Randolph’s Point is, no doubt, a very strong position. The edges of the

plateau command the rear of the batteries below; the ravines in the

bluff would give cover to a large force of riflemen, who could render

the batteries untenable if taken from the river face, unless the camp in

their rear on the top of the plateau was carried. Great loss of life,

and probable failure, would result from any attack on the works from the

river merely. But a flotilla might get past the guns without any serious

loss, in the present state of their service and equipment; and there is

nothing I saw to prevent the landing of a force on the banks of the

river, which, with a combined action on the part of an adequate force of

gun-boats, could carry the position. As the river falls, the round-shot

fire of the guns will be even less effective. The general is providing

water for the camp, by means of large cisterns dug in the ground, which

will be filled with water from the river by steam-power. The officers of

the army of Tennessee with whom I spoke were plain, farmerly planters,

merchants, and lawyers, and the heads of the department were in no

respect better than their inferiors by reason of any military

acquirements, but were shrewd, energetic, common sense men. The officer

in command of the works, however, understood his business, apparently,

and was well supported by the artillery officer. There were, I was told,

eight pieces of field-artillery disposable for the defence of the camp.

Having returned to the steamer, the party proceeded up the river to

another small camp in defence of a battery of four guns, or rather of a

small parallelogram of soft sand covering a man a little higher than the

knee, with four guns mounted in it on the river face. No communication

exists through the woods between the two camps, which must be six or

seven miles apart. The force stationed here was composed principally of

gentlemen. They were all in uniform. A detachment worked one of the

guns, which the general wished to see fired with round shot. In five or

six minutes after the order was given the gun was loaded, and the word

given, “Fire.” The gunner pulled the lanyard hard, but the tube did not

explode. Another was tried. A strong jerk pulled it out bent and

incombustible. A third was inserted which came out broken. The fourth

time was the charm, and the ball was projected about sixty yards to the

right and one hundred yards short of the mark--a stump, some 1,200 yards

distant, in the river. It must be remembered that there are no disparts,

tangents, or elevating screws to the guns; the officer was obliged to

lay it by the eye with a plain chock of wood. The general explained that

the friction tubes were the results of an experiment he was making to

manufacture them, but I agreed with one of the officers, who muttered in

my ear, “The old linstock and portfire are a darned deal better.” There

were no shells, I could see, in the battery, and, on inquiry, I learned

the fuses were made of wood at Memphis, and were not considered by the

officers at all trustworthy. Powder is so scarce that all salutes are

interdicted, except to the governor of the state. In the two camps there

were, I was informed, about 4,000 men. My eyesight, as far as I went,

confirmed me of the existence of some 1,800, but I did not visit all the

outlying tents. On landing, the band had played “God Save the Queen” and

“Dixie’s Land;” on returning, we had the “Marseillaise” and the national

anthem of the Southern Confederation; and by way of parenthesis, it may

be added, if you do not already know the fact, that “Dixie’s Land” is a

synonym for heaven. It appears that there was once a good planter, named

“Dixie,” who died at some period unknown, to the intense grief of his

animated property. They found expression for their sorrow in song, and

consoled themselves by clamoring in verse for their removal to the land

to which Dixie had departed, and where, probably, the revered spirit

would be greatly surprised to find himself in their company. Whether

they were ill-treated after he died, and thus had reason to deplore his

removal, or merely desired heaven in the abstract, nothing known enables

me to assert. But Dixie’s Land is now generally taken to mean the

seceded states, where Mr. Dixie certainly is not, at this present

writing. The song and air are the composition of the organized African

association, for the advancement of music and their own profit, which

sings in New York, and it may be as well to add, that in all my tour in

the South, I heard little melody from lips black or white, and only once

heard negroes singing in the fields.

Several sick men were put on board the steamboat, and were laid on

mattresses on deck. I spoke to them, and found they were nearly all

suffering from diarrhœa, and that they had had no medical attendance

in camp. All the doctors want to fight, and the medical service of the

Tennessee troops is very defective. As I was going down the river, I had

some interesting conversation with General Clark, who commands about

5,000 troops of the Confederate States, at present quartered in two

camps at Tennessee, on these points. He told me the commissariat and the

medical service had given him the greatest annoyance, and confessed some

desertions and courts-martial had occurred. Guard-mounting and its

accessory duties were performed in a most slovenly manner, and the

German troops, from the Southern parts, were particularly disorderly. It

was late in the afternoon when I reached Memphis. I may mention,

_obiter_, that the captain of the steamer, talking of arms, gave me a

notion of the sense of security he felt on board his vessel. From under

his pillow he pulled one of his two Derringer pistols, and out of his

clothes-press he produced a long heavy rifle, and a double gun, which

was, he said, capital with ball and buckshot.

_June 19._--Up at three A. M., to get ready for the train at five, which

will take me out of Dixie’s Land to Cairo. If the owners of the old

hostelries in the Egyptian city were at all like their Tennesseean

fellow-craftsmen in the upstart institution which takes its name, I

wonder how Herodotus managed to pay his way. My sable attendant quite

entered into our feelings, and was rewarded accordingly. At five A. M.,

covered with dust, contracted in a drive through streets which seem

“paved with waves of mud,” to use the phrase of a Hibernian gentleman

connected with the luggage department of the omnibus, “only the mud was

all dust,” to use my own, I started in the cars along with some

Confederate officers and several bottles of whiskey, which at that early

hour was considered by my unknown companions as a highly efficient

prophylactic against the morning dews, but it appeared that these dews

are of such a deadly character, that, in order to guard against their

affects, one must become dead drunk. The same remedy, I am assured, is

sovereign against rattlesnake bites. I can assure the friends of those

gentlemen that they were amply fortified against any amount of dew or

rattlesnake poison before they got to the end of their whiskey, so great

was the supply. By the Memphis papers, it seems as if that institution

of blood prevailed there as in New Orleans, for I read in my papers, as

I went along, of two murders and one shooting as the incidents of the

previous day, contributed by the “local.”

To contrast with this low state of social existence there must be a high

condition of moral feeling, for the journal I was reading contained a

very elaborate article to show the wickedness of any one paying his

debts, and of any state acknowledging its liabilities, which would

constitute an individual _vade mecum_ for Basinghall street. At Humboldt

there was what is called a change of cars--a process that all the

philosophy of the Baron could not have enabled him to endure without

some loss of temper, for there was a whole Kosmos of southern patriotism

assembled at the station, burning with the fires of liberty, and bent on

going to the camp at Union City, forty-six miles away, where the

Confederate forces of Tennessee, aided by Mississippi regiments, are out

under the greenwood tree. Their force was irresistible, particularly as

there were numbers of relentless citizenesses--what the American papers

call “quite a crowd”--as the advanced guard of the invading army. While

the original occupants were being compressed or expelled by

crinoline--that all absorbing, defensive and aggressive article of

feminine war reigns here in wide-spread, iron-bound circles--I took

refuge on the platform, where I made, in an involuntary way, a good many

acquaintances in this sort: “Sir, my name is Jones--Judge Jones, of

Pumpkin County. I am happy to know you, sir.” We shake hands

affectionately. “Colonel (Jones’ _loquitur_), allow me to introduce you

to my friend, Mr. Scribble! Colonel Maggs, Mr. Scribble.” The colonel

shakes hands and immediately darts off to a circle of his friends, whom

he introduces, and they each introduce some one else to me, and,

finally, I am introduced to the engine-driver, who is really an

acquaintance of value, for he is good enough to give me a seat on his

engine, and the bell tolls, the steam trumpet bellows, and we move from

the station an hour behind time, and with twice the number of passengers

the cars were meant to contain. Our engineer did his best to overcome

his difficulties, and we rushed rapidly, if not steadily, through a

wilderness of forest and tangled brakes, through which the rail, without

the smallest justification, performed curves and twists, indicative of a

desire on the part of the engineer to consume the greatest amount of

rail on the shortest extent of line. My companion was a very intelligent

Southern gentleman, formerly editor of a newspaper. We talked of the

crime of the country, of the brutal shootings and stabbings which

disgraced it. He admitted their existence with regret, but he could

advise and suggest no remedy. “The rowdies have rushed in upon us, so

that we can’t master them.” “Is the law powerless?” “Well, sir, you see

these men got hold of those who should administer the law, or they are

too powerful or too reckless to be kept down.” “That is a reign of

terror--of mob ruffianism?” “It don’t hurt respectable people much; but

I agree with you it must be put down.” “When--how?” “Well, sir, when

things are settled, we’ll just take the law into our hands. Not a man

shall have a vote unless he’s American-born, and, by degrees, we’ll get

rid of these men who disgrace us.” “Are not many of your regiments

composed of Germans and Irish--of foreigners, in fact?” “Yes, sir.” I

did not suggest to him the thought which rose in my mind, that these

gentlemen, if successful, would be very little inclined to abandon their

rights while they had arms in their hands; but it occurred to me as well

that this would be rather a poor reward for the men who were engaged in

establishing the Southern Confederacy. The attempt may fail, but

assuredly I have heard it expressed too often to doubt that there is a

determination on the part of the leaders in the movement to take away

the suffrage from the men whom they do not scruple to employ in fighting

their battles. If they cut the throats of the enemy they will stifle

their own sweet voices at the same time, or soon afterward--a capital

recompense to their emigrant soldiers!

The portion of Tennessee traversed by the railroad is not very

attractive, for it is nearly uncleared. In the sparse clearings were

fields of Indian corn, growing amid blackened stumps of trees and rude

log shanties, and the white population which looked out upon us was

poorly housed at least, if not badly clad. At last we reached Corinth.

It would have been scarcely recognizable by Mummius--even if he had

ruined his old handiwork over again. This proudly-named spot consisted,

apparently, of a grog-shop in wood, and three shanties of a similar

material, with out-offices to match, and the Acro-Corinth was a grocery

store, of which the proprietors had no doubt gone to the wars, as it was

shut up, and their names were suspiciously Milesian. But, if Corinth was

not imposing, Troy, which we reached after a long run through a forest

of virgin timber, was still simpler in architecture and general design.

It was too new for “_Troja fuit_,” and the general “fixins” would

scarcely authorize one to say “_Troja fuerit_.”

The Dardanian Towers were represented by a timber house, and Helen the

Second--whom we may take on this occasion to have been simulated by an

old lady smoking a pipe, whom I saw in the verandah--could have set them

on fire much more readily than did her interesting prototype ignite the

city of Priam. The rest of the place, and of the inhabitants, as I saw

it and them, might be considered as an agglomerate of three or four

sheds, a few log huts, a saw-mill, and some twenty negroes sitting on a

log and looking at the train. From Troy the road led to a cypress swamp,

over which the engines bustled, rattled, tumbled, and hopped at a

perilous rate along a high trestlework, and at last we came to “Union

City,” which seemed to be formed by great aggregate meetings of

discontented shavings which had been whirled into heaps out of the

forest hard by. But here was the camp of the Confederates, which so many

of our fellow passengers were coming out into the wilderness to see.

Their white tents and plank huts gleamed out through the green of oak

and elm, and hundreds of men came out to the platform to greet their

friends, and to inquire for baskets, boxes, and hampers, which put me in

mind of the quartermaster’s store at Balaklava. We have all heard of the

unhappy medical officer who exhausted his resources to get up a large

chest from that store to the camp, and who on opening it, in the hope of

finding inside the articles he was most in need of, discovered that it

contained an elegant assortment of wooden legs; but he could not have

been so much disgusted as a youthful warrior here who was handed a

wicker-covered jar from the luggage van, which he “tapped” on the spot,

expecting to find it full of Bourbon whiskey, or something equally good.

He raised the ponderous vessel aloft and took a long pull, to the envy

of his comrades, and then spirting out the fluid with a hideous face

exclaimed, “d----, etc. Why, if the old woman has not sent me syrup!”

Evidently no joke, for the crowd around him never laughed, and quietly

dispersed. It was fully two hours before the train got away from the

camp, leaving a vast quantity of good things and many ladies, who had

come on in the excursion train, behind them. There were about 6,000 men

there, it is said, rude, big, rough fellows, with sprinklings of odd

companies, composed of gentlemen of fortune exclusively. The soldiers,

who are only entitled to the name in virtue of their carrying arms,

their duty, and possibly their fighting qualities, lay under the trees

playing cards, cooking, smoking, or reading the papers; but the camp was

guarded by sentries, some of whom carried their firelocks under their

arms like umbrellas, others by the muzzle, with the butt over the

shoulder; one, for ease, had stuck his, with the bayonet in the ground,

upright before him; others laid their arms against the trees, and

preferred a sitting to an upright posture. In front of one camp there

were two brass field-pieces, seemingly in good order. Many of the men

had sporting rifles or plain muskets. There were several boys of fifteen

and sixteen years of age among the men, who could scarcely carry their

arms for a long day’s march; but the Tennessee and Mississippi infantry

were generally the materials of good soldiers. The camps were not

regularly pitched, with one exception; the tents were too close

together; the water is bad, and the result was that a good deal of

measles, fever, diarrhœa, and dysentery prevailed. One man who came

on the train was a specimen of many of the classes which fill the

ranks--a tall, very muscular, handsome man, with a hunter’s eye, about

thirty-five years of age, brawny-shouldered, brown-faced, black-bearded,

hairy-handed; he had once owned one hundred and ten negroes--equal, say,

to £20,000--but he had been a patriot, a lover of freedom, a filibuster.

First he had gone off with Lopez to Cuba, where he was taken, put in

prison, and included among the number who received grace; next he had

gone off with Walker to Nicaragua, but in his last expedition he fell

into the hands of the enemy, and was only restored to liberty by the

British officer who was afterward assaulted in New Orleans for the part

he took in the affair. These little adventures had reduced his stock to

five negroes, and to defend them he took up arms, and he looked like one

who could use them. When he came from Nicaragua he weighed only one

hundred and ten pounds, now he was over two hundred pounds--a splendid

_bête fauve_; and, without wishing him harm, may I be permitted to

congratulate American society on its chance of getting rid of a

considerable number of those of whom he is a representative man. We

learned incidentally that the district wherein these troops are

quartered was distinguished by its attachment to the Union. By its last

vote Tennessee proved that there are at least forty thousand voters in

the state who are attached to the United States government. At Columbus

the passengers were transferred to a steamer, which in an hour and a

half made its way against the stream of the Mississippi to Cairo. There,

in the clear light of a summer’s eve, were floating the stars and

stripes--the first time I had seen the flag, with the exception of a

glimpse of it at Fort Pickens, for two months. Cairo is in Illinois, on

the spur of land which is formed by the junction of the Ohio River with

the Mississippi, and its name is probably well known to certain

speculators in England, who believed in the fortunes of a place so

appropriately named and situated. Here is the camp of Illinois troops

under General Prentiss, which watches the shores of the Missouri on the

one hand, and of Kentucky on the other. Of them, and of what may be

interesting to readers in England, I shall speak in my next letter. I

find there is a general expression of satisfaction at the sentiments

expressed by Lord John Russell in the speech which has just been made

known here, and that the animosity excited by what a portion of the

American press called the hostility of the foreign minister to the

United States, has been considerably abated, although much has been done

to fan the anger of the people into a flame, because England has

acknowledged the Confederate States have _limited_ belligerent rights.

* * * * *

CAIRO, ILLINOIS.

In my last letter I gave an account of what I saw on my way to the city

of Memphis, and of my visit to the Secessionists’ camp, and brought up

the narrative of the journey to my arrival at this place, which is the

head-quarters of the brigade of Illinois troops employed in behalf of

the Union to keep a watch and ward over the important point which

commands the junction of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. Major-General

Pillow, of Tennessee, blockades the current of the united rivers at

Memphis; Brigadier-General Prentiss blockades both streams before they

join at Cairo higher up. The former is in the midst of friends; the

latter is surrounded by enemies--across the rivers, in his rear, below,

behind, and above him--in his very camp there are Secessionist

feelings, sentiments, and wishes, sometimes represented by actual force.

There are in the larger states about this vast region conditions of

opinion on the subject of Union or Secession which are like the

electrical phenomena of a conductor, charged by induction. As the states

approach or recede from the great slave agriculturists they become

Secessionist, or divided, and finally Unionist. Western Virginia is

rather federalist than otherwise; Southern Illinois is in several

counties all but secessionist; East and West Tennessee differ in

sentiment on the great question. Missouri is also distracted by

federalist and disunionist.

It may be that this schism will not only break up the Union, but even

split up the states, for the sovereignity of which one part of the

republic is arrayed in arms against the other. The secessionists,

however, stop short with their universal remedy at the borders of each

state, and do not admit the right of separation to any portion of a

state unless it be in their own favor. A Union man is very glad to

observe discussion in a state when it is brought about by the friends of

the government at Washington. A Northern man will endure any thing but

the idea of the Union being broken up; he becomes intemperate and angry

if it be hinted at. But, in whatever way the end may be worked out, it

is clear the means used in doing so is the old-fashioned machine in

vogue in the old world in the hands of despots, kings, and rulers; and

that the majority in states which was the ruling power must be destroyed

by the process. The argument of a self-governing people for the whole of

the United States is now convenient enough; but we heard very different

language when England demanded redress for the imprisonment of her

subjects at Charleston, and when a British subject was seized in New

York because he had destroyed a vessel in the service of the enemy. In

fact, the whole of the philosophical abstractions on which the founders

of the republic based their constitution, have given way before the

pressure of events, and every step that is taken by the federal

government in vindication of its rights or prerogatives is embarrassed

by difficulties which in the end must be cut by the sword. The

authorities can scarcely deal even with a rebel privateer; and in the

case of the schooner taken by the United States brig Perry in all but

flagrant piracy, with proofs abundant of her guilt, there is no court to

condemn her, unless one be specially devised, inasmuch as she ought by

law to be condemned in the United States court in the harbor of

Charleston, South Carolina, where the United States processes at this

moment are not of much effect. It is obvious that such an emergency as

the present cannot be met by any constitutional devices. Republics in a

crisis have always had recourse to dictators. If word-splitters,

doctrine-mongers, and dodging politicians, at the forthcoming Congress

at Washington, attempt to control the action of the executive by

“constitutional” devices, motions, or resolutions, they will do more

harm to the cause of the Union than all the militia captains of the

enemy’s host.

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