_Philistinism!_[140]--we have not the expression in English. Perhaps we

have not the word because we have so much of the thing. At Soli, I

imagine, they did not talk of solecisms;[141] and here, at the very

headquarters of Goliath, nobody talks of Philistinism. The French have

adopted the term _épicier_ (grocer), to designate the sort of being whom

the Germans designate by the Philistine; but the French term--besides

that it casts a slur upon a respectable class, composed of living and

susceptible members, while the original Philistines are dead and buried

long ago--is really, I think, in itself much less apt and expressive

than the German term. Efforts have been made to obtain in English some

term equivalent to _Philister_ or _épicier_; Mr. Carlyle has made

several such efforts: "respectability with its thousand gigs,"[142] he

says;--well, the occupant of every one of these gigs is, Mr. Carlyle

means, a Philistine. However, the word _respectable_ is far too valuable

a word to be thus perverted from its proper meaning; if the English are

ever to have a word for the thing we are speaking of,--and so

prodigious are the changes which the modern spirit is introducing, that

even we English shall perhaps one day come to want such a word,--I think

we had much better take the term _Philistine_ itself.

_Philistine_ must have originally meant, in the mind of those who

invented the nickname, a strong, dogged, unenlightened opponent of the

chosen people, of the children of the light. The party of change, the

would-be remodellers of the old traditional European order, the invokers

of reason against custom, the representatives of the modern spirit in

every sphere where it is applicable, regarded themselves, with the

robust self-confidence natural to reformers as a chosen people, as

children of the light. They regarded their adversaries as humdrum

people, slaves to routine, enemies to light; stupid and oppressive, but

at the same time very strong. This explains the love which Heine, that

Paladin of the modern spirit, has for France; it explains the preference

which he gives to France over Germany: "The French," he says, "are the

chosen people of the new religion, its first gospels and dogmas have

been drawn up in their language; Paris is the new Jerusalem, and the

Rhine is the Jordan which divides the consecrated land of freedom from

the land of the Philistines."[143] He means that the French, as a

people, have shown more accessibility to ideas than any other people;

that prescription and routine have had less hold upon them than upon any

other people; that they have shown most readiness to move and to alter

at the bidding (real or supposed) of reason. This explains, too, the

detestation which Heine had for the English: "I might settle in

England," he says, in his exile, "if it were not that I should find

there two things, coal-smoke and Englishmen; I cannot abide either."

What he hated in the English was the "ächtbrittische Beschränktheit," as

he calls it,--the _genuine British narrowness_. In truth, the English,

profoundly as they have modified the old Middle-Age order, great as is

the liberty which they have secured for themselves, have in all their

changes proceeded, to use a familiar expression, by the rule of thumb;

what was intolerably inconvenient to them they have suppressed, and as

they have suppressed it, not because it was irrational, but because it

was practically inconvenient, they have seldom in suppressing it

appealed to reason, but always, if possible, to some precedent, or form,

or letter, which served as a convenient instrument for their purpose,

and which saved them from the necessity of recurring to general

principles. They have thus become, in a certain sense, of all people the

most inaccessible to ideas and the most impatient of them; inaccessible

to them, because of their want of familiarity with them; and impatient

of them because they have got on so well without them, that they despise

those who, not having got on as well as themselves, still make a fuss

for what they themselves have done so well without. But there has

certainly followed from hence, in this country, somewhat of a general

depression of pure intelligence: Philistia has come to be thought by us

the true Land of Promise, and it is anything but that; the born lover of

ideas, the born hater of commonplaces, must feel in this country, that

the sky over his head is of brass and iron. The enthusiast for the idea,

for reason, values reason, the idea, in and for themselves; he values

them, irrespectively of the practical conveniences which their triumph

may obtain for him; and the man who regards the possession of these

practical conveniences as something sufficient in itself, something

which compensates for the absence or surrender of the idea, of reason,

is, in his eyes, a Philistine. This is why Heine so often and so

mercilessly attacks the liberals; much as he hates conservatism he hates

Philistinism even more, and whoever attacks conservatism itself ignobly,

not as a child of light, not in the name of the idea, is a Philistine.

Our Cobbett[144] is thus for him, much as he disliked our clergy and

aristocracy whom Cobbett attacked, a Philistine with six fingers on

every hand and on every foot six toes, four-and-twenty in number: a

Philistine, the staff of whose spear is like a weaver's beam. Thus he

speaks of him:--

"While I translate Cobbett's words, the man himself comes bodily before

my mind's eye, as I saw him at that uproarious dinner at the Crown and

Anchor Tavern, with his scolding red face and his radical laugh, in

which venomous hate mingles with a mocking exultation at his enemies'

surely approaching downfall. He is a chained cur, who falls with equal

fury on every one whom he does not know, often bites the best friend of

the house in his calves, barks incessantly, and just because of this

incessantness of his barking cannot get listened to, even when he barks

at a real thief. Therefore the distinguished thieves who plunder England

do not think it necessary to throw the growling Cobbett a bone to stop

his mouth. This makes the dog furiously savage, and he shows all his

hungry teeth. Poor old Cobbett! England's dog! I have no love for thee,

for every vulgar nature my soul abhors: but thou touchest me to the

inmost soul with pity, as I see how thou strainest in vain to break

loose and to get at those thieves, who make off with their booty before

thy very eyes, and mock at thy fruitless springs and thine impotent

howling."[145]

There is balm in Philistia as well as in Gilead. A chosen circle of

children of the modern spirit, perfectly emancipated from prejudice and

commonplace, regarding the ideal side of things in all its efforts for

change, passionately despising half-measures and condescension to human

folly and obstinacy,--with a bewildered, timid, torpid multitude

behind,--conducts a country to the government of Herr von Bismarck. A

nation regarding the practical side of things in its efforts for change,

attacking not what is irrational, but what is pressingly inconvenient,

and attacking this as one body, "moving altogether if it move at all,"

[146] and treating children of light like the very harshest of

step-mothers, comes to the prosperity and liberty of modern England. For

all that, however, Philistia (let me say it again) is not the true

promised land, as we English commonly imagine it to be; and our

excessive neglect of the idea, and consequent inaptitude for it,

threatens us, at a moment when the idea is beginning to exercise a real

power in human society, with serious future inconvenience, and, in the

meanwhile, cuts us off from the sympathy of other nations, which feel

its power more than we do.

But, in 1830, Heine very soon found that the fire-engines of the German

governments were too much for his direct efforts at incendiarism. "What

demon drove me," he cries, "to write my _Reisebilder_, to edit a

newspaper, to plague myself with our time and its interests, to try and

shake the poor German Hodge out of his thousand years' sleep in his

hole? What good did I get by it? Hodge opened his eyes, only to shut

them again immediately; he yawned, only to begin snoring again the next

minute louder than ever; he stretched his stiff ungainly limbs, only to

sink down again directly afterwards, and lie like a dead man in the old

bed of his accustomed habits. I must have rest; but where am I to find a

resting-place? In Germany I can no longer stay."

This is Heine's jesting account of his own efforts to rouse Germany: now

for his pathetic account of them; it is because he unites so much wit

with so much pathos that he is so effective a writer:--

"The Emperor Charles the Fifth[147] sate in sore straits, in the Tyrol,

encompassed by his enemies. All his knights and courtiers had forsaken

him; not one came to his help. I know not if he had at that time the

cheese face with which Holbein has painted him for us. But I am sure

that under lip of his, with its contempt for mankind, stuck out even

more than it does in his portraits. How could he but contemn the tribe

which in the sunshine of his prosperity had fawned on him so devotedly,

and now, in his dark distress, left him all alone? Then suddenly his

door opened, and there came in a man in disguise, and, as he threw back

his cloak, the Kaiser recognized in him his faithful Conrad von der

Rosen, the court jester. This man brought him comfort and counsel, and

he was the court jester!

"'O German fatherland! dear German people! I am thy Conrad von der

Rosen. The man whose proper business was to amuse thee, and who in good

times should have catered only for thy mirth, makes his way into thy

prison in time of need; here, under my cloak, I bring thee thy sceptre

and crown; dost thou not recognize me, my Kaiser? If I cannot free thee,

I will at least comfort thee, and thou shalt at least have one with thee

who will prattle with thee about thy sorest affliction, and whisper

courage to thee, and love thee, and whose best joke and best blood shall

be at thy service. For thou, my people, art the true Kaiser, the true

lord of the land; thy will is sovereign, and more legitimate far than

that purple _Tel est notre plaisir_, which invokes a divine right with

no better warrant than the anointings of shaven and shorn jugglers; thy

will, my people, is the sole rightful source of power. Though now thou

liest down in thy bonds, yet in the end will thy rightful cause prevail;

the day of deliverance is at hand, a new time is beginning. My Kaiser,

the night is over, and out there glows the ruddy dawn.'

"'Conrad von der Rosen, my fool, thou art mistaken; perhaps thou takest

a headsman's gleaming axe for the sun, and the red of dawn is only

blood.'

"'No, my Kaiser, it is the sun, though it is rising in the west; these

six thousand years it has always risen in the east; it is high time

there should come a change.'

"'Conrad von der Rosen, my fool, thou hast lost the bells out of thy red

cap, and it has now such an odd look, that red cap of thine!'

"'Ah, my Kaiser, thy distress has made me shake my head so hard and

fierce, that the fool's bells have dropped off my cap; the cap is none

the worse for that.'

"'Conrad von der Rosen, my fool, what is that noise of breaking and

cracking outside there?'

"'Hush! that is the saw and the carpenter's axe, and soon the doors of

thy prison will be burst open, and thou wilt be free, my Kaiser!'

"'Am I then really Kaiser? Ah, I forgot, it is the fool who tells me

so!'

"'Oh, sigh not, my dear master, the air of thy prison makes thee so

desponding! when once thou hast got thy rights again, thou wilt feel

once more the bold imperial blood in thy veins, and thou wilt be proud

like a Kaiser, and violent, and gracious, and unjust, and smiling, and

ungrateful, as princes are.'

"'Conrad von der Rosen, my fool, when I am free, what wilt thou do

then?'

"'I will then sew new bells on to my cap.'

"'And how shall I recompense thy fidelity?'

"'Ah, dear master, by not leaving me to die in a ditch!'"[148]

I wish to mark Heine's place in modern European literature, the scope of

his activity, and his value. I cannot attempt to give here a detailed

account of his life, or a description of his separate works. In May 1831

he went over his Jordan, the Rhine, and fixed himself in his new

Jerusalem, Paris. There, henceforward, he lived, going in general to

some French watering-place in the summer, but making only one or two

short visits to Germany during the rest of his life. His works, in verse

and prose, succeeded each other without stopping; a collected edition of

them, filling seven closely-printed octavo volumes, has been published

in America;[149] in the collected editions of few people's works is

there so little to skip. Those who wish for a single good specimen of

him should read his first important work, the work which made his

reputation, the _Reisebilder_, or "Travelling Sketches": prose and

verse, wit and seriousness, are mingled in it, and the mingling of these

is characteristic of Heine, and is nowhere to be seen practised more

naturally and happily than in his _Reisebilder_. In 1847 his health,

which till then had always been perfectly good, gave way. He had a kind

of paralytic stroke. His malady proved to be a softening of the spinal

marrow: it was incurable; it made rapid progress. In May 1848, not a

year after his first attack, he went out of doors for the last time; but

his disease took more than eight years to kill him. For nearly eight

years he lay helpless on a couch, with the use of his limbs gone, wasted

almost to the proportions of a child, wasted so that a woman could carry

him about; the sight of one eye lost, that of the other greatly dimmed,

and requiring, that it might be exercised, to have the palsied eyelid

lifted and held up by the finger; all this, and besides this, suffering

at short intervals paroxysms of nervous agony. I have said he was not

preëminently brave; but in the astonishing force of spirit with which he

retained his activity of mind, even his gayety, amid all his suffering,

and went on composing with undiminished fire to the last, he was truly

brave. Nothing could clog that aërial lightness. "Pouvez-vous siffler?"

his doctor asked him one day, when he was almost at his last gasp;--

"siffler," as every one knows, has the double meaning of _to whistle_

and _to hiss_:--"Hélas! non," was his whispered answer; "pas même une

comédie de M. Scribe!" M. Scribe[150] is, or was, the favorite

dramatist of the French Philistine. "My nerves," he said to some one who

asked him about them in 1855, the year of the great Exhibition in Paris,

"my nerves are of that quite singularly remarkable miserableness of

nature, that I am convinced they would get at the Exhibition the grand

medal for pain and misery." He read all the medical books which treated

of his complaint. "But," said he to some one who found him thus engaged,

"what good this reading is to do me I don't know, except that it will

qualify me to give lectures in heaven on the ignorance of doctors on

earth about diseases of the spinal marrow." What a matter of grim

seriousness are our own ailments to most of us! yet with this gayety

Heine treated his to the end. That end, so long in coming, came at last.

Heine died on the 17th of February, 1856, at the age of fifty-eight. By

his will he forbade that his remains should be transported to Germany.

He lies buried in the cemetery of Montmartre, at Paris.

His direct political action was null, and this is neither to be wondered

at nor regretted; direct political action is not the true function of

literature, and Heine was a born man of letters. Even in his favorite

France the turn taken by public affairs was not at all what he wished,

though he read French politics by no means as we in England, most of us,

read them. He thought things were tending there to the triumph of

communism; and to a champion of the idea like Heine, what there is gross

and narrow in communism was very repulsive. "It is all of no use," he

cried on his death-bed, "the future belongs to our enemies, the

Communists, and Louis Napoleon[151] is their John the Baptist." "And

yet,"--he added with all his old love for that remarkable entity, so

full of attraction for him, so profoundly unknown in England, the French

people,--"do not believe that God lets all this go forward merely as a

grand comedy. Even though the Communists deny him to-day, he knows

better than they do, that a time will come when they will learn to

believe in him." After 1831, his hopes of soon upsetting the German

Governments had died away, and his propagandism took another, a more

truly literary, character.

It took the character of an intrepid application of the modern spirit to

literature. To the ideas with which the burning questions of modern life

filled him, he made all his subject-matter minister. He touched all the

great points in the career of the human race, and here he but followed

the tendency of the wide culture of Germany; but he touched them with a

wand which brought them all under a light where the modern eye cares

most to see them, and here he gave a lesson to the culture of Germany,--

so wide, so impartial, that it is apt to become slack and powerless, and

to lose itself in its materials for want of a strong central idea round

which to group all its other ideas. So the mystic and romantic school of

Germany lost itself in the Middle Ages, was overpowered by their

influence, came to ruin by its vain dreams of renewing them. Heine, with

a far profounder sense of the mystic and romantic charm of the Middle

Age than Goerres, or Brentano, or Arnim,[152] Heine the chief romantic

poet of Germany, is yet also much more than a romantic poet: he is a

great modern poet, he is not conquered by the Middle Age, he has a

talisman by which he can feel--along with but above the power of the

fascinating Middle Age itself--the power of modern ideas.

A French critic of Heine thinks he has said enough in saying that Heine

proclaimed in German countries, with beat of drum, the ideas of 1789,

and that at the cheerful noise of his drum the ghosts of the Middle Age

took to flight. But this is rather too French an account of the matter.

Germany, that vast mine of ideas, had no need to import ideas, as such,

from any foreign country; and if Heine had carried ideas, as such, from

France into Germany, he would but have been carrying coals to Newcastle.

But that for which, France, far less meditative than Germany, is

eminent, is the prompt, ardent, and practical application of an idea,

when she seizes it, in all departments of human activity which admit it.

And that in which Germany most fails, and by failing in which she

appears so helpless and impotent, is just the practical application of

her innumerable ideas. "When Candide," says Heine himself, "came to

Eldorado, he saw in the streets a number of boys who were playing with

gold-nuggets instead of marbles. This degree of luxury made him imagine

that they must be the king's children, and he was not a little

astonished when he found that in Eldorado gold-nuggets are of no more

value than marbles are with us, and that the schoolboys play with them.

A similar thing happened to a friend of mine, a foreigner, when he came

to Germany and first read German books. He was perfectly astounded at

the wealth of ideas which he found in them; but he soon remarked that

ideas in Germany are as plentiful as gold-nuggets in Eldorado, and that

those writers whom he had taken for intellectual princes, were in

reality only common schoolboys."[153] Heine was, as he calls himself,

a "Child of the French Revolution," an "Initiator," because he

vigorously assured the Germans that ideas were not counters or marbles,

to be played with for their own sake; because he exhibited in literature

modern ideas applied with the utmost freedom, clearness, and

originality. And therefore he declared that the great task of his life

had been the endeavor to establish a cordial relation between France and

Germany. It is because he thus operates a junction between the French

spirit and German ideas and German culture, that he founds something

new, opens a fresh period, and deserves the attention of criticism far

more than the German poets his contemporaries, who merely continue an

old period till it expires. It may be predicted that in the literature

of other countries, too, the French spirit is destined to make its

influence felt,--as an element, in alliance with the native spirit, of

novelty and movement,--as it has made its influence felt in German

literature; fifty years hence a critic will be demonstrating to our

grandchildren how this phenomenon has come to pass.

We in England, in our great burst of literature during the first thirty

years of the present century, had no manifestation of the modern spirit,

as this spirit manifests itself in Goethe's works or Heine's. And the

reason is not far to seek. We had neither the German wealth of ideas,

nor the French enthusiasm for applying ideas. There reigned in the mass

of the nation that inveterate inaccessibility to ideas, that

Philistinism,--to use the German nickname,--which reacts even on the

individual genius that is exempt from it. In our greatest literary

epoch, that of the Elizabethan age,[154] English society at large was

accessible to ideas, was permeated by them, was vivified by them, to a

degree which has never been reached in England since. Hence the unique

greatness in English literature of Shakespeare and his contemporaries.

They were powerfully upheld by the intellectual life of their nation;

they applied freely in literature the then modern ideas,--the ideas of

the Renascence and the Reformation. A few years afterwards the great

English middle class, the kernel of the nation, the class whose

intelligent sympathy had upheld a Shakespeare, entered the prison of

Puritanism, and had the key turned on its spirit there for two hundred

years. _He enlargeth a nation_, says Job, _and straiteneth it again._

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Selections from the Prose Works of Matthew Arnold · 第 10 / 27 段