ulmo,

Atque suburbani nobilis umbra loci."

And in a college declamation, which cannot have been later than 1632, he

"calls to witness the groves and rivers, and the beloved village elms,

under which in the last past summer I remember having had supreme

delight with the Muses, when I too, among rural scenes and remote

forests, seemed as if I could have grown and vegetated through a hidden

eternity."

Life of John Milton · 第 1 / 9 章