CHAPTER III.

THE REFUGES OF EFFICIENCY.

Will efficiency then, you may well ask, when driven out of all public

employment, find refuge somewhere? Certainly it will. In private

employments and in employments paid by public companies. Barristers,

solicitors, doctors, business men, manufacturers and authors are not

paid by the state, nor are engineers, mechanics, railway employees; and

so far from their efficiency being a bar to their employment, it is

their most valuable asset. When a man consults his lawyer or his medical

adviser he obviously has no interest in their politics, and when a

railway company chooses an engineer, it enquires into his qualifications

and ability and is quite indifferent as to whether his political views

coincide with the general mentality of the people.

It is for this reason, or at least partly for this reason, that

democracy tries to nationalise all employment, as a step in the

direction of the nationalisation of everything. For instance it can

partly nationalise the medical profession by establishing appointments

for doctors, at relief offices, schools, and _lycees_. It can also

partly nationalise the legal profession by appointing state-paid

professors of law.

Already the State has considerable control over this class of person,

for most of them have relations in government employment, whom they do

not wish to bring into bad odour by seeming hostile to the opinions of

the majority. The State, however, wants to hold them in still tighter

control by seizing every opportunity of nationalising and socialising

them more completely.

The State wants also to destroy all large associations, and to absorb

their activities. The state purchase of a railway, for instance, is, in

the first place, a means of exploiting the company; for there is always

a hope that the State will be able to filch something out of the

transaction; but its chief recommendation lies in the fact that it

suppresses a whole army of the company's officials and employees, who

were under no obligation to please the Government, and who had no other

interest but to do their work properly. The State will thus transform

this free population into government employees, whose primary duty is to

be docile and subservient.

Under the extreme form and under the complete form of this regime, that

is to say under socialism, everyone will be a government official.

Consequently, say the Socialist theorists, all the alleged drawbacks

above mentioned will disappear. The State, the democracy, the dominant

party, whatever you choose to call it, will no longer be obliged to

select its servants, as you say it does, by reason of their subservience

and their incompetence, because every citizen will be an official. Thus

too will disappear that dual social system, under which half the

population lives on the State, while the other half is independent, and

prides itself on its superiority in character, in intelligence and in

efficiency. Socialism solves the problem.

I do not agree. Under socialism, the electoral system, and, therefore,

the party system will still exist. The citizens will choose the

legislators, the legislators will choose the Government, and the

Government will choose the directors of labour and the distributors of

the means of subsistence. Parties, that is, combinations of interests,

will still exist, and each party will want to capture the legislature in

order to secure the election, from its own number, of the directors of

labour and the distributors of the means of subsistence. These directors

and distributors will be the new aristocrats of socialism, and they will

be expected to arrange "soft jobs" and ampler rations for the members of

their own group or party.

Except that wealth and the last vestiges of liberty have been

suppressed, nothing has been changed, and all the objections above

mentioned still hold. There is no solution here.

If it were a solution, then the socialist government could not long

remain elective. It would have to reign by divine right, like the

Jesuits in Paraguay. It would have to be a despotism, not only in its

policy but in its origin, in fact a monarchy. No intelligent king has

any inducement to choose incompetent men as his officials. His interest

would lead him to do exactly the opposite. You will say that an

intelligent king is a very rare, even an abnormal thing. I readily

agree. Except in a very few instances, which history records with

amazement, a king has exactly the same reasons as the people for

selecting as his favourites men who will not eclipse nor contradict him,

and who consequently seldom turn out to be the best of citizens either

in respect of intelligence or character. Elective socialism and despotic

socialism have the same faults as democracy as we understand the term.

Besides, in truth, the drift of democracy towards socialism is nothing

but a reversion to despotism. If socialism were established, it would

begin by being elective, and as every elective system lives and breathes

and has its being in the party system, the dominant party would elect

the legislature, consequently it would constitute the Government and

would extort from that Government, simply because it has the power to

extort it, every conceivable form of privilege. Exploitation of the

country by the majority would result, as in every country where elective

government prevails.

A socialist government therefore is primarily an oligarchy of directors

of labour and distributors of subsistence. It is a very close oligarchy,

for those beneath it are quite defenceless, levelled down to an

equality of poverty and misery. It is a form of government very

difficult to replace, for it holds in its hands the threads of such an

intricate organisation that it must be protected against crude attempts

to change it, and so it tends to be a permanent oligarchy. It would

therefore concentrate very quickly round a leader, or at any rate,

relegate to the second rank the national representatives and the

electorate.

Such a course of events would be very similar to what occurred under the

First Empire in France, when the military caste eclipsed and domineered

over everything. It became continuously necessary to the State, and

though that necessity passed away, it was soon recalled. The caste then

closed its ranks round the leader who gave it unity, and the strength of

unity.

* * * * *

So under socialism, more slowly and perhaps after the lapse of a

generation, the directors of labour and the distributors of food,

peaceful Janissaries of the new order, would form themselves into a

caste, very close, very coherent, and (unlike legislators for whom an

executive council can always be substituted), quite indispensable, and

would close their ranks round a chief who would give them unity and the

strength of unity.

Before we knew socialism, we used to say that democracy tended naturally

to despotism. The situation seems somewhat changed, and we might now say

that it tends to socialism: really nothing has changed. For in tending

towards socialism it is towards despotism that it tends. Socialism is

not conscious of this, for it imagines that it is journeying towards

equality, but out of these utopias of equality it is ever despotism that

emerges.

But this is a digression which refers to the future; let us return to

the matter in hand.

The cult of incompetence · 第 3 / 12 章